Suchergebnisse

Die digitale Teilhabe über einen schnellen Internetzugang an einem festen Standort ist für die Bürger eines Landes essentiell. Die soziale Teilhabe über Social Media, die Erledigung von Alltagsdingen wie Online Einkäufe, Online Banking aber auch Homeoffice in Form von Teleworking über Videokonferenzen und Datenaustausch erfordert den Zugang zu einem schnellen Internet. Der seit Dezember 2018 geltende Europäische Kodex für elektronische Kommunikation (EKEK), der gegenwärtig von den Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union in nationales Recht umgesetzt wird, trägt der gewachsenen Bedeutung der Breitbandinternetnutzung Rechnung. Nach Artikel 84 müssen nunmehr alle Mitgliedstaaten unter Berücksichtigung der spezifischen nationalen Gegebenheiten sicherstellen, dass alle Verbraucher in ihrem Gebiet zu einem erschwinglichen Preis Zugang zu einem angemessenen Breitbandinternetdienst und zu Sprachkommunikationsdiensten haben, die mit der in ihrem Gebiet angegebenen Qualität, einschließlich des zugrunde liegenden Anschlusses, an einem festen Standort verfügbar sind. Das EKEK, Artikel 84 - 92 Richtlinie (EU) 2018/1972 sowie Annex V, VI, VII, X spezifiziert die Vorgaben für ein Universaldienstregime. Die nationalen europäischen Regulierungsbehörden, in Deutschland die Bundesnetzagentur, stehen vor der Herausforderung, ein Universaldienstregime, welches den Umfang des Universaldienstes (d. h. qualitative Anforderungen an einen Anschluss an einem festen Standort), die Bestimmung des erschwinglichen Preises, die Identifizierung von Universaldienstgebieten, die Bestimmung des (der) Universaldiensterbringer(s), die Berechnungsmethode für unzumutbare Kosten des Universaldiensterbringers sowie einen Kompensations- bzw. Finanzierungsmechanismus, realiter umzusetzen. Ein Benchmark, der jüngst von BEREC für die Mitgliedsstaaten der Europäischen Union erstellt wurde, und eine komplementäre Befragung von Seiten der BNetzA von nationalen europäischen Regulierungsbehörden ausgewählten Ländern für diese Studie zeigen, dass es bisher nur in wenigen (insg. neun) Staaten überhaupt einen Universaldienst für schnelles Internet gab. Die Anforderungen an diesen waren mit dem Download-Erfordernis von 1 - 4 Mbit/s und Verzicht auf Vorgaben für die Upload-Rate vergleichsweise moderat. Einige Länder haben seit 2020 weitergehende Anforderungen an einen solchen gestellt. Die Download-Rate wurde auf 10 Mbit/s in Europa gesetzt. Download-Raten und Latenznormen komplettieren die technischen Anforderungen. Die hierzu detaillierte Betrachtung der Universaldienstregime in Großbritannien, Malta (intendiert), Schweiz und Australien liefert interessante Erkenntnisse, die auch für die Ausgestaltung eines Universaldienstregimes in Deutschland genutzt werden können. Hier zeigt sich, dass Universaldienst die Ultima Ratio ist, die dem Subsidiaritätsranking folgend nach dem eigenwirtschaftlichen Ausbau und anderen staatlichen Förderungsprogrammen anzusiedeln ist. Universaldienst generiert zunächst keinen Anspruch auf einen Gigabyte-Anschluss, sondern ermöglicht die soziale und wirtschaftliche Teilhabe gemäß der aktuellen Gegebenheiten. Grundsätzlich kann der Universaldienst national über einen Technologie-Mix realisiert werden (Technologieneutralität). Dies bedeutet, dass insbesondere in schwer zugänglichen Gebieten der Mobilfunk oder gar potentiell eine Satellitentechnologie Anwendung finden kann. ; Digital participation via fast internet access at a fixed location is essential for the citizens of a country. Social participation via social media, performing everyday tasks such as online shopping, online banking, but also home office in the shape of teleworking via video conferencing and data exchange requires access to a fast internet. The European Electronic Communications Code (EECC), which has been in force since December 2018 and is currently being transposed into national law by the Member States of the European Union, takes into account the increased importance of broadband internet use. Article 84 now mandates that all Member States, taking into account specific national circumstances, must ensure that all consumers in their territory have access at an affordable price to an appropriate broadband internet access service and voice communications services available at the quality specified in their territory, including the underlying connection, at a fixed location. The EECC Article 84 - 92 Directive (EU) 2018/1972 and Annex V, VI, VII, X specifies the requirements for a broadband universal service regime. The national European regulatory authorities, in Germany the Federal Network Agency, face the challenge of implementing in reality a broadband universal service regime that defines the scope of universal service (i.e. qualitative requirements for a connection at a fixed location), the determination of the affordable price, the identification of universal service areas, the determination of the universal service provider(s), the calculation method for unreasonable costs of the universal service provider as well as a compensation or financing mechanism. A benchmark recently compiled by BEREC for the Member States of the European Union and the results of a questionnaire sent by BNetzA to selected European National Authorities demonstrate that only a few (nine in total) states have had a universal broadband service at all. The requirements for this were comparatively moderate with a download requirement of 1 to 4 Mbit/s and no specifications for the upload rate. Since 2020, some countries have set more far-reaching requirements for such a service. A download requirement of 10 Mbit/s and further technical requirements for upload speeds and latency were set. A detailed examination of the universal service regimes in Great Britain, Malta (intended), Switzerland and Australia provides interesting insights that can also be used for the design of a broadband universal service regime in Germany. Here it becomes apparent that universal service is the ultima ratio, which, following the subsidiarity ranking, is to be placed after self-supported expansion and other state subsidy programmes. Universal service does not initially create an entitlement to a gigabyte connection, but enables social and economic participation in accordance with current circumstances. In principle, universal broadband service can be realized nationally via a mix of technologies (technology-neutral). This means that mobile radio or even satellite technology can be used, especially in areas that are difficult to access.

