Suchergebnisse

The thesis is made of two parts and analyzes at first the trajectory of the notion of "governmentality" in Michel Foucault's courses at the Collège de France between 1976 and 1984 to develop a new analytical framework of political conflict through the reciprocal relationships between state practices and counter-conducts. Secondly, it puts this theoretical framework to the test of a series of empirical data to draw a genealogy of the State in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries from the viewpoint of an ethnology of truth telling within social practices. On variable areas, times and populations, it identifies four different regimes of veridiction/jurisdiction for governmental practices logically articulated some in the others by successive and reciprocal relationships: 1/ the social liberal regime of the res socialis in France from the 1890 to 1960s; 2/ the regime of the res nullius for the action committees in France in the 1968s ; 3/ the neoliberal regime of the res economica at the global scale since the 1970s; 4/ the regime of the res communis for the Coordinadora del agua and bolivian water committees in the 2000s. Each of these regimes involves a different experiment of the State in terms of degree and spaces of governmentality, of effects of state policies on the level of social inequalities between classes or on the degree of democratization of public life. It is thus to a historically differentiated evaluation of the State that invites the foucaultian method of analyzing the veridictions to which are indexed the governmental practices. ; La thèse, composée de deux grands ensembles, explicite d'abord la trajectoire de la notion de « gouvernementalité » dans les cours de Michel Foucault au Collège de France de 1976 et 1984 afin d'établir un nouveau cadre théorique d'analyse du conflit politique à partir de l'étude des rapports de réciprocité entre les pratiques étatiques et les contre-conduites. Dans un deuxième temps, elle met ce cadre théorique à l'épreuve d'ensembles empiriques afin de tracer une généalogie de l'État au XXème et XXIème siècles à partir d'une ethnologie du dire-vrai dans la pratique sociale. Sur des aires, des temps et des populations variables, elle identifie quatre régimes différents de véridiction/juridiction des pratiques gouvernementales logiquement articulés les uns aux autres par des rapports de réciprocité successifs :1 / le régime libéral social de la res socialis en France des années 1890 aux années 1960 ; 2/ le régime de la res nullius dans les comitésd'action en France dans les années 68 ; 3/ le régime néolibéral de la res economica à l'échelle mondiale depuis les années 1970 ; 4/ le régime de la res communis dans la Coordinadora del agua et les comités de l'eau boliviens dans les années 2000. Chacun de ces régimes implique une expérience différente de l'État en termes de degré et d'espaces de gouvernementalité, d'effets des politiques étatiques sur le niveau des inégalités et la structuration des rapports entre classes sociales ou sur le degré de démocratisation de la vie publique. C'est donc à une évaluation historiquement différenciée de l'État qu'invite la méthode foucaldienne d'analyse des formes de véridiction sur lesquelles sont indexées les pratiques gouvernementales.

[ES] Durante el siglo XIX las ciudades españolas experimentaron una transformación notable. El cambio del Antiguo al Nuevo Régimen tuvo una incidencia directa en la evolución del urbanismo. Salamanca, como capital de provincia, no fue ajena a esta realidad; sin embargo, su escaso desarrollo demográfico e industrial ralentizó los procesos de desarrollo urbano. El cambio de imagen de la ciudad comenzó con los efectos de la Guerra de la Independencia, que arruinó un número importante de edificios. Después, el ascenso al poder de los gobiernos liberales impulsó una avalancha de iniciativas encaminadas a dar a la ciudad un aspecto más acorde con el gusto y la mentalidad de la burguesía dominante. La desamortización de Mendizábal hizo que los edificios de las órdenes religiosas pudieran utilizarse para otros usos. En ellos encontraron acomodo la cárcel, algunos cuarteles militares, establecimientos industriales, hospitales o teatros. Otros tuvieron peor destino, utilizándose como canteras de piedra sin que la Comisión de Monumentos pudiera evitarlo. La desaparición de algunos de estos inmuebles, junto con determinadas parroquias, dio origen a plazas que mejoraron el tránsito, la imagen y la ventilación en algunas zonas céntricas. Siguiendo la legislación estatal, en 1858 Salamanca tuvo su primer plano geométrico, elaborado por el ingeniero Francisco Coello. A partir de 1860 los arquitectos municipales de Salamanca empezaron a trazar los planos de alineación. Desde entonces comenzaron a influir en el aspecto de las calles de la ciudad, que poco a poco fueron perdiendo las irregularidades propias del Antiguo Régimen. Además, ese cambio de imagen no solo afectó a la latitud y al trazado de la calles, también al alