Suchergebnisse

The public character of the chambers of commerce in France and in Europe generally is a commonplace. Their intimate relationship with the government is taken as a matter of course. This very complacency is significant acceptance of the close rapprochement of the political and economic hierarchies. These organizations of entrepreneurs in France function as the legally recognized representatives of definite interests. It is regarded as no novel idea that business men as such have public duties and governmental responsibilities that must be conducted in coöperation with the state. The chambre de commerce is the usual agency for carrying on these contacts; it is classified as a "personne civile" and an "établissement public." It is provided for by statute, given specific powers, and entrusted with definite functions. It is representative of local business men holding a mandate from the Republic authorizing them to perform specified tasks of government and requiring them to offer advice upon commercial and industrial problems.Regarded merely as agencies through which the government may secure a degree of perfunctory agreement from a selected number of employers and capitalists, the chambres de commerce would have little to offer. They are significant, rather, because of the fact that they provide a recognized means whereby discussion may be held upon questions by those who are directly affected by the outcome. Through such a consideration, the opportunity is offered to secure not only acquiescence but also understanding. The winning of consent is but one step in legislation.

The functional role of epistemic substantiation of political knowledge in postindustrial society is clarified. The epistemological meaning of natural-scientific revolutions concerning humanitarian and social problems is considered. Investigated the applied research pressure on fundamental political theory. The significance of the political process and the political subjectivity of researchers for the experimental process of political science is determined. The paradigm state of political science is substantiated as a key aspect of the deployment of the contemporary issues of political truth. ; Выясняется функциональная роль эпистемного обоснования политических знаний в постиндустриальном социуме. Рассматривается эпистемологический смысл естественно-научных революций относительно гуманитарных и общественных проблем.Исследуется давление прикладных исследований на фундаментальную политическую теорию. Устанавливается значение изменчивости политического процесса и политической субъективности исследователей для исследовательского процесса политической науки.Обосновывается парадигмальное состояние политической науки как ключевой аспект развертывания современной проблематики политической истины. ; З'ясовується функціональна роль епістемного обґрунтування політичних знань у постіндустріальному соціумі. Розглядається епістемологічний сенс природничонаукових революцій відносно гуманітарних і суспільних проблем. Досліджується тиск прикладних досліджень на фундаментальну політичну теорію. Встановлюється значення мінливості політичного процесу й політичної суб'єктивності дослідників для дослідного процесу політичної науки. Обґрунтовується парадигмальний стан політичної науки як ключовий аспект розгортання сучасної проблематики політичної істини.

Are politically connected firms more likely to evade taxes? This paper presents evidence suggesting firms owned by President Ben Ali and his family were more prone to evade import tariffs. During Ben Ali's reign, evasion gaps, defined as the difference between the value of exports to Tunisia reported by partner countries and the value of imports reported at Tunisian customs, were correlated with the import share of connected firms. This association was especially strong for goods subject to high tariffs, and driven by underreporting of unit prices, which diminished after the revolution. Consistent with these product-level patterns, unit prices reported by connected firms were lower than those reported by other firms, and declined faster with tariffs than those of other firms. Moreover, privatization to the Ben Ali family was associated with a reduction in reported unit prices, whereas privatization per se was not.

In the West nationalisation and privatisation have been explained mostly in relation to the political ideologies of capitalism and socialism. The privatisations that began in the 1980s, and accelerated after the collapse of socialism across Eastern Europe, have generally been considered to be developmentally linear. Postcolonial nationalisation-privatisation cycles in South East Asian and Latin American countries, by contrast, have been explained by scholars such as Chua as related to ethnicism, nationalism and indigenism and above all the presence of a 'emarket dominant ethnic minority f (MDM). This paper reviews the cycles of nationalisation and privatisation in the mining industries in Zambia and South Africa (SA), in order to examine the respective roles that ethnicity and political ideology have played. It explores whether minority ethnic economic control is more important than political ideology in driving calls for nationalisation of mining. For each country case, I set out a detailed historical analysis of the political and policy provisions made since independence from colonial rule. The paper explores ideas of ownership and race; the internalisation of norms of neoliberal economic policies; socialism and nationalism; and power relations and identity politics. The study also interrogates the impact of global structures upon state decisions. In both case studies, I show that minority ethnic dominance has been a more important driver of nationalisation/privatisation cycles than political ideology.

In the 'broad church' of the Australian Liberal Party, rarely has there been a maverick so unrelenting in his commitment to personal principles as Senator Peter Baume. Over a parliamentary career spanning 17 years, three ministerial portfolios and five party leaders, Baume was increasingly pitted against his own party room. In A Dissident Liberal: The Political Writings of Peter Baume, we learn of personal threats, crises, constitutional confrontation and the tension between conservatism and classical liberalism—and between ideology and toeing the party line. This collection of personal observations, speeches and commentaries on contentious policy issues presents a valuable resource for students of Australian political history.

Drawn by low-skilled work and the safety and security of rural life, increasing numbers of families from Latin America and Southeast Asia have migrated to the American heartland. In the path-breaking book A Midwestern Mosaic, J. Celeste Lay examines the effects of political socialization on native white youth growing up in small towns. Lay studies five Iowa towns to investigate how the political attitudes and inclinations of native adolescents change as a result of rapid ethnic diversification. Using surveys and interviews, she discovers that native adolescents adapt very well to foreign-born c.

Diese vergleichende Langzeitanalyse enthält alle verfügbaren Informationen zur Finanzierung des politischen Wettbewerbs in modernen Demokratien. Die Monograpfe untersucht: - die Ausgaben der Parteien - die Ursachen für hohe und steigende Kosten - die verschiedenen Einkommensarten der Parteien - die Wirkungen der Finanzierungspraxis auf Parteiorganisation und Parteiensysteme Ist Geld für Parteien und Kandidaten im Wettbewerb wichtiger geworden? Haben die neuen und teuren Wahlkampftechnologien sogar eine "Kostenexplosion" bewirkt? Wer spendet Geld für politische Zwecke und warum? Ist öffentliche Finanzierung von Parteien ein Problem? Das Ergebnis der Analyse ist sowohl ein wichtiger Beitrag zur wissenschaftlichen Diskussion der Parteiendemokratie als auch zur Transformationsforschung. Die Befunde zu den Wirkungen von bereits erprobten gesetzlichen Regelungen sind für Wissenschaftler und Politiker gleichermaßen interessant. Karl-Heinz Nassmacher, em. Professor für Politikwissenschaft, war von 1994-2004 Vorsitzender des IPSA Research Committee on Political Finance and Political Corruption. Er ist Mitautor von drei Büchern sowie Verfasser von ca. 60 Aufsätzen zur Politikfinanzierung

"In his foreword to Six Constitutions Over Texas: Texas' Political Identity, 1830-1900, historian H. W. Brands describes the saga surrounding the development of the Texas state constitution as having "the sweep of a Russian novel ... populated by characters as colorful as any of Tolstoy's." Indeed, even a glance at the table of contents reveals hints of international and regional conflict, intrigue, and shifting political alliances that characterized the rise and-in the case of the first five iterations--fall of the constitutions serving as the guiding document for what was variously a state of Mexico, an independent nation, a member of the Union, a Confederate state, and a newly subdued region under Reconstruction. This meticulous study by legal historian William J. Chriss examines how Anglo Texans went about creating their political identity over three quarters of a century and the impact of those decisions. By delineating the social, political, military, and other considerations at play during the various stages of Texas' development and how those factors manifested in the various constitutions, Chriss illuminates the process by which various groups constructed Texas "as an imagined community, an identity produced by ideological consensus among economic, cultural, and legal elites." Replete with insights on the ways in which systems of law impact social control and political identity, Six Constitutions Over Texas offers a fresh view of how shifting political ideologies were canonized with varying degrees of permanency in the state constitution"--

Since the seventeenth century, scholars have argued that kinship as an organizing principle and political order are antithetical. This book shows that this was simply not the case. Kinship, as a principle of legitimacy and in the shape of dynasties, was fundamental to political order. Throughout the last one and a half millennia of European and Middle Eastern history, elite families and polities evolved in symbiosis. By demonstrating this symbiosis as a basis for successful polities, Peter Haldén unravels long-standing theories of the state and of modernity. Most social scientists focus on coercion as a central facet of the state and indeed of power. Instead, Halden argues that much more attention must be given to collaboration, consent and common identity and institutions as elements of political order. He also demonstrates that democracy and individualism are not necessary features of modernity.

This article argues that the Latin epic poem Waltharius is best understood as a political commen- tary on the years following the civil war of 840–843. The poem does not, as has been suggested, mock or undermine lay warriors as heroic figures, but neither does it present their behavior as inherently unproblem- atic. It should be read instead as a complex meditation on the impossibility of heroism under deficient royal leadership, and as a wistful portrayal of the contradictions and dilemmas affecting the lay elite of the generation who had lived through the battle of Fontenoy. Its criticism of the character of Gunther, and its overall pessimism about kingship, finds echoes in the prose political literature of this time. This article traces some of these echoes, and reads the poem as part of the wider political conversation of the 840s to 870s.

Today, people have ample opportunity to engage in selective exposure, the selection of information matching their beliefs. Whether this is occurring, however, is a matter of debate. While some worry that people increasingly are seeking out likeminded views, others propose that newer media provide an increased opportunity for exposure to diverse views. In returning to the concept of selective exposure, this article argues that certain topics, such as politics, are more likely to inspire selective exposure and that research should investigate habitual media exposure patterns, as opposed to single exposure decisions. This study investigates whether different media types (newspapers, political talk radio, cable news, and Internet) are more likely to inspire selective exposure. Using data from the 2004 National Annenberg Election Survey, evidence supports the idea that people's political beliefs are related to their media exposure-a pattern that persists across media types. Over-time analyses suggest that people's political beliefs motivate their media use patterns and that cable news audiences became increasingly politically divided over the course of the 2004 election. Adapted from the source document.