Problem setting. Ukraine has significant regional imbalances in attracting investment. The most attractive for investors is Kiev city, where almost 60% of foreign investments are accumulated. At the same time the rest of the regions remain unattractive for investors. The unsatisfactory situation in the regions is a reflection of unfavorable investment climate and requires a radical improvement of investment policy. Creation of the territories of priority development can stimulate investment inflows and accelerate the development of depressed regions.Recent research and publications analysis. An important contribution to the study of priority development territories was made by: K. Aleksych, P. Baklanov, M. Datsyshyn, N. Feshchenko, A. Harus, L. Iholkina, O. Ivashko, N. Kashyna, Yu. Kindzerskyi, V. Komarovskyi, A. Krushynska, R. Maslo, V. Osypova, T. Raxlis, S. Romaniuk, G. Rumiantseva, A. Sokirko, M. Soldak, O. Yehorova, P. Zhuk. The practice of using enterprise zones is described by foreign researchers: S. Billings, P. Charnoz, D. Girasuna, T. Mayer and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The analysis of literature on this problem has shown that there is no unity of opinion and clear position of scientists regarding the feasibility of restoration of the priority development territories in Ukraine.The purpose of the article is to reveal the essence of the territories of priority development, to analyze the international and domestic experience of their functioning, to identify the problems of their functioning and to formulate proposals for their restoration to improve the investment climate in Ukraine.Paper main body. Theoretically, the idea of creation of the priority development territories is not new. It moved from the theory of "growth poles" that appeared in Europe in the 1950s. Within the framework of this theory, it is shown that the spatial development of the economy does not take place evenly, but concentrates at separate points or poles. The theory of "growth poles" propose to solve regional problems by creating "artificial growth poles" in less developed areas of the country.The ideas of the growth poles are realized in such forms as special economic zones, enterprise zones, territories of priority development, industrial parks etc. In the countries of Western Europe (Great Britain, France) and the USA the most common practice was the use of enterprise zones.In Ukraine there were spread the territories of priority development. These were the territories with unfavorable socio-economic conditions where a special regime of investment activity was introduced. In 1990's there were created 72 territories of priority development in 9 regions of Ukraine: in Crimea and in Chernihiv, Donetsk, Kharkiv, Luhansk, Sumy, Transcarpathian, Volyn and Zhytomyr Regions.Among the problems of creation and functioning of the priority development territories in Ukraine, we distinguished the following: legislative, conceptual, territorial, economical and administrative. It should be emphasized that the problem was not in the territories of priority development themselves, but in the public administration of these territories. The government has all levers to eliminate the listed problems and restore the functioning of the priority development territories in Ukraine. Further application of such territories in Ukraine should be done in the form of enterprise zones.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The results of the research confirm that the economically developed countries use territories of priority development as tools for supporting entrepreneurship and attraction of investments in depressed regions. But in Ukraine the practice of creation and functioning of these territories was ineffective. It was primarily due to the ineffective public administration, gaps in legislation, unsuccessful choice of their location, and unclear conditions of activities for residents of these territories. Therefore, in order to solve the problem of attracting investment in depressed regions in Ukraine, the government should review the policy regarding the restoration of the priority development territories.In the further research we plan to study other tools of investment policy, such as: industrial parks and special economic zones in order to improve the investment climate in Ukraine. ; Розкрито сутність територій пріоритетного розвитку та підприємницьких зон і наведено міжнародний досвід їх функціонування. Узагальнено результати впровадження спеціального режиму інвестування на територіях пріоритетного розвитку в Україні. З'ясовано причини неефективності функціонування таких територій. Доведено, що у вітчизняного уряду є всі важелі, щоб запобігти цим проблемам і відновити функціонування таких територій в Україні. Обґрунтовано доцільність відновлення територій пріоритетного розвитку у формі підприємницьких зон та територій випереджаючого розвитку для покращення інвестиційного клімату в Україні.

Problem setting. Ukraine has significant regional imbalances in attracting investment. The most attractive for investors is Kiev city, where almost 60% of foreign investments are accumulated. At the same time the rest of the regions remain unattractive for investors. The unsatisfactory situation in the regions is a reflection of unfavorable investment climate and requires a radical improvement of investment policy. Creation of the territories of priority development can stimulate investment inflows and accelerate the development of depressed regions.Recent research and publications analysis. An important contribution to the study of priority development territories was made by: K. Aleksych, P. Baklanov, M. Datsyshyn, N. Feshchenko, A. Harus, L. Iholkina, O. Ivashko, N. Kashyna, Yu. Kindzerskyi, V. Komarovskyi, A. Krushynska, R. Maslo, V. Osypova, T. Raxlis, S. Romaniuk, G. Rumiantseva, A. Sokirko, M. Soldak, O. Yehorova, P. Zhuk. The practice of using enterprise zones is described by foreign researchers: S. Billings, P. Charnoz, D. Girasuna, T. Mayer and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The analysis of literature on this problem has shown that there is no unity of opinion and clear position of scientists regarding the feasibility of restoration of the priority development territories in Ukraine.The purpose of the article is to reveal the essence of the territories of priority development, to analyze the international and domestic experience of their functioning, to identify the problems of their functioning and to formulate proposals for their restoration to improve the investment climate in Ukraine.Paper main body. Theoretically, the idea of creation of the priority development territories is not new. It moved from the theory of "growth poles" that appeared in Europe in the 1950s. Within the framework of this theory, it is shown that the spatial development of the economy does not take place evenly, but concentrates at separate points or poles. The theory of "growth poles" propose to solve regional problems by creating "artificial growth poles" in less developed areas of the country.The ideas of the growth poles are realized in such forms as special economic zones, enterprise zones, territories of priority development, industrial parks etc. In the countries of Western Europe (Great Britain, France) and the USA the most common practice was the use of enterprise zones.In Ukraine there were spread the territories of priority development. These were the territories with unfavorable socio-economic conditions where a special regime of investment activity was introduced. In 1990's there were created 72 territories of priority development in 9 regions of Ukraine: in Crimea and in Chernihiv, Donetsk, Kharkiv, Luhansk, Sumy, Transcarpathian, Volyn and Zhytomyr Regions.Among the problems of creation and functioning of the priority development territories in Ukraine, we distinguished the following: legislative, conceptual, territorial, economical and administrative. It should be emphasized that the problem was not in the territories of priority development themselves, but in the public administration of these territories. The government has all levers to eliminate the listed problems and restore the functioning of the priority development territories in Ukraine. Further application of such territories in Ukraine should be done in the form of enterprise zones.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The results of the research confirm that the economically developed countries use territories of priority development as tools for supporting entrepreneurship and attraction of investments in depressed regions. But in Ukraine the practice of creation and functioning of these territories was ineffective. It was primarily due to the ineffective public administration, gaps in legislation, unsuccessful choice of their location, and unclear conditions of activities for residents of these territories. Therefore, in order to solve the problem of attracting investment in depressed regions in Ukraine, the government should review the policy regarding the restoration of the priority development territories.In the further research we plan to study other tools of investment policy, such as: industrial parks and special economic zones in order to improve the investment climate in Ukraine. ; Розкрито сутність територій пріоритетного розвитку та підприємницьких зон і наведено міжнародний досвід їх функціонування. Узагальнено результати впровадження спеціального режиму інвестування на територіях пріоритетного розвитку в Україні. З'ясовано причини неефективності функціонування таких територій. Доведено, що у вітчизняного уряду є всі важелі, щоб запобігти цим проблемам і відновити функціонування таких територій в Україні. Обґрунтовано доцільність відновлення територій пріоритетного розвитку у формі підприємницьких зон та територій випереджаючого розвитку для покращення інвестиційного клімату в Україні.

