A short review of political parties and party systems lets us state that political parties are undoubtedly one of the most important political institutions of a modern state, however the very definition of a political party varies with scholars of different countries. Their functions are also variously defined. Political parties are classified into types on the basis of different criteria. Therefore it is possible to have a big variety of these types. Political systems are also treated in various ways. That depends on the concrete circumstances and the general level of political culture.
This paper aims to study the effects of exposure to corruption on all the aspects of political participation. Focusing on Italian municipalities in the period 1999–2014, we generate a daily and local measure of exposure to corruption, screening newspaper articles of the main Italian press agency. We concentrate on local elections and, in an event-study analysis, we find three main results. First, corruption exposure affects citizens' participation in election by reducing voter turnout. Second, corruption impacts on politicians' participation: the number of candidates and electoral lists decreases after a scandal and candidates with political tenure are more likely to run. Finally, these changes affect local political outcomes as tenured politicians are more likely to be elected, while freshmen lose ground. These results suggest that exposure to corruption has general and negative effects on political participation, leading people to lose interest in politics. ; ISSN:0176-2680 ; ISSN:1873-5703
In the article the essence of economic security is specified, the role of political institutions in the process of state economic security development ant implementation is determined. The role of a state in the process of economic security building is of a great significance under the terms of market economy
This paper looks at the political family involved in the local politics in South Sulawesi, particularly the political recruitment mechanism and political party institutionalization from the intra-party democracy perspective. Based on qualitative analysis, the findings of this research show that, firstly, a large number of political families in Golkar Party at South Sulawesi are a product of the oligarchymeritocratic political recruitment. Political legacies such as activities in social and political organizations give more advantages for the political families both in the political recruitment process and the access to power. Secondly, the weakness of Golkar Party's institutionalization is showed by the dependence of Golkar Party to the party's elite and the existence of factionalization within the party. As a result of such weakness, several party leaders resign from Golkar Party, thereby strengthening the role of political families in the political recruitment process. 50% of the 2014 electoral vote for the Golkar Party in the South Sulawesi Parliament has been largely contributed by the political families.
The Iraqi political parties had been affected since 2003 by the political pivotal transformations which happened according to the aftermaths of democratic elections , especially under the disruptions of American's invasion that led in cooperation with its allies in April 2003 .So the social and political situations became ruling according to the new aspects of practicing the new stage of authority as compromise settlements and quota and ethno - sectarian distribution to be as following as compatible with theory of practicing the authority responsibilities(Power sharing ) as what happened now , besides to that all political democracy scene has greatly been distorted because of the instability penetrated within rebuilding the state and its institutions from the beginning as planned by an active powerful political forces . Many functions that are characterized by competitions among the political parties had changed the concepts of exercising democracy in a real way to be done an effective shape ,because of the political and social actors had different role ,which were being a reflection of another reality within the democracy's process .So that all the situations had been complicated too much owing to the factors of political instability that influenced negatively on the framework of the state , especially the impacts of economic and social factors as of poverty, stagnation , ignorance and disease and another underdevelopment features which predominated over political and social retrogression levels . In addition to that the absence of an efficient administrative elites , which appeared recently under different conditions and circumstances .So it was became very obviously as we know precisely that democracy's process in Iraq since 2003 was comprehensively undemocratic in practicing because the political forces have not democratic culture that encourage the dialogue to solve all pending problems , and have not abundant tolerance to accept the differences of others parties yet . The phenomenon of the political instability has divided into different varieties by which scattering among the addresses of suspicion and it definitely has a sectarian discourse dimension in case of dealing among each other . So these addresses and dialogues were being away from the political national conformity correctly , because of there was something like definitely as the exclusion and marginalization discourses in order to narrowing any active political party within the political process try to do pro – active role to settle all pending crises . Furthermore , the reality of political life has been under the continuous crises and conflicts over an authority along time not to gain gradually the outcomes of procurement during application the constitution clauses and valid laws , in order to preserving the political stability and to be done more far from the national unity fragmentation and the weakness of political institutions . Finally , we need too much time to reach into condition of stability , especially after opening anew spaces toward active real participation , and because there was a growing need for educated people who could administer the society and the state institutionally by existing strong government, and ultimately peoples will have ability to form new political governing elites later
Recently we have witnessed a number of rapid shifts toward populism in the rhetoric and policies of major political parties, as exemplified in the 2016 Brexit Referendum, 2016 US Election, and 2017 UK General Election. Our perspective here is to focus on understanding the underlying societal processes behind these recent political shifts. We use novel methods to study social dynamics behind the 2016 Presidential election. This is done by using network science methods to identify key groups associated with the US right-wing during the election. We investigate how the groups grew on Twitter, and how their associated accounts changed their following behaviour over time. We find a new external faction of Trump supporters took a strong influence over the traditional Republican Party (GOP) base during the election campaign. The new group dominated the GOP group in terms of new members and endorsement via Twitter follows. Growth of new accounts for the GOP party all but collapsed during the campaign. While the Alt-right group was growing exponentially, it has remained relatively isolated. Counter to the mainstream view, we detected an unexpectedly low number of automated 'bot' accounts and accounts associated with foreign intervention in the Trump-supporting group. Our work demonstrates a powerful method for tracking the evolution of societal groups and reveals complex social processes behind political changes.
