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The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

"This comprehensive text provides a detailed narrative history of each of the nations of Latin America, from Chile and Argentina in the South to Mexico and Cuba in the north. It begins with the Wars of Independence in the early nineteenth century and stretches to the democratic turn in the twenty-first. It interprets major themes, such as the age of caudillos in the nineteenth century, populism in the twentieth century, and globalization in the twenty-first century. These themes, along with others such as ethnic strife, social revolutions, and militarism, transcend borders and show the unity of the Latin America experience, even as the text draws out the diversity that marks the region's geography, peoples, and cultures."--Provided by publisher

In 1973, the Supreme Court's historic Calder decision on the Nisga'a community's title suit in British Columbia launched the Native rights litigation era in Canada. Legal claims have raised questions with significant historical implications, such as, "What treaty rights have survived in various parts of Canada? What is the scope of Aboriginal title? Who are the Métis, where do they live, and what is the nature of their culture and their rights?".

Book reviewed in this article:North America: The Fort Belknap Assiniboine of Montana: a Study in Culture Change. David Rodnick.North America: Adventure on Red River. Report on the Exploration of the Headwaters of the Red River by Captain Randolph B. Marcy and Captain G. B. McClellan. Grant Foreman (ed.).North America: Red Cloud's Folk: a History of the Oglala Sioux Indians. George E. Hyde.

"Enslaved Black people took up arms and fought in nearly every colonial conflict in early British North America. They fought in Nathaniel Bacon's Rebellion in Virginia in 1676, in the Tuscarora and Yamasee Wars in the Carolinas and Georgia in the second decade of the eighteenth century, in Florida during the War of Jenkins' Ear in 1740, in Virginia and Pennsylvania in the French and Indian War from 1754-1763, and throughout North America and the Caribbean during the American Revolutionary War, among many others. Rebels in Arms takes a transatlantic approach that employs Black perspectives of six case studies to show how enslaved people and Maroons took up arms and participated as soldiers in conflicts traditionally thought to have been fought over colonial or imperial interests. Iverson argues that slave resistance in the British Atlantic and United States became increasingly militarized over time. Indeed, enslaved soldiers, Maroons, and plantation rebels together relied on military methods, institutions, and operations to achieve their goals. Military violence increasingly became their modus operandi and the militarization of slave resistance continued to rise throughout the eighteenth century and up until the Civil War. This book contributes to recent scholarship that reconceptualizes the participation of enslaved people in armed conflict in the Atlantic world"--

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Foreword -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: Racial Identities and Their Interpreters in Colonial Latin America -- 1. Aristocracy on the Auction Block: Race, Lords, and the Perpetuity Controversy of Sixteenth-Century Peru -- 2. A Market of Identities: Women, Trade, and Ethnic Labels in Colonial Potosí -- 3. Legally Indian: Inquisitorial Readings of Indigenous Identity in New Spain -- 4. The Many Faces of Colonialism in Two Iberoamerican Borderlands: Northern New Spain and the Eastern Lowlands of Charcas -- 5. Humble Slaves and Loyal Vassals: Free Africans and Their Descendants in Eighteenth-Century Minas Gerais, Brazil -- 6. Purchasing Whiteness: Conversations on the Essence of Pardo-ness and Mulatto-ness at the End of Empire -- 7. Patricians and Plebeians in Late Colonial Charcas: Identity, Representation, and Colonialism -- 8. Conjuring Identities: Race, Nativeness, Local Citizenship, and Royal Slavery on an Imperial Frontier (Revisiting El Cobre, Cuba) -- 9. Indigenous Citizenship: Liberalism, Political Participation, and Ethnic Identity in Post-Independence Oaxaca and Yucatán -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Contributors -- Index

"What does it mean to be white and American? White Folks moves beyond the dominant critical methodologies of examining 'whiteness,' to conceptualize white people in a way that is unafraid to confront, head on, the violence at the core of white racial selves, but that also that illuminates conflicts and complexities there. The book focuses on the the authors' own experience of growing up in a small, rural community in northern Wisconsin, and the stories of people from that community, drawn from a series of in-depth interviews"--Provided by publisher

The idea that we live in an increasingly interconnected and turbulent world is something of a cliche -- yet true and important nevertheless. Decisions made by the U.S. Federal Reserve affect the purchasing power of villagers in southern Thailand; consumer demand in Europe and North America affects the output of factory workers in eastern China, which affects the jobs of oil workers in Brazil, Russia, and elsewhere. Elite investors now routinely send their capital abroad in a ceaseless quest for new opportunities and high returns; whether they realize it or not, hundreds of millions of less highflying people do the same indirectly, through their mutual or pension funds. So global economic forecasting -- trying to look past current events to glimpse what's coming over the horizon -- has become an exercise of general, not specialized, concern. Adapted from the source document.

