Suchergebnisse

Рассматривается формирование региональной культурной политики, которое задается ориентирами, отраженными в государственном законодательстве. Показано, что социокультурные особенности развития субъектов Российской Федерации наполняют региональные стратегии локальным значением, направляя население на активное включение в процесс реализации территориальных проектов. Выявлено, что ориентация на принципы, регулирующие место региона в культурной политике государства, позволяет не только следовать полномочиям, определяемым государственным законодательством, но и выбирать те приоритеты, которые содействуют развитию, трансляции и закреплению аксиологических оснований места, его образ. ; Molding of regional cultural policy is based on the state orientators, which are fixed at "The bases of culture legislation". The sociocultural special features of the development of the subjects of the state fill strategies of the region with local value, direct the population to an active start in the process of the realization of territorial projects. Federal principles regulate the place of the region in cultural policy of the state. Orientation on them makes possible for the region to act within the framework of law, to select the priorities, which contribute to development, translation and fastening of local values.

Can citizens in an authoritarian country like China influence policy implementation? Two types of scholarship indicate ways that they can: The first proposes that policy implementation is carried out through a fragmented authoritarian system that requires consultation and cooperation among various government units, and this system is amenable to pressure from outside groups. The second examines institutional channels designed to handle grievances and bridge communication between citizens and the authorities. In this paper, I emphasize a link between these two bodies of scholarship, showing how protest channels are connected to the fragmented authoritarian system and how the imperative to maintain social stability leads higher-level authorities to resolve depart-mental conflicts in favour of protesters. I do this by examining a struggle against the privatization of a hospital in North China, a case that illustrates how protesters successfully employed both the petition system and the opportunities offered by the fragmented authoritarian system to develop powerful alliances, to peacefully pressure top local authorities to intervene and to overcome opposition in the local government, leading to finalizing the municipalization of the hospital. (JCCA/GIGA)

What impact do human rights international non-governmental organizations (hereafter HROs) have on the initiation of economic sanctions? The extant literatures on sanctions and transnational non-state groups have largely overlooked the role, if any, the activities of these transnational non-state actors have on the use of economic coercion as a popular policy tool. In this study, we argue that HROs could affect sanction decisions through two distinct mechanisms: information production ("shaming and blaming") and local empowerment (local presence). By bringing poor human rights performers into the international spotlight, we argue that this effect should hold even after accounting for human rights practices in the targeted countries. Using dyadic data on HROs and economic sanctions, we find robust support for our basic argument that HRO activities increase the likelihood of sanction events against repressive regimes. Additionally, much of the empirical support highlights the role of information production, as opposed to local empowerment, in leading to sanction onset. Overall, our findings indicate that HROs are powerful actors in influencing foreign policy decisions between states. Adapted from the source document.

In the past women have been excluded from peace initiatives.. - However, with the advent of UNSCR 1325 (2000) women's agency. - in the process has been heightened through a new framework for. - involvement. UNSCR 1325 is a policy document that acknowledges. - the link between women, peace, and security and uses. - gender mainstreaming as a mechanism to implement its objectives.. - Yet in spite of its policy advancements, over a decade later. - women still do not participate equally in peace and security initiatives. - that impact on the sustainability of peace. This article. - aims to explore the context of this framework through considerations. - of the gender mainstreaming provision in the disarmament,. - demobilization, rehabilitation, and reintegration (DDRR) process. - in Liberia. Using interviews with women associated with fighting. - forces (WAFFs)/ex-combatants the article argues that although. - there was a specific targeted focus showing some gender responsive. - design and coordination, WAFFs'/ex-combatants' unique needs,. - especially those of a social and psychological nature, were poorly. - addressed. In addition, the commentary shows that the focus did. - not attend to structural inequality issues such as sexual and gender. - based violence (SGBV). (International Interactions (London)/ FUB)

Policy responses to the global financial crisis can be divided into pro- and counter-cyclical approaches. The former advocates reducing public spending in times of financial constraints. The latter approach advocates public spending to boost the economy. Using public opinion (N=23,652) data from 27 EU member countries, we empirically test a model for citizen preferences for reducing spending in public services versus government investment in measures to boost the economy as a response to the financial crisis. We look at individual- and country-level determinants of attitudes to savings in public services, and concentrate on four groups of explanations: political disaffection, ideology, self-interest, and macro-economic conditions. It was found that political disaffection, and the respondent's ideological orientation all have effects on preferences, as well as whether one experiences economic strain or receives welfare services. Macro-economic conditions, such as a country's government deficit level, public debt or public expenditure have, surprisingly, no effect on citizens' financial policy preferences. We discuss the implications of our results for public administration theory and practice.

Article is devoted to formation of the modern scientific Russian research centers on studying of policy of the European Union concerning the Russian Federation. The academic, governmental, university and new analytical centers investigating foreign policy of the European Union concerning Russia, their role, the purpose, tasks, demand are considered by the state political structures and public organizations. The reasons promoting activization of the European researches in the Russian Federation during the Post-Soviet period are investigated. The assessment of activity of the leading research centers of Russia according to an annual global rating of the expert and analytical centers of the world is given (Think Tanks Index). = Посвящена формированию современных научных российских исследовательских центров по изучению политики Европейского союза в отношении Российской Федерации. Рассматриваются академические, правительственные, университетские и новые аналитические центры, исследующие внешнюю политику Европейского союза в отношении России, их роль, цель, задачи, востребованность государственными политическими структурами и общественными организациями. Изучаются причины, способствующие активизации европейских исследований в Российской Федерации в постсоветский период. Приводится оценка деятельности ведущих исследовательских центров России согласно ежегодному глобальному рейтингу экспертно-аналитических центров мира (Think Tanks Index).

This article originates in a piece of educational research into the experiences of Further Education (FE) student teachers in the West Midlands region of England. This cohort of students experienced significant upheaval in their college workplaces and placements during the 2010/11 academic year. Pressures on FE funding were exacerbated by a Comprehensive Spending Review by the coalition government in late 2010 - prompted by the on-going global economic crisis. Some of the repercussions of these funding cuts for staff and students in the sector are discussed in this paper, as perceived by this cohort of student teachers working in a range of FE providers across the West Midlands. Many of these repercussions can broadly be seen as an extension of existing managerialist practices, as the justification for an increasing squeeze on local resource allocation continues to be a wider appeal to global market 'realities'. But we theorise that NPM plays an important role in a reductive kind of knowledge production for policy makers which fuels and legitimises on-going policy intervention and see this as an important shaping force in the emerging professional identity of these new teachers.

Looking at today's policy challenges in richer and poorer countries through the analytical lens of global public goods (GPGs), including the links between GPG provisioning and development, this paper suggests a three-pronged approach for the framing of the Post-2015 Agenda: (1) to organise the Agenda process as a recurrent global policy loop that starts at the national level, with the preparation of national programmes of international cooperation by industrialised and developing countries; (2) to promote global fairness, notably process fairness, in order to allow all concerned to have an effective voice in matters that concern them; and (3) to take full advantage of the new resource-mobilisation opportunities that some GPGs present. If approached in this way, the Post-2015 Agenda would primarily be an agenda of international cooperation commitments. It would do more than call for goals such as 'halving poverty' or 'mitigating climate change' – and then remain silent on who would do what in order to progress towards these goals. Rather, the Agenda would equip countries to actually progress towards more inclusive and sustainable growth and development – nationally, regionally and globally.

The problems related to industry are topical because there is no real industrial policy in Estonia today. The aim of this article is to provide an overview of the stages of development of Estonian industry in different periods (…–1858, ……, 2010–…). Estonian industry has been predominantly concentrated to Tallinn and its immediate vicinity and to other cities and towns of North Estonia, to a lesser extent also to other larger Estonian cities and county centres and their immediate vicinity. Disposition of industry in Estonia has been predominantly related to appropriate geographical conditions and existence of local natural resources and raw materials, traditions and experience but has also depended on decisions on economic policy in different periods, both on the national and local government levels. After regaining of independence there have been no particular fundamental positive changes in regional industrial development in Estonia, we can rather even talk about regression instead for some places. These are, however, necessary in order to ensure jobs to people in all inhabited regions, above all in rural areas. It would also contribute to a balanced regional development in Estonia.

Dutch East Inies Government ability regarding education for the count in Indonesia in 1900-1920. This research aims to know state of the implementation of the Dutch East Indies government ability in the field of education for the nobility in Indonesia in 1900-1920. The method is the historical research methods. The method is the historical research methods. The collection data technique used documentation an literation study, while the analysis of the data used is analysis of qualitative data. The results showed that the Dutch East indies government's education policy is given to the Indonesian people are preferred for the nobility Bumiputera. Dutch East Indies government policy of education for the nobility in Indonesia is in the form of the estabilishment of school institution. School that established by the Ducth government for the nobility in Indonesia, among which: ELS (Europese Lagere School) an elementary school Europe , HBS (Hogere Burger School)is a high school , HIS (Hollandse Inlandse School) an elementary school for the children of the people honored Bumiputera, dan OSVIA ( Opleiding School Voor Inlandsche Ambteneren) an elementary school.Key word : Ability, education and nobility