Recently we have witnessed a number of rapid shifts toward populism in the rhetoric and policies of major political parties, as exemplified in the 2016 Brexit Referendum, 2016 US Election, and 2017 UK General Election. Our perspective here is to focus on understanding the underlying societal processes behind these recent political shifts. We use novel methods to study social dynamics behind the 2016 Presidential election. This is done by using network science methods to identify key groups associated with the US right-wing during the election. We investigate how the groups grew on Twitter, and how their associated accounts changed their following behaviour over time. We find a new external faction of Trump supporters took a strong influence over the traditional Republican Party (GOP) base during the election campaign. The new group dominated the GOP group in terms of new members and endorsement via Twitter follows. Growth of new accounts for the GOP party all but collapsed during the campaign. While the Alt-right group was growing exponentially, it has remained relatively isolated. Counter to the mainstream view, we detected an unexpectedly low number of automated 'bot' accounts and accounts associated with foreign intervention in the Trump-supporting group. Our work demonstrates a powerful method for tracking the evolution of societal groups and reveals complex social processes behind political changes.
The ongoing process of globalization in combination with the ever increasing migration trends has brought integration issues to the limelight in the modern political world. The successful integration of migrants is one of the key themes that are debated in all migrant receiving countries, where successful integration is seen to be of utmost importance for the development of a society. Political participation amongst migrants is furthermore an important arena, which can be seen as a measure of successful integration. Even though this topic is deemed as an important focus area for future research on integration issues, it has been researched very little. The author aims to fill the research gap by attempting to analyze current trends of political participation amongst migrants in the Nordic countries and to identify some of the reasons that would help explain why some countries are more successful in activating migrant political participation than others. In attempting to address this aim, the author has applied a comparative analysis of the most similar cases and has thereby chosen the following relatively homogeneous countries: Denmark, Finland, Sweden and Norway, to be studied. This study is divided into two parts; the first part of the thesis introduces the aims of the study, describes the research design, defines some of the central terms and outlines the theoretical framework for the study. The author further introduces the political opportunity structures theory as a means to understand the access and motivational initiatives that are present for migrant political participation. The political opportunity structures theory is seen as an interesting and important aspect in migrant and minority studies as it connects political participation with the underlying political structures in the country of settlement that can either constrain or enable migrant political participation. Previous literature found that the presence of the right political opportunity structures in a society was seen to have a positive correlation to the political participation rates. For the purpose of this study, the author looks at the six most common core political opportunity structures used in previous literature; electoral system , Citizenship Acts, political rights, political parties, access to labor market and access to educational opportunities, for further analysis. The second part of this study consists of data analysis and findings. Chapter 4 reviews migrant voting turn out and representation in local elections, and gives an overview of the current situation of migrant political participation through the analysis of statistical information. This chapter further shows the historical extent of interest migrants have shown to the political elections in the Nordic countries. In this chapter the author finally attempts to identify variations in the political behaviour of migrants in the Nordic countries that are worth examining in light of the research questions posed by this study. Variations in migrant political participation that are identified in Chapter 4 are further analyzed in Chapter 5. This chapter reviews the observations through the six political opportunity structures presented in the theoretical framework. This analysis attempts to illustrate how and which political opportunity structures explain variations in migrant political participation in the Nordic countries. The findings, which were observed in the comparative analysis, were very interesting. Contrary to belief, the analysis actually showed that Nordic migrant political participation had been relatively higher in the earlier times, whereas the trend now displays a rather gradual decline over the years. This trend was shown to be apparent for all the Nordic countries under scrutiny. This drop in the migrant political participation rate, although being a fact for all Nordic countries, has however been seen to vary significantly between the countries being studied. Among the six political opportunity structures, the electoral systems, political rights and labour market opportunities were found to be the most significant factors that could help to explain the political participation variations amongst migrants in the Nordic countries. The comparative analysis suggested that Denmark, Sweden and Norway, had more migrant friendly elections systems that are deemed to be conducive for collective mobilization and could be one reason for the higher migrant political participation than in Finland. The analysis further suggested that the aforementioned countries were also seen to have stronger labour market structures, longer history of migration and migrant political participation. This again could be another reason for the lower ratings for migrant political participation in Finland. These and other important findings and suggestions for future research are further discussed and presented in the final chapter of the study. Asiasanat:Migrant, migration, migration history, the Nordic countries, political participation, Political opportunity structures, integration, democracy, multiculturalism, electoral systems, political rights, citizenship, denizenship, political party, labor market, education.
The quest for African poverty alleviation has become a global issue and governments of rich nations have registered their commitment to the task both through the Millennium Development Goals and other international programs. While poverty is endemic in Africa, extant policies that continue to dictate proceedings in the land sectors of most African nations have been constructed in a way that concentrate benefits and wealth on a few while spreading costs and poverty on a larger segment of the African population. These policies which continue to impose greater restrictions on poverty alleviation have emanated from the peculiar political and economic history of Africa. An understanding of how these political events continue to shape the performance of land markets in these countries within the context of contemporary economic learning is thus key to understanding the policy directions required for success. This paper thus employs public policy and transaction costs insights to explicate the historical political events that have led to the promulgation of such policies together with a conceptual view of their social cost implications.
Cover -- Half-Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 Introduction -- 2 From Corporatism to Bureaucratic and Partisan Politics: Changes in Decision-Making Processes over Time -- 3 More Power Balance, Less Consensus: Changes in Decision-Making Structures over Time -- 4 Looking beneath the Surface: Differences in Decision-Making Structures across Processes -- 5 Dominance, Competition, Compromise or Consensus? Explaining Decision-Making Structures -- 6 Coalition Formation in Parliament and during the Policy Process
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We examine the effect of prospects of upward mobility (POUM) on the support for redistribution in an intragenerational context. In this context, existing literature so far fails to consider the potential indirect channel via political ideology through which mobility expectations affect redistributive preferences. We address this by including an interaction between income mobility and political ideology, such that the POUM-effect is allowed to vary with political beliefs. We find a robust POUM-effect that is conditional on political preferences. Only for right-wing individuals expected upward income mobility negatively affects support for redistribution. Left-wing individuals on the other hand prefer redistribution, regardless of expected upward income movements.
