Suchergebnisse

AbstractIn 1948, female fish and blueberry processors formed the Ladies' Cold Storage Workers Union in Job Brothers fish plant, St. John's, Newfoundland. This was accomplished in the context of structural and social change in the Newfoundland fishery that altered the social relations of paid work for the women. Literature on unionization generally assumes it to be a positive event for women workers, but closer examination of specific instances raises questions about economic, social and ideological conditions shaping experiences of unionization. Whose interests were served by the formation of the Ladies' Cold Storage Workers Union and how did women engage with "their union" in this moment?

The present study examines the state of youth in contemporary Greece to better understand how Greek young people organize their lives in various important life domains, such as living conditions, education and career, employment, relationships and use of leisure time. It also examines their values, social priorities and worries, while assessing their participation in social life and the wider political scene. The empirical findings demonstrate that young people in Greece develop their social capital and their socialization process in the framework of the nuclear family. In contrast, outside the boundaries of the Greek family,young people demonstrate an alienation from community and public institutions.

The author analyzes Neal Stephenson's post cyberpunk novel, The Diamond Age, about a young girl who lives in a world where nanotechnology affects all aspects of life. The article questions the scientific communities' motivation for 'what can, or will, be done' with the use of revolutionary self-replicating technology to 'better' or transform the human condition vs what should be done from an ethical standpoint. In addition, the article questions who has exclusive (or any) rights to these procedures depending on their social or economic status. Various themes such as the conflict of social competition & the consequences of social inertia are interrogated. Adapted from the source document.

Résumé Cet article analyse les différents types de discours économique sur la pauvreté et sur les relations entre les pauvres et un certain nombre d'institutions économiques et sociales au cours du XIX e siècle. Au tout début du siècle, le pauvre est analysé comme un agent économique autonome et responsable de sa propre condition. Mais progressivement d'autres explications (environnement économique et institutionnel...) ont été intégrées dans l'analyse. Ces nouveaux arguments joints à une analyse critique de la spécificité du comportement des pauvres au milieu du siècle, modifient sensiblement le regard porté à la question sociale et aux politiques sociales qui en découlent

The socioeconomic structure of Australian cities is changing rapidly in response to the internationalization of capital and the adoption of "economic rationalist" policies. Spatial competition is intensifying and urban "market failures" are becoming more pronounced. These structural political-economic changes are generating greater social-spatial inequalities. Effective urban policy is increasingly difficult in these conditions, compounded by the continuing fiscal crisis of the state, the political pressures arising from urban social movements and the effect of embryonic international regulations. An alternative strategy would shift from beggar-thy-neighbor spatial competition towards emphasizing the social and environmental attributes of the cities.

THE COMMUNITARY EDUCATIVE POLITIC The educative politic in the welfare states responds to the social economic and cultural necesities that this democratic society shows. The reforms of its educative system pretends to obtain higher levels of social justice, solidarity and tolerance. Sorne of the urgent objetives of the Communitary Educative Politic are: the European dimension of education (all of us are members of the European Community); the social integration in order to avoid the condition of an analphabet and the xenophobia; the teaching of foreign languages; the equality of opportunities in education; the equality of the professional education; the uni- versitary politic and the training of teachers.

Objective: To find the career preferences of the selected group of students - nurses of the Master's study program Nursing. Respondents and methodology: The data were collected in the months of September-October 2022. The selection of respondents was intentional, the conditions for inclusion in the study were consent to anonymous filling in of the questionnaire, performance of the profession of a nurse, current study in the Master's degree Nursing program. A total number of 155 respondents took part in the survey. The collected data were processed with the aid of non-parametric statistical tests. Results: The average age of the nurses in our group was 27.7 years, and the average number of years of experience was 4.8 years. Almost 43.2% of nurses want to stay working in clinical practice; 38.7% of nurses are interested in a managerial position; 18% want to work as a teacher. Nurses are not interested in research in nursing. Within the career trends in nursing, the most preferred post was the school nurse. There was no statistically significant difference in the age of the respondents according to their field of career (p=0.41) or according to their preference of application (p=0.36). The perception of managerial and pedagogical skills of the respondents did not correlate with age or length of experience. Conclusion: Nursing students' career preferences change as they progress through their training: nursing career planning and management; career growth increase job satisfaction; provision of quality and safe nursing care. The students of the study program Nursing show great ambivalence in their ideas about their future career. This opens wide possibilities for educators, managers, mentors, and nurses in practice to significantly positively influence and formation the career preferences of students.