Comparative study of David Lloyd George's and Winston Churchill's war speechesAs objects of communication, even of propaganda, war speeches acquired a leading role in the 20th century thanks to the ideological values they carry and the impact they have, at the time of mass communication. As an ancient art, public speaking obeys the rules of rhetoric, so as to best convey a message, which, in wartime, might prove decisive.Two worldwide conflicts in which democratic powers faced authoritarian regimes occurred last century. If democracies eventually won, their political systems had to evolve, temporarily, thanks to the emergence of charismatic leaders. This thesis aims to study the war speeches of two of these leaders, David Lloyd George and Winston Churchill, the Prime Ministers of the only country which, throughout the two wars, stood firm against the totalitarian threat. They both came up with a new vision in which they tried to go beyond the traditional British political approach by centralizing power and embodying their nation.Two world wars produced two British Prime Ministers with augmented powers, strong personalities and unrivalled oratory talent. However, their political destinies and the different ways they are remembered, in spite of their victories, are completely different. Lloyd George became Prime Minister when his party won the 1918 general election and he managed to wield power until 1922. Churchill, on the other hand, suffered a terrible defeat in 1945 and he had to wait until 1951 to be Prime Minister once again, this time democratically. In the long run, the opposite is true. Lloyd George is almost wiped off from collective memory whereas Churchill has remained a heroic figure in Great Britain, and in the Anglo-Saxon world at large.Our study seeks to understand if these mirror destinies can be accounted for by the speeches the two men delivered during their wartime premierships. Comparing their speeches will help us better understand their respective leaderships and the political myth each of them developed. In both myths, which are totally different, we will find the answers to our questions. ; Étude comparative des discours de guerre de David Lloyd George et Winston ChurchillObjets de communication, voire de propagande, les discours de guerre ont pris une place prépondérante au cours du 20ème siècle grâce aux valeurs idéologiques qu'ils véhiculent et à leur portée, à l'heure de la communication de masse. Art millénaire, la prise de parole en public obéit à des codes, la rhétorique, afin de transmettre au mieux un message qui, en temps de guerre, peut s'avérer décisif.Le siècle dernier a été le théâtre de deux conflits mondiaux qui ont vu les puissances démocratiques s'opposer à des régimes autoritaires. Si les démocraties ont triomphé au final, le système politique de ces pays a toutefois dû évoluer, temporairement, avec l'émergence de leaders charismatiques. Cette thèse vise à étudier les discours de guerre de deux de ces leaders, David Lloyd George et Winston Churchill, Premiers ministres du seul pays qui, tout au long des deux guerres mondiales, est resté ferme face à la menace totalitaire. Ils ont tous deux apporté une vision nouvelle où ils ont tenté de dépasser l'approche politique traditionnelle britannique en centralisant le pouvoir et en essayant d'incarner leur pays.Deux guerres mondiales ont produit deux Premiers ministres britanniques aux pouvoirs accrus, à la personnalité très forte et au talent oratoire inégalé. Cependant, le destin politique et la mémoire collective des deux hommes, malgré leur victoire, sont diamétralement opposés. Lloyd George est devenu Premier ministre lorsque son parti a remporté les élections de 1918 et s'est maintenu aux rênes du pouvoir jusqu'en 1922. Churchill, lui, a subi une cuisante défaite en 1945 et a dû attendre 1951 pour redevenir Premier ministre, de façon démocratique cette fois-ci. Sur le long terme, la situation s'inverse. Lloyd George est presque sorti de la mémoire collective alors que Churchill reste une figure héroïque en Grande-Bretagne, et dans le monde anglo-saxon en général.Notre étude cherche à comprendre si ces destins en miroir peuvent être expliqués par les discours que les deux hommes ont prononcés durant leur mandat en temps de guerre. La comparaison entre leurs discours nous permettra de mieux comprendre leur leadership respectif ainsi que les mythes politiques qu'ils ont développés. C'est dans ces mythes, totalement différents, que nous trouverons la réponse à nos interrogations.

Визначено, що сучасний стан світового розвитку у соціально-економічному і політичному плані характеризується швидким розвитком інтеграційних процесів у світі та зокрема у Європі. З цих причин розвиток євроінтеграції як і проблеми що виникають у Європейському Союзі безумовно впливають не тільки на країни що є членами ЄС, а й на інші, тому виділено проблеми, що дозволять в подальшому їх вирішити. Досліджено проблеми міграції капіталу, які впливають на економічний розвиток країн та чинники глибокого дисбалансу в Єврозоні. Встановлено, що Європейський Союз є економічним та політичним партнерством яке складається з 28 європейських держав. ЄС - унікальне утворення в системі світових відносин, що має потужну економічну і політичну силу. Виокремлено інтеграційні процеси у світі які впливають як на зовнішні, так і на внутрішні чинники, зазначено що країни які колись були двигуном європейської інтеграції, тепер по суті перешкоджають їй. Простежено економічні параметри Євросоюзу та виділено їх загальні проблеми,такі як: проблема ратифікації Конституції Європейського союзу; європейська криза суверенного боргу; зростання підтримки популістів, націоналістичних та антизахідних політичних партій; міграційна криза та вихід Великої Британії з ЄС, який отримав назву Brexit. Обгрунтовано доцільність розширення Європейського Союзу як об'єктивного процесу , який пов'язаний з глобалізацією світового господарства. Запропоновано сценарії розвитку Європейського Союзу на засадах інтеграції та перспектив країн учасниць Єврозони. ; It has been defined that the current state of the world development in the socio-economic and political terms is characterized by the rapid development of the integration processes in the world and, particularly, in Europe. For these reasons, the development of the European integration as well as the problems that arise in the European Union affect not only the countries which are members of the EU but also others, so the problems, which can be solved in the future, have been identified. The problems of capital migration, which influence the economic development of the countries and the factors of deep imbalance in the Eurozone have been investigated. It has been established that the European Union (EU) is a political and economic partnership consisting of 28 states. The EU is a unique formation in the system of world relations, which has a powerful economic and political force. The world integration processes that affect both external and internal factors have been singled out, it is indicated that the countries which once used to be the engine of the European integration, now significantly prevent it. The economic parameters of the European Union have been analyzed and their general problems have been highlighted, such as: the problem of ratification of the Constitution of the European Union; European sovereign debt crisis; the growth of populists, nationalist and anti-Western political parties support; the migration crisis and the withdrawal of Great Britain from the EU, called Brexit. The expediency of the European Union expanding as an objective process, which is connected with the globalization of the world economy, has been substantiated. The scenarios of the European Union development on the basis of the integration and prospects of countries in the Euro zone have been suggested. ; Определено, что современное состояние мирового развития в социально-экономическом и политическом плане характеризуется быстрым развитием интеграционных процессов в мире и в частности в Европе. По этим причинам развитие евроинтеграции, как и проблемы возникающие в Европейском Союзе, безусловно влияют не только на страны являющихся членами ЕС, но и на другие, поэтому выделены проблемы, которые позволят в дальнейшем их решить. Исследованы проблемы миграции капитала, которые влияют на экономическое развитие стран и факторы глубокого дисбаланса в Еврозоне. Установлено, что Европейский Союз является экономическим и политическим партнерством, состоящим из 28 европейских государств. ЕС - уникальное образование в системе мировых отношений, имеет мощную экономическую и политическую силу. Выделены интеграционные процессы в мире, влияющих как на внешние, так и на внутренние факторы, указано что страны, которые когда-то были двигателем европейской интеграции, теперь по сути препятствуют ей. Прослежено экономические параметры Евросоюза и выделены их общие проблемы, такие как: проблема ратификации Конституции Европейского союза; европейский кризис суверенного долга; рост поддержки популистов, националистических и антизападных политических партий; миграционная кризис и выход Великобритании из ЕС, который получил название Brexit. Обоснована целесообразность расширения Европейского Союза как объективного процесса, который связан с глобализацией мирового хозяйства. Предложено сценарии развития Европейского Союза на основе интеграции и перспектив стран-участниц Еврозоны.

La llibertat d'expressió té els seus origens en el liberalisme de Gran Bretanya i els Estats Units. Les primeres reivindicacions a favor d'un intercanvi lliure d'idees van començar al segle XVII, amb el discurs Areopagitica de John Milton, que demanava al Parlament anglès l'abolició de la censura a la imprempta. El 1971 la llibertat d'expressió es va incorporar a la Constitució dels Estats Units; la seva Primera Esmena declarava: "el Congrés no farà cap llei. per la que es limiti la llibertat de paraula, o la de premsa". Aquest treball es centra en les aportacions a la llibertat d'expressió realitzades per John Stuart Mill, utilitarista anglès, i Oliver Wendell Holmes, realista americà, les quals es van introduir entre la segona meitat del segle XIX i la primera meitat del segle XX. Les obres d'ambdós autors s'estudien tenint en compte el moviment filosòfic al qual pertanyen. En primer lloc, la teoria sobre llibertat de pensament i discussió de John Stuart Mill es relaciona amb la seva filosofia moral i política. En segon lloc, s'analitzen les opinions judicials d'Oliver Wendell Holmes en les que formula el test del "perill clar i actual" i la teoria del "mercat obert de les idees". Aquesta aproximació permet mostrar que ambdós autors van liberalitzar el concepte de llibertat d'expressió imperant a la seva època, i van considerar que els seus fonaments principals eren la recerca de la veritat i l'autorrealització individual. ; La libertad de expresión tiene sus orígenes en el liberalismo de Gran Bretaña y los Estados Unidos. Las primeras reivindicaciones a favor de un intercambio libre de ideas empezaron en el siglo XVII, con el discurso Areopagitica de John Milton, que pedía al Parlamento inglés la abolición de la censura en la imprenta. En 1791 la libertad de expresión se incorporó a la Constitución de los Estados Unidos, cuya Primera Enmienda declaraba: "el Congreso no hará ley alguna. por la que se limite la libertad de palabra, o la de prensa". Este trabajo se centra en las aportaciones a la libertad de expresión realizadas por John Stuart Mill, utilitarista inglés, y Oliver Wendell Holmes, realista americano, las cuales se introdujeron entre la segunda mitad del siglo XIX y la primera mitad del siglo XX. Las obras de ambos autores se estudian teniendo en cuenta el movimiento filosófico al cual pertenecen. En primer lugar, la teoría sobre libertad de pensamiento y discusión de John Stuart Mill se relaciona con su filosofía moral y política. En segundo lugar, se analizan las opiniones judiciales de Oliver Wendell Holmes en las que se formula el test del "peligro claro y actual" y la teoría del "mercado abierto de las ideas". Esta aproximación permite mostrar que ambos autores liberalizaron el concepto de libertad de expresión imperante en su época, y consideraron que sus fundamentos principales eran la búsqueda de la verdad y la autorrealización individual. ; Freedom of speech has its origins in liberalism from Great Britain and the United States. The first claims for a free exchange of ideas started in the 17th century, with John Milton's Areopagitica, in which the abolishing of printing censorship by the English Parliament was demanded. In 1791, freedom of speech was included in the Constitution of the United States, whose First Amendment declared: "Congress shall make no law. abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press". This study focuses on the specific contributions to freedom of speech made by the English utilitarian John Stuart Mill and the American realist Oliver Wendell Holmes, which were introduced throughout the second half of 19th century and the first half of 20th century. The works of both authors are discussed bearing in mind the philosophical movement to which they belong. Firstly, John Stuart Mill's theory of thought and speech is related to his moral and political philosophy. Secondly, Oliver Wendell Holmes' judicial opinions on both "clear and present danger" test and the "free marketplace of ideas" are analysed. This approach makes it possible to show both authors liberalize the concept of freedom of speech and consider that its foundations are, basically, the discovery of truth along with individual self-development.

Визначено, що сучасний стан світового розвитку у соціально-економічному і політичному плані характеризується швидким розвитком інтеграційних процесів у світі та зокрема у Європі. З цих причин розвиток євроінтеграції як і проблеми що виникають у Європейському Союзі безумовно впливають не тільки на країни що є членами ЄС, а й на інші, тому виділено проблеми, що дозволять в подальшому їх вирішити. Досліджено проблеми міграції капіталу, які впливають на економічний розвиток країн та чинники глибокого дисбалансу в Єврозоні. Встановлено, що Європейський Союз є економічним та політичним партнерством яке складається з 28 європейських держав. ЄС - унікальне утворення в системі світових відносин, що має потужну економічну і політичну силу. Виокремлено інтеграційні процеси у світі які впливають як на зовнішні, так і на внутрішні чинники, зазначено що країни які колись були двигуном європейської інтеграції, тепер по суті перешкоджають їй. Простежено економічні параметри Євросоюзу та виділено їх загальні проблеми,такі як: проблема ратифікації Конституції Європейського союзу; європейська криза суверенного боргу; зростання підтримки популістів, націоналістичних та антизахідних політичних партій; міграційна криза та вихід Великої Британії з ЄС, який отримав назву Brexit. Обгрунтовано доцільність розширення Європейського Союзу як об'єктивного процесу , який пов'язаний з глобалізацією світового господарства. Запропоновано сценарії розвитку Європейського Союзу на засадах інтеграції та перспектив країн учасниць Єврозони. ; It has been defined that the current state of the world development in the socio-economic and political terms is characterized by the rapid development of the integration processes in the world and, particularly, in Europe. For these reasons, the development of the European integration as well as the problems that arise in the European Union affect not only the countries which are members of the EU but also others, so the problems, which can be solved in the future, have been identified. The problems of capital migration, which influence the economic development of the countries and the factors of deep imbalance in the Eurozone have been investigated. It has been established that the European Union (EU) is a political and economic partnership consisting of 28 states. The EU is a unique formation in the system of world relations, which has a powerful economic and political force. The world integration processes that affect both external and internal factors have been singled out, it is indicated that the countries which once used to be the engine of the European integration, now significantly prevent it. The economic parameters of the European Union have been analyzed and their general problems have been highlighted, such as: the problem of ratification of the Constitution of the European Union; European sovereign debt crisis; the growth of populists, nationalist and anti-Western political parties support; the migration crisis and the withdrawal of Great Britain from the EU, called Brexit. The expediency of the European Union expanding as an objective process, which is connected with the globalization of the world economy, has been substantiated. The scenarios of the European Union development on the basis of the integration and prospects of countries in the Euro zone have been suggested. ; Определено, что современное состояние мирового развития в социально-экономическом и политическом плане характеризуется быстрым развитием интеграционных процессов в мире и в частности в Европе. По этим причинам развитие евроинтеграции, как и проблемы возникающие в Европейском Союзе, безусловно влияют не только на страны являющихся членами ЕС, но и на другие, поэтому выделены проблемы, которые позволят в дальнейшем их решить. Исследованы проблемы миграции капитала, которые влияют на экономическое развитие стран и факторы глубокого дисбаланса в Еврозоне. Установлено, что Европейский Союз является экономическим и политическим партнерством, состоящим из 28 европейских государств. ЕС - уникальное образование в системе мировых отношений, имеет мощную экономическую и политическую силу. Выделены интеграционные процессы в мире, влияющих как на внешние, так и на внутренние факторы, указано что страны, которые когда-то были двигателем европейской интеграции, теперь по сути препятствуют ей. Прослежено экономические параметры Евросоюза и выделены их общие проблемы, такие как: проблема ратификации Конституции Европейского союза; европейский кризис суверенного долга; рост поддержки популистов, националистических и антизападных политических партий; миграционная кризис и выход Великобритании из ЕС, который получил название Brexit. Обоснована целесообразность расширения Европейского Союза как объективного процесса, который связан с глобализацией мирового хозяйства. Предложено сценарии развития Европейского Союза на основе интеграции и перспектив стран-участниц Еврозоны.

[ES] Este estudio investiga el impacto de la cultura visual moderna en la poesía vanguardista desde una perspectiva que tiene en cuenta los intercambios transatlánticos entre el modernismo europeo y norteamericano. A principios del siglo veinte las imágenes formaban parte de una sociedad influenciada por los avances tecnológicos y el consumismo. Sensible a los métodos empleados por la cultura de masas y la publicidad, los poetas modernistas recurrieron al potencial de la experiencia óptica no sólo para promover sus obras sino también para apelar al sentido de la vista como el medio más rápido y efectivo en provocar una reacción en el espectador. Movimientos como el cubismo, el futurismo, el dadaísmo, el expresionismo alemán y el surrealismo francés ejercieron influencia sobre el experimentalismo británico y norteamericano. En Gran Bretaña el imagismo y el vorticismo tomaron como referentes las disciplinas de la pintura y la escultura para articular un lenguaje poético que reprodujera los efectos de la cultura publicitaria. En Estados Unidos poetas y artistas tales como William Carlos Williams, Hart Crane y los precisionistas utilizaron la imagen visual para recrear la energía de la metrópolis norteamericana. Otros modernistas en la línea de Gertrude Stein, T.S. Eliot y Ezra Pound expresaron en París su extrañamiento respecto de su patria escribiendo una poesía épica que se asentaba en el collage pictórico con el fin de proporcionar una visión plural que enfatizara las perspectivas interculturales. Asimismo, la aparición del cine y la fotografía inspira la poesía de Marianne Moore y H.D., cuya imagen cinemática puede interpretarse en favor de la democratización y la expansión del arte. El estudio de la cultura visual contribuye a conectar formas populares como los medios de masa con la estética de las bellas artes y de la poesía. La interrelación de los géneros literarios con las artes plásticas, el cine y la fotografía nos invita a reflexionar acerca de la condición ontológica del sujeto u objeto presentado en la obra artística así como la tensión entre arte y verdad en la época moderna. La estética de principios del siglo veinte participa en estructuras visuales e incluye nuevos modelos que emulan la realidad publicitaria y los medios de masas. ; [En] This study investigates the impact of modern visual culture on avant-garde poetry from a perspective that considers transatlantic exchanges between European and American Modernism. My argument is at the brink of twentieth century images were part and parcel of a highly technologized and capitalist society. Sensitive to the methods employed by mass culture and the advertising industry, Modernist poets relied upon the potential of optical experience not only to promote their works but also to appeal to eyesight as the fastest and most effective way to provoke a reaction in the viewer. Therefore, I pay heed to Cubism, Futurism, Dadaism, German Expressionism and French Surrealism as a means of exploring the origin of avant-garde aesthetics and their bearing on the British and American experimentalism. In Great Britain, Imagism and Vorticism relied upon the disciplines of painting and sculpture to articulate a poetic language that reproduced the artifice of promotional culture. In the U.S. poets and artists such as Williams, Crane, Stevens and the Precisionists, utilized visual imagery to envision American city life and natural landscapes. Other Modernists such as Stein, Eliot and Pound conveyed their displacement from their homeland by engaging in an epic poetry that reproduced cross-cultural perspectives thanks to the collage effect. Likewise, the emergence of cinema and photography makes a direct impact on the poetry of Moore and H.D., whose mechanized image might be interpreted in terms of the democratization and expansion of art. The study of visual culture thus helps connect popular or low forms, such as media, with high forms in line with the fine arts and poetry. The interrelation of the literary genre with plastic and mechanical forms is significant because it invites us to think over the original thing and its duplicates as well as the tension between art and truth in modernity. All in all, early twentieth-century aesthetics participates in visual structures, opening up models that emulate the free circulation of commodities, whether they are tangible or intangible.