The presence of Africans and their descendants in Brazil since the end of the nineteenth century and their cultural contributions have been treated problematically by Raimundo Nina Rodrigues and Gilberto Freyre, who provided a reference point for the study of race relations and black culture in Brazil. This is important because nineteenth-century Brazil had begun to aspire to the level of civilization attained in Europe and North America while being all too well aware that its culture was seen from abroad as including elements regarded there as inferior and primitive—those of the cultures of its Native Americans and, especially, of its Africans and their descendants. This problem became even more significant in the twentieth century, when foreigners came to regard Brazil's culture as that of its black working class. A partir do final do Século XIX, a presença de africanos e descendentes assim como a produção cultural dos mesmos foi problematizada em dois autores, Raimundo Nina Rodrigues e Gilberto Freyre, que serviram de referência para constituição de um campo de estudo das relações raciais e cultura negra no Brasil. A discussão é de grande relevância na medida em que já no Século XIX, o Brasil pretendia se elevar ao patamar civilizatório das nações modelos, porém culturalmente sabia ser definido pelo aporte de culturas compreendidas como inferiores e primitivas, atribuídas aos indígenas e, particularmente, a africanos e descendentes. No caso destes últimos, africanos e descendentes, já no século XIX, se esboçava o dilema, que ganhou mais fôlego no século XX, de compreendê-los como sujeitos de uma cultura afro-brasileira, afrodescendente, popular ou negra.

The aftermath of 11 September 2001 has seen the beginnings of a transatlantic realignment. US-Russian relations are increasingly dynamic and US-European relations are increasingly strained. American and Russia have formed an unprecedented partnership. Their shared interest in combating global terrorism, and Putin's own pragmatic and more realistic foreign policy, have opened up new avenues for US-Russian cooperation. At a time when the United States and its traditional European allies are more and more divided over a range of economic and political issues - including complaints about American unilateralism and the conduct of the war on terrorism - America and Russia are increasingly in agreement. The US-Russian partnership has the potential to develop into a broader-based alliance that could ultimately have a positive impact both on Russia's domestic evolution and on European security. (Survival / SWP)

"The native people of North America are often perceived through the story of the brave colonists fighting with the belligerent and barbaric Indians. All of us like to watch movies about the Wild West, some people dream of visiting Tombstone, but few people are really concerned about who the Indians really were, or whether they had a social or political structure. In fact most of the Indian tribes at the beginning of the Encounter era shifted from egalitarian societies of mobile, hunter-gatherer people to hierarchical sedentary or semi-sedentary chiefdoms. Some tribes developed complex social systems based on a corporation of several tribes or groups. The best example is the League of Five Nations. This religious and political organization of five Iroquois-speaking tribes organized itself as a semi-state organization. Today's American legal doctrine assumes that the Founding Fathers of the United States of America took the structure of the League as a foundation for the American state regime."(.)

Cultural History and Education brings together an outstanding group of the leading scholars in the study of the cultural history of education. These scholars, whose work represents a variety of national contexts from throughout Europe, Latin America, and North America, contribute to a growing body of work that seeks to re-think historical studies in education

Democracy and slavery collided in the early American republic, nowhere more so than in the Democratic-Republican party, the political coalition that elected Thomas Jefferson president in 1800 and governed the United States into the 1820s. Joining southern slaveholders and northern advocates of democracy, the coalition facilitated a dramatic expansion of American slavery and generated ideological conflict over slaveholder power in national politics. Slavery was not an exception to the rise of American democracy, Padraig Riley argues, but was instead central to the formation of democratic institutions and ideals.Slavery and the Democratic Conscience explains how northern men both confronted and accommodated slavery as they joined the Democratic-Republican cause. Although many northern Jeffersonians opposed slavery, they helped build a complex political movement that defended the rights of white men to self-government, American citizenship, and equality and protected the master's right to enslave. Dissenters challenged this consensus, but they faced significant obstacles. Slaveholders resisted interference with slavery, while committed Jeffersonians built an aggressive American nationalism, consolidating an ideological accord between white freedom and slaveholder power.By the onset of the Missouri Crisis in 1819, democracy itself had become an obstacle to antislavery politics, insofar as it bound together northern aspirations for freedom and the institutional power of slavery. That fundamental compromise had a deep influence on democratic political culture in the United States for decades to come.

Provides an account of the slave revolt along South Carolina's Stono River on September 9, 1739, the only notable rebellion to occur in British North America between the founding of Jamestown in 1607 and the start of the American Revolution