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AbstractBased on the author's PhD research, this article focuses on the fluid and contested nature of the identities — racial, ethnic, and national — of people of Chinese descent in South Africa in the apartheid and post-apartheid eras. The research focuses on the approximately 12,000-strong community of second-, third-, and fourth-generation South African-born Chinese South Africans. It reveals that Chinese South Africans played an active role in identity construction using Chinese history, myths and culture, albeit within the constraints established by apartheid. During the latter part of apartheid, movement up the socio-economic ladder and gradual social acceptance by white South Africa propelled them into nebulous, interstitial spaces; officially they remained "non-white" but increasingly they were viewed as "honorary whites." During the late 1970s and 1980s, the South African state attempted to redefine Chinese as "white" but these attempts failed because Chinese South Africans were unwilling to sacrifice their unique ethnic identity, which helped them to survive the more dehumanizing aspects of life under apartheid.

"The Cultural Understanding and Language Proficiency (CULP) research analysis was conducted in response from the U.S. Army Training and Doctrine Command (TRADOC) . The goal of this effort was to provide a scientific research perspective on the topic of increasing linguistic and cultural capability in the Army. The CULP analysis had three objectives: 1) to identify the knowledge of culture and identity needed by Army leaders, 2) to identify measures and predictors of effective proficiency in cross-cultural settings, and 3) to determine the extent to which proficiency in a foreign language provides transferable skills. The first objective, to identify components of culture and identity that are relevent to Army leaders, was addressed in a workshop. This report summarizes findings from the workshop and also presents recommendations from both cross-cultural competence and language reports."--Foreword. ; "January 2008." ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 17-19). ; Final report ; Sponsored by U.S. Army Research Institute for the Behavioral and Social Sciences. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This article examines a teacher identity through the context of class background and habitus. It considers the significance of class transition, probing how a teacher's working-class history informs and helps define the emergence and consolidation of a teacher identity – to shape what is called here a particular 'teacherly self.' It explores some of the difficulties the working-class actor may experience on entering a largely middle-class profession. This transitional experience has generally gone by the term upward mobility, but the word mobility, with its largely favourable connotations of positive movement, is substituted for the notion of transition, which suggests a more complex and complicated process. The article shows how a working-class background informs class practice; in particular, how a class structure of feeling shapes attitudes and approaches to working-class pupils and their needs. By using oral history methods and aspects of narrative theory, the article seeks to underline how the continued significance of class finds complex expression in British culture.

In the introduction to this volume, the author explains why social historians should study the relationship between humour and social protest in the past. The following questions are of interest. Under what conditions did laughter serve the cause of the protesters? How did humour strengthen social protest? And to what degree has humour been an effective tool for contentious social movements? Recent developments in the field of social movement theory regarding framing, collective identity, and emotions are combined with insights from humorology. A short account of the individual contributions follow: they range from the Zapatistas in Mexico to Vietnamese garment workers, from sixteenth-century Augsburg to Madrid and Stockholm in the 1990s. The findings point, above all, to the power of humour in the framing of political protest. Humour was used in quite different political opportunity structures, from open democratic societies to harsh repressive regimes. Often, humour furthered the development of the collective identity of a social movement, whereas in several cases humour acted as a powerful communication tool, serving as a true "weapon of the weak".

This article is based on a qualitative study of young working–class men who are dedicated hunters and hardcore wolf adversaries. Our aim is to make sense of their attitudes and practices regarding the re–appearance of wolves. They see the wolves as impeding their life projects: being hunters and outdoorsmen. Therefore, we discuss attitude formation in the light of theories of identity, paying special attention to the idea that identity formation is strongly affected by individualization in 'late modernity'. Norwegian media tend to depict rural ways of life as rooted in traditionalism, implying an antagonism between the modern and the traditional along an urban–rural axis. Yet, even if important choices made by the young men include distinct elements of local tradition, these choices are no less reflexive than those made by more mobile peers. The article argues that the young hunters are simultaneously traditional and modern and that they transgress such artificial antagonisms through their everyday practices.

In this review essay, Robert Rhoads and Shannon Calderone consider how liberalism, as a guiding principle for school practices and educational policy making, reinforces heteronormativity through a doctrine of professed neutrality that circumscribes sexual expression and subjectivity. Through an analysis of Carol Vincent's Social Justice, Education, and Identity; Cris Mayo's Disputing the Subject of Sex: Sexuality and Public School Controversies; and Susan Birden's Rethinking Sexual Identity in Education, Rhoads and Calderone argue that the form of liberalism espoused by schools operates in contradiction to any pluralistic democratic project emphasizing social justice and inclusion of the "other." By highlighting the discursive contradictions and structural conditions of schools that lead to the marginalization and disenfranchisement of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgendered, and queer students, each book proposes alternative forms of educational praxis that attempt to disrupt the liberal status quo of schools. Such praxis, Rhoads and Calderone argue, offers possibilities for new forms of democratic organization within schools that conform with a more robust and inclusive notion of citizenship. © 2007 Board of Trustees.

In this review essay, Robert Rhoads and Shannon Calderone consider how liberalism, as a guiding principle for school practices and educational policy making, reinforces heteronormativity through a doctrine of professed neutrality that circumscribes sexual expression and subjectivity. Through an analysis of Carol Vincent's Social Justice, Education, and Identity; Cris Mayo's Disputing the Subject of Sex: Sexuality and Public School Controversies; and Susan Birden's Rethinking Sexual Identity in Education, Rhoads and Calderone argue that the form of liberalism espoused by schools operates in contradiction to any pluralistic democratic project emphasizing social justice and inclusion of the "other." By highlighting the discursive contradictions and structural conditions of schools that lead to the marginalization and disenfranchisement of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgendered, and queer students, each book proposes alternative forms of educational praxis that attempt to disrupt the liberal status quo of schools. Such praxis, Rhoads and Calderone argue, offers possibilities for new forms of democratic organization within schools that conform with a more robust and inclusive notion of citizenship. © 2007 Board of Trustees.

In this review essay, Robert Rhoads and Shannon Calderone consider how liberalism, as a guiding principle for school practices and educational policy making, reinforces heteronormativity through a doctrine of professed neutrality that circumscribes sexual expression and subjectivity. Through an analysis of Carol Vincent's Social Justice, Education, and Identity; Cris Mayo's Disputing the Subject of Sex: Sexuality and Public School Controversies; and Susan Birden's Rethinking Sexual Identity in Education, Rhoads and Calderone argue that the form of liberalism espoused by schools operates in contradiction to any pluralistic democratic project emphasizing social justice and inclusion of the "other." By highlighting the discursive contradictions and structural conditions of schools that lead to the marginalization and disenfranchisement of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgendered, and queer students, each book proposes alternative forms of educational praxis that attempt to disrupt the liberal status quo of schools. Such praxis, Rhoads and Calderone argue, offers possibilities for new forms of democratic organization within schools that conform with a more robust and inclusive notion of citizenship. © 2007 Board of Trustees.

What implications are applications of new genetic technologies in biomedicine having on social identity in today's society? New Genetics, New Identities, a wide-ranging multi-disciplinary volume in the CESAGen Genetics & Society Book series, presents not only theoretical reflection but also empirical case studies drawn from an international array of authors. Including the highly controversial areas of reproductive technologies and use of human embryos in biomedical research, other key features include: a fresh analysis of a wide-range of social and political concerns in the development of new social identities examinations of the social implications of identity formation as a result from advances in genetic technologies from a number of perspectives both locally and globally resources of a wide range of social science disciplines to discuss significant sociological, anthropological, political and ethical issues. This superb collection is an essential informative read for postgraduates and academics in the fields of sociology, anthropology and scientific technologies giving a comparative approach to complex issues surrounding the social implications of these advances in a period of rapid social change.

The Republic of Korea–U.S. alliance has encountered the most turbulent period in the history of the bilateral relationship. The apparent decline of the relationship worsened with the developing North Korean nuclear crisis after October 2002 and the election of new leadership in South Korea. Gaping differences are appearing over key issues, which adversely influence the bilateral relations. This article argues that there are two underlying reasons that have brought about these differences—identity crisis and deficiency in mutual understanding. Variations in state identity can affect the national security interests or polices of states, and Seoul and Washington have shown different identities, especially with respect to Pyongyang. While alliance is a moving target that needs continuous attention and adaptation, the two countries failed to catch up with each other's changes. This article investigates and highlights the gaping alliance differences and proposes some remedial measures for a better future of the bilateral alliance.

The Christmas Band competitions are one of three coloured community music competitions that take place in the Western Cape between January and March every year, the other two being the klopse (carnival troupes) and the Malay choirs. Christmas bands, which first began holding formal competitions in the 1940s, developed out of city clubs established under British colonial rule in the Cape Colony and the Temperance movement, both of which imbued the bands with the idea of presenting a respectable working class ethos through the use of stylish uniforms, strict discipline and implied militarism in the marching files. The bands characterise and preserve notions of masculinity, bond local communities of supporters, help to train musicians, and through the annual enactment of an ideal coloured community help working class people to present themselves as upright and honourable members of society. The practices engaged in by the bands constitute a performance of identity: the articulation of a social identity, which, though marginalised and contested, is nonetheless proudly independent and united.