Artykuł jest komentarzem do nowej książki Andrzeja Nowaka Pierwsza zdrada Zachodu. 1920 – zapomniany appeasement (Kraków 2015). Monografia ta daje nową analizę międzynarodowych aspektów wojny polsko-sowieckiej (1919–1920). Znaczenie tej wojny było i jest bardzo często spychane na margines historii Europy, podczas gdy były to zmagania decydujące dla przyszłości kontynentu europejskiego, a przede wszystkim ładu wersalskiego. Nie sposób sobie nie wyobrazić jego załamania i sowietyzacji przynajmniej wschodniej i środkowej części Europy, gdyby wojna ta zakończyła się klęską armii polskiej. Książka Nowaka nie jest jednak analityczną monografią wojny polsko-sowieckiej, lecz studium nad ustosunkowaniem zwycięskich mocarstw Zachodu wobec tego konfliktu. Wśród tych mocarstw decydujące znaczenie odrywała Wielka Brytania. Autor doszedł do przekonania, iż w polityce tej wolno widzieć prefigurację późniejszego appeasementu z lat trzydziestych XX w. Rząd Zjednoczonego Królestwa czynił w 1920 r. wszystko, aby doprowadzić do ugody polsko-sowieckiej, która w istocie rzeczy byłaby równoznaczna z hegemonią sowiecką nad odbudowaną Polską. Zwycięstwo armii polskiej w bitwie nad Wisłą udaremniło ten plan. Monografia ma w tytule sformułowanie "zdrada", ale książka – jak napisał we wstępie do niej jej Autor – nie jest "traktatem moralnym". Nie jest usiłowaniem sądu nad twórcami polityki mocarstw cudzoziemskich, które nie mają obowiązku służyć interesom Polski. Jest wyłącznie analizą pewnego zjawiska z polityki międzynarodowej. A zjawisko to nie jest zamkniętą kartą historii. Może się ono powtórzyć w naszych czasach. Książkę może spotkać zarzut, że jest polonocentryczna. Tak wszakże nie jest, bowiem Autor ma świadomość uwarunkowań polityki brytyjskiej i zawsze stosuje zasadę audiatur et altera pars. Książka Nowaka udokumentowana została nieznanymi (lub słabo zbadanymi) archiwaliami brytyjskimi. Autor wprowadza pojęcie brytyjskiego appeasementu wobec sowieckiej Rosji w roku 1920. Daje wnikliwą rekonstrukcję podejścia elit Zachodu do odrodzonej Polski, analizuje dzieje dwudziestowiecznej wyobraźni politycznej. Ukazuje także znaczenie polskiego zwycięstwa nad Wisłą w nowym świetle. Za jego sprawą ład wersalski został ocalony i uzupełniony pokojem ryskim (1921), czego często nie dostrzega historiografia narodów Zachodu. The First Treachery of the West. On the book by Andrzej NowakThe paper is a review of the new book by Andrzej Nowak Pierwsza zdrada Zachodu. 1920 – zapomniany appeasement (2015). The monograph provides a new analysis of the international aspects of the Polish-Soviet War (1919–1920). The conflict has often been marginalised in the history of Europe, while being decisive for the future shape of the European continent, and first and foremost for the Versailles governance. A collapse of the Versailles governance and sovietisation of at least Eastern and Central Europe are difficult to imagine but would have become a reality if the Polish-Soviet War had ended with a defeat for the Polish army. Nowak proposes a study of attitude of the winning Western superpowers to that conflict rather than an analytical monograph. Among the superpowers, Great Britain had the decisive voice. The author perceives the British policy as a prefiguration of appeasement applied in the 1930s. In 1920, the government of the United Kingdom used every effort to facilitate a Polish-Soviet settlement, what in fact would have turned into Soviet hegemony over reborn Poland. The victory of the Polish army in the Battle of Warsaw thwarted the plan. In spite of the word "treachery" in the title and as mentioned by the author in the introduction, the monograph is not a "treatise on morality". No attempt is made to judge the architects of foreign policies pursued by the world's superpowers, which have no obligation to serve the interest of Poland. The author merely undertakes an analysis of a phenomenon in international relations, which does not only belong to history, but continues to resonate throughout the world today. The book may be unfairly considered too Polocentric, yet the author shows awareness of the reality in which the British foreign policy was shaped, and always applies the audiatur et altera pars principle. The work is based on unknown or little examined British archive records. The author introduces the concept of appeasement towards the Soviet Russia in 1920. The book provides a thorough analysis of the attitude of Western elites to reborn Poland, and in this sense constitutes a review of the 20th century political imagination. It casts a new light on Poland's victory in the Battle of Warsaw. Owing to this victory, the Versailles governance was saved and strengthened by the Treaty of Riga (1921) – a fact which remains unnoticed in the historiography of Western nations.

Artykuł jest komentarzem do nowej książki Andrzeja Nowaka Pierwsza zdrada Zachodu. 1920 – zapomniany appeasement (Kraków 2015). Monografia ta daje nową analizę międzynarodowych aspektów wojny polsko-sowieckiej (1919–1920). Znaczenie tej wojny było i jest bardzo często spychane na margines historii Europy, podczas gdy były to zmagania decydujące dla przyszłości kontynentu europejskiego, a przede wszystkim ładu wersalskiego. Nie sposób sobie nie wyobrazić jego załamania i sowietyzacji przynajmniej wschodniej i środkowej części Europy, gdyby wojna ta zakończyła się klęską armii polskiej. Książka Nowaka nie jest jednak analityczną monografią wojny polsko-sowieckiej, lecz studium nad ustosunkowaniem zwycięskich mocarstw Zachodu wobec tego konfliktu. Wśród tych mocarstw decydujące znaczenie odrywała Wielka Brytania. Autor doszedł do przekonania, iż w polityce tej wolno widzieć prefigurację późniejszego appeasementu z lat trzydziestych XX w. Rząd Zjednoczonego Królestwa czynił w 1920 r. wszystko, aby doprowadzić do ugody polsko-sowieckiej, która w istocie rzeczy byłaby równoznaczna z hegemonią sowiecką nad odbudowaną Polską. Zwycięstwo armii polskiej w bitwie nad Wisłą udaremniło ten plan. Monografia ma w tytule sformułowanie "zdrada", ale książka – jak napisał we wstępie do niej jej Autor – nie jest "traktatem moralnym". Nie jest usiłowaniem sądu nad twórcami polityki mocarstw cudzoziemskich, które nie mają obowiązku służyć interesom Polski. Jest wyłącznie analizą pewnego zjawiska z polityki międzynarodowej. A zjawisko to nie jest zamkniętą kartą historii. Może się ono powtórzyć w naszych czasach. Książkę może spotkać zarzut, że jest polonocentryczna. Tak wszakże nie jest, bowiem Autor ma świadomość uwarunkowań polityki brytyjskiej i zawsze stosuje zasadę audiatur et altera pars. Książka Nowaka udokumentowana została nieznanymi (lub słabo zbadanymi) archiwaliami brytyjskimi. Autor wprowadza pojęcie brytyjskiego appeasementu wobec sowieckiej Rosji w roku 1920. Daje wnikliwą rekonstrukcję podejścia elit Zachodu do odrodzonej Polski, analizuje dzieje dwudziestowiecznej wyobraźni politycznej. Ukazuje także znaczenie polskiego zwycięstwa nad Wisłą w nowym świetle. Za jego sprawą ład wersalski został ocalony i uzupełniony pokojem ryskim (1921), czego często nie dostrzega historiografia narodów Zachodu. The First Treachery of the West. On the book by Andrzej NowakThe paper is a review of the new book by Andrzej Nowak Pierwsza zdrada Zachodu. 1920 – zapomniany appeasement (2015). The monograph provides a new analysis of the international aspects of the Polish-Soviet War (1919–1920). The conflict has often been marginalised in the history of Europe, while being decisive for the future shape of the European continent, and first and foremost for the Versailles governance. A collapse of the Versailles governance and sovietisation of at least Eastern and Central Europe are difficult to imagine but would have become a reality if the Polish-Soviet War had ended with a defeat for the Polish army. Nowak proposes a study of attitude of the winning Western superpowers to that conflict rather than an analytical monograph. Among the superpowers, Great Britain had the decisive voice. The author perceives the British policy as a prefiguration of appeasement applied in the 1930s. In 1920, the government of the United Kingdom used every effort to facilitate a Polish-Soviet settlement, what in fact would have turned into Soviet hegemony over reborn Poland. The victory of the Polish army in the Battle of Warsaw thwarted the plan. In spite of the word "treachery" in the title and as mentioned by the author in the introduction, the monograph is not a "treatise on morality". No attempt is made to judge the architects of foreign policies pursued by the world's superpowers, which have no obligation to serve the interest of Poland. The author merely undertakes an analysis of a phenomenon in international relations, which does not only belong to history, but continues to resonate throughout the world today. The book may be unfairly considered too Polocentric, yet the author shows awareness of the reality in which the British foreign policy was shaped, and always applies the audiatur et altera pars principle. The work is based on unknown or little examined British archive records. The author introduces the concept of appeasement towards the Soviet Russia in 1920. The book provides a thorough analysis of the attitude of Western elites to reborn Poland, and in this sense constitutes a review of the 20th century political imagination. It casts a new light on Poland's victory in the Battle of Warsaw. Owing to this victory, the Versailles governance was saved and strengthened by the Treaty of Riga (1921) – a fact which remains unnoticed in the historiography of Western nations.

Подается история создания одного из самых популярных произведений П. Чубинского. Среди множества научных трудов, которые оставил после себя Павел Чубинский, особой бессмертной славы он заслужил созданием торжественной песни борцов за свободу, которая за полтора века стала Государственным гимном независимой Украины. ; Problem statement. The fortune of many patriotic songs is very similar to the fortune of Ukrainian nation. Every time when the nation revived, its dongs revived and resurrected as well. When Ukrainian nation was depressed with bondage, spiritual slavery, the national soul also got silent although never died. Many various patriotic songs continued their existence illegally, always filling the hearts of Ukrainians with hopes for better future. A song is the soul of the nation, national anthem is the highest appearance of its freedom-loving desires, spiritual-patriotic aspiration. Having lost its greatness of authority, Ukraine had not had its national anthem for several centuries; patriotic songs, often of regional character, which did not cover the fortune of the entire nation divided by the borders of Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires, had replaced it. Analysis of publications. National-spiritual heritage by P.Chubinski has been explored by different scientists, for instance, A. Zil'[1], V. Miyakovski[4], N.Ship[6], I.Kolyada[2] etc. The period when P. Chubinski lived and worked is qualified by scientist as the second stage of Ukrainian national revival. Ukrainian intellectuals established linkage between the prospective of Ukrainian liberate movement and the necessity of self-identification of Ukrainians through establishing uniqueness of the language and culture of Ukrainian nation. Pavlo Chubinski was a lawyer by profession, ethnographer, poet and folklorist by calling, passionate patriot by convictions. Bright manifestation of patriotic-national feelings of Ukrainians of our united land was appearance of the poem by Pavlo Chubinski «Shche ne vmerla Ukrainy» (Ukraine Has Not Yet Died). There is no other piece of writing in the Ukrainian literature with such a magnificent and tragic fortune. Magnificent because it embodied the eternal dream of the nation to become sovereign, obtain freedom; it reflects the unbeaten belief in Ukraine's revival. Tragic because for more than a century the anthem-song was persecuted, forbidden. They tried to kill it but did not manage to. Creation of Ukrainian anthem rises from the beginning of the autumn 1862. The reason to remember all these old events is the recent event of the international scale. On 30 September 2013 UNESCO World Heritage Centre recognized Ukrainian anthem as the best in the world. It was informed by Interfax-Ukraine referring to the UN News Centre [http://www.un.org/russian/news/]. The rating included national anthems of 193 countries of the world. The anthem of Ukraine won the first place in the general rating. Four characteristics were considered, in two of which Ukrainian anthem got the highest point. They are euphony and harmonious combination of musical and lyrical parts. High point was also obtained for originality of musical decision and integrity as well as for content-richness of the text. Ukraine was the only European country in the top-five, in general in the top-ten best national anthems there were included the ones of New Zealand (2 place), South Africa (3 place), Australia (4 place), the USA (5 place), Canada (6 place), the United Kingdom of great Britain and Northern Ireland (7 place), Spain (8 place), France (9 place) and Japan (10 place). This year Ukraine and Ukrainians celebrate 150 anniversary of the prominent poet who presented us the magnificent piece of art, which has become the symbol of uniting the state. At last under the influence of alarming events every Ukrainian citizen perceived the immortal text as the symbol of freedom, will and new hopes. It is pleasant to watch all the Ukrainian people singing the anthem of their country. Today in conditions of formation of democratic state the anthem of Ukrainian state became uniting factor, the patriotic element without which any country of the world cannot exist. Therefore, among numerous works in Pavlo Chubinski's heritage the one, which brought him the immortal fame, was creation of solemn song of fighters for freedom that for a century and half has become the National Anthem of independent Ukraine.

Population geography is a subdiscipline of Human geography and studies the
distribution, concentration and density of population over the terestrial
surface, as well as differences in population size, changes and
characteristics, like structures, migrations, activity etc, among some places
present compared to others. Population geography has had a perscientific
stage as long as human history. First modern scientific treatis of population
in geography was the F. Ratzels book Antropogeography in 1882. During the
first half of the XX century, French geographer Vidal de la Blanche gave a
capital importance of population studies in his work Principes de Geographie
Humaine. In interwar years, various aspects of population were studied. After
The Second World War started the renovating movement of geography and new
tendencies appear in human geography and, consequently in population
geography. Attempts were made to define population geography as a separate
sub-discipline. The world wide trend of treating population geography as
separate discipline was expressed by publishing monographs, bibliographies
and textbooks. The most significant authors who worked on defining population
geography were French geographers P. George (1951, 1959), Beaujen-Garnier
(1965, 1966); North-american geographers: G. Trewarta (1953, 1969), W. Bunge
(1962), J. Clance (1965, 1971), W. Zelinski (1966); in Great Britain: J.I.
Clarke (1965); in USSR: Ju.G. Sauskin i D.N. Anucin (1950), V.V. Poksisevskij
(1966), D.I. Valentej (1973); in Poland V. Ormotski (1931), L. Kosinski
(1967) A. Jagelski (1980). Those authors and their works had the significant
influence on the development of population science in the world and also in
Serbia. Although the development of population geography was different in
different countries and scientific research centers, we can clearly defined
four stages. First stage lasted untill 1960s and was characterised by works
of G.Trewarta, H. Doerres Ju.G. Sauskin, D.N. Anucin, J. Beaujeu-Gariner. G.
Trewarta argued that the population is the point of reference from which all
other elements are observed and from which all derive significance and
meaning. This view was adopted and shared by authors dealing with population
items, explicitly or implicitly. Second stage lasted from 1960s till 1970s
and the most significant authors dealing with population problems were W.
Zelinsky, W. Bunge; H.Bobek, W. Hartke, K.Ruppert, F.Schaffer; D.I. Valentej,
K.Korcak. This phase was characterized by the application of quantitative
methods and efforts for understanding the spatial structure of the
population. Many scientists see this development phase as a particularly
prosperous period, because it carried more intensive relations of geography
and demography through the introduction of statistical, mathematical and
demographic methods and techniques in studies of population geography. Third
phase lasted from 1970s to 1980s, and was characterized by close relations
between population geography and formal demography. Development and
application of GIS and computer data, have made population studies more
complex and applicable in practice, through population policy and population
projections. The most significant authors in this period were L. Kosinski, A.
Jagelski, H?gerstrand. And at last, fourth stage started in 1980s and in many
countries lastes untill present days. In population geography appeared new
tendencies associated with the critique of positivism, the establishment of
humanistic approaches and modifications of general geographic concepts. In
this period, spatial analysis and quantitative scientific methods were
reaffirmed, and because of that some population studies were redefined in
spatial demography, a time dimension advocated in historical demography. In
this context, we emphasize the work of D. Plane and P. Rogerson. Population
geography is viewed differently from one country to another. Its definition
differs from too narrow to overly broad. But two research areas were of
particular interest to geographers - population distribution and migration.
Both items acquired an international dimension. Recently, eminent population
geographers exchanged various view points in an attempt to provoke new
thinking on subject and define the answers of new fields research in
population geography. Population geography in the XXI Century is no longer a
field comprised of spatial applications of fertility, mortality and migration
only. Contemporary population geography is theoretically sophisticated,
integrating spatial analysis, GIS and geo-referenced data. Future progress in
the field of population geography will derive from more research at the
intersections of population processes and societal issues and concerns. Major
themes of future empirical researches in population geography should be:
global population growth, studies of migration, transnationalism, human
security issues, population-health-environment nexus, human-environment
sustainability, economic development and poverty issues.

Das International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) ist ein länderübergreifendes, fortlaufendes Umfrageprogramm, das jährlich Erhebungen zu Themen durchführt, die für die Sozialwissenschaften wichtig sind. Das Programm begann 1984 mit vier Gründungsmitgliedern - Australien, Deutschland, Großbritannien und den Vereinigten Staaten - und ist inzwischen auf fast 50 Mitgliedsländer aus aller Welt angewachsen. Da die Umfragen auf Replikationen ausgelegt sind, können die Daten sowohl für länder- als auch für zeitübergreifende Vergleiche genutzt werden. Jedes ISSP-Modul konzentriert sich auf ein bestimmtes Thema, das in regelmäßigen Zeitabständen wiederholt wird. Details zur Durchführung der nationalen ISSP-Umfragen entnehmen Sie bitte der Dokumentation. Die vorliegende Studie konzentriert sich auf Fragen zu sozialer Ungleichheit.

When Captain Samuel Wallis became the first European to land at Tahiti in June 1767, he left not only a British flag on shore but also three guinea hens, a pair of turkeys, a pregnant cat, and a garden planted with peas for the chiefess Purea. Thereafter, a succession of European captains, missionaries, and others planted seeds and introduced livestock from around the world. In turn, the islanders traded away great quantities of important island resources, including valuable and spiritually significant plants and animals. What did these exchanges mean? What was their impact? The answers are often unexpected. They also reveal the ways islanders retained control over their societies and landscapes in an era of increasing European intervention. Trading Nature explores--from both the European and Tahitian perspective--the effects of "ecological exchange" on one island from the mid-eighteenth century to the present day. Through a series of dramatic episodes, Trading Nature uncovers the potency of trading in nature. In the interweavings of chiefly power, ordinary islanders, the ambitions of outsiders, transplanted species, and existing ecologies, the book uncovers the cultural and ecological impacts of cross-cultural exchange. Evidence of these transactions has been found in a rich variety of voyage journals, missionary diaries, Tahitian accounts, colonial records, travelers' tales, and a range of visual and material sources. The story progresses from the first trades on Tahiti's shores for provisions for British and French ships to the contrasting histories of cattle in Tahiti and Hawai'i. Two key exportations of species are analyzed: the great breadfruit transplantation project that linked Britain to Tahiti and the Caribbean and the politically volatile trade in salt-pork that ran between Tahiti and the Australian colonies in the nineteenth century. In each case, the author explores the long-term impacts of the exchanges on modern Tahiti. Trading Nature is a finely researched and entertaining work that will find a ready audience among those with an interest in the Pacific, ecological history, and the startling consequences of entangling people, plants, and animals on island shores

The notions of citizen and citizenship have been understood in different senses. When Barrack Obama was campaigning for his presidential election some years back, many conservatives peddled conflicting stories about his US citizenship. Some of the stories alleged that: his birth certificate was forged, he had dual citizenship in both the US and Britain and his country of birth was either Kenya or Indonesia, not Honolulu in Hawaii where he was actually born. Thus citizenship today denotes a link between a person and his state of birth with the rights to work, trade, reside and participate in the civic life of the community.Compared with the ancient world, citizenship, with regard to the state, conveyed deeper meaning. The ancient Greeks believed that the state is a creature of nature. By nature, man himself is a political animal, only capable of relating to humanity through his rights to participate in the affairs of the state. The state is a multifaceted entity, made up of citizens. Therefore, without the citizens, there is no state and without the state, no citizens. It then follows that the extent to which a state is good is proportional to the nature of its citizens and vice versa. For the Greeks, like Aristotle, the city-state should be the only proper setting for man's greatest good (summum bonum). In view of the above and in the face contemporary realities in African states, it becomes imperative to look again at the roots of citizenship in order to understand both its historical and cultural context. Using Aristotle's Politics as a template, this paper reviews the concept of citizenship by providing insights into the workings and attitudes of the citizens of the state of Athens, the city that served as "education to all Hellas". Simultaneously, the paper presents a view into the civic mind of Aristotle, the greatest scholar of the Socratic school whose clinical and critical study of his society has continued to influence the modern thought.