Objective: Find out the impact of the Holocaust trauma on life satisfaction of alive Czech survivors, and to compare it with a control group of respondents.                                                       Design: Prospective study                                                       Participants: The total number of respondents in the study was 130. The exposed group consisted of 65 Czech Holocaust survivors (average age 88.5 years), control group of 65 Czech seniors (average age 88 years).  Methods: The article presents a quantitative research assessing the life satisfaction of survivors using the standardized Life Satisfaction Questionnaire by Fahrenberg et al. (1986) on a main group, and compares it with a control group. A nonparametric test for two selections (Mann – Whitney) at a significance level of 0.05 was used to test the hypotheses.                                                       Results: In spite of wide spectrum of the Holocaust effects, the exposed group shows higher or the same satisfactionin the most of the monitored areas compared to the control group (Health Me 4 vs. 3, p – 0.000; Workand employment Me 6 vs. 5, p – 0.000; Financial situation Me 6 vs. 4, p – 0.000; Leisure time Me 4 vs. 4, p – 0.002; Marriage and partnership Me 2 vs. 0, p – 0.284; Own self Me 4 vs. 3, p – 0.000; Sexuality Me 3 vs. 3, p – 0.879; Friends and acquaintances Me 5 vs. 4, p – 0.002; Housing Me 5 vs. 4, p – 0.000; Overall life satisfaction Me 5 vs. 4, p – 0.001). On the contrary, they are less satisfied in the area Children (Me 4 vs. 5, p – 0.016).                                                        Conclusions: The research displays integration of hardiness and vulnerability, lust for life and the ability of man to live and survive in extreme conditions and still feel a joy of life.

Résumé La plus fondamentale des questions que soulève tout débat sur la « moralisation du capitalisme » est celle extrêmement complexe de la moralité de second ordre : comment est-il possible de porter un jugement moral sur nos catégories de jugement moral ? Comment pouvons-nous décréter que nos normes de moralité sont immorales et qu'une (re-)moralisation est en conséquence nécessaire ? La réponse à cette question passe par la constatation que les normes et les structures d'interaction au sein du capitalisme ont évolué de concert, et ne peuvent par conséquent être considérées ni comme indépendantes les unes des autres ni comme obéissant à une fonctionnalité cachée. Il en découle que, paradoxalement, le problème de la moralisation ne peut être résolu en termes de morale mais exige une approche politique qui, pour être pleinement efficace, suppose d'accepter l'idée que le capitalisme est un système culturel à part entière. On ne peut combattre l'idéologie inhérente à ce système culturel que de l'intérieur du système lui-même, en ayant recours à des processus décentralisés de prise de décision démocratique et non en se bornant à en prophétiser la fin ou à la stigmatiser au nom de la morale. Parce que la version particulière de la culture capitaliste dans laquelle nous vivons actuellement est un pur produit de l'histoire, il semble logique de plaider pour un expérimentalisme démocratique intégrant une multiplicité d'initiatives d'expérimentation institutionnelle dans un système de formation et d'acquisition de l'expérience analogue au système d'utilisation et de diffusion de l'information qu'offre le marché hayekian. Ce n'est qu'en créant ainsi les conditions démocratiques réelles et concrètes que suppose le fonctionnement d'un capitalisme différent que nous parviendrons à appréhender dans toute sa complexité le problème de la « moralisation du capitalisme ».

A review article on books by: Barbara Ehrenreich, Elizabeth Hess, & Gloria Jacobs, Remaking Love: The Feminization of Sex (Garden City: Anchor Press, 1986); & Sylvia Hewlett, A Lesser Life: The Myth of Women's Liberation (New York: Warner Books, 1986 [see listings in IRPS No. 66]). It is contended that Ehrenreich et al inadequately appraise the sexual revolution's impact on women by paradoxically appropriating a feminist version of the revolution for women, while allowing that behaviors & attitudes have changed little for men. In addition, although the authors claim that the feminization of sex began in the 1960s with Beatlemania, they fail to consider Beatlemania's dubious commercializing influence on sex & femininity. Hewlett, on the other hand, tellingly demonstrates the persistence of structural conditions that curb upward mobility for women. Finding that 90% of US women have not made significant economic gains in the last 20 years, Hewlett shows that economic strains are particularly great for single & divorced women with children who must support a family & provide for daytime child care. It is thus demonstrated that neither the sexual revolution nor the feminist movement has helped women to achieve economic parity with men. M. Maguire

This paper deals with the comparative approach of the riots on one hand, and the student movement on the other. If both movements are based on young people mobilization, not all the dimensions which are important in explaining the riots (social classes, ethnicity and race, generation, space, family structure, gender) are so pertinent for the student movement. The riots were indeed the expression of relegation and a profound resentment that have bought into play both ethnoracial (youth from African immigrant backgrounds, directly concerned by discrimination and racism) and social dimensions (low-income backgrounds). But the riots did not develop simply on the basis of age and class, but rather that they bring into play the urban forms (segregation) of the increasing precariousness of part of the low-income population, particularly those of immigrant origin. Segregation reinforces the interaction and the association between these dimensions, and is a favourable condition for riots because of the concentration in the space of all the characteristics which are perceived as object of discrimination and because of the best control of territory. This shift, from inequalities to discrimination, is particularly visible in some specific social spheres like political representation, labor market, police, housing, and school.

Interrogation sur la manière dont les divers mouvements anti-modernes ont contribué à modifier les conditions de production de l'architecture. Dans une optique d'histoire sociale est d'abord traitée la question de l'opposition à l'urbanisme moderne autour du problème des grands ensembles, à partir en particulier du cas de Sarcelles, puis à travers les autres mouvements sociaux urbains : les mouvements patrimonialistes.

Islam recognizes the importance of women in both public life and po- litical life by putting women in a honorable political status that reflect their nobility. Based on that argument, this study seeks to understand women's social and political role in the early days of Islam. Focusing during life time of Prophet Muhammad, this paper tries to elaborate the genuine Islamic perspective on how women social and political rights are constructed. Using historical approach, this paper argues that gener- ally, Arab women's social political right is poorly recognized by author- ity at that time. This condition emerged because there is no legal norms that can bring them back to the straight path. After Islam came to Arab, women life took a favorable turn. Honor, dignity even social and political right were carefully arranged by authority. Man and women were taught to respect each other both in private and social life.

The paper was written to reveal the complex multiplicity of challenges confronted with the Nigeria Labour Congress in the fulfilment of its mandate as workers and popular organization. It also showed the dynamics of the emergent international political economy that has a profound effect on the Nigerian context. The effective condition that has given impetus to the ascendancy of the anti-worker and anti-union managerial ethics that create grace to the bottom of Labour standard was observed. The paper examined the collective bargaining as the most Rational process of determining and reviewing the terms and conditions of employment and how the process manifests the power relationship between the employers and the trade unions. The Congress believes that the people must remain both the means and the ends of economic developments. In this context, the national development priority focuses on the protection and creation of employment. This paper concludes that the possibility of labour to achieve its various objectives, guarantee unity and organizational vibrancy depend on how it becomes a force in the socio-economic development of Nigeria, which requires good governance based on internal democracy. Nigerian Labour Congress as the leading organization of the working population, cannot afford to be alienated from this process. It was recommended among others that Nigerian Labour Congress should use international solidarity to protect the rights and gains of the Nigerian workforce, to strengthen trade organization in the sub-region, continentally and in the wider international level. Article visualizations:

"Judith Butler elucidates the dynamics of public assembly under prevailing economic and political conditions, analyzing what they signify and how. Understanding assemblies as plural forms of perfomative action, Butler extends her theory of performativity to argue that precarity - the destruction of the conditions of livability - has been a galvanizing force and theme in today's highly visible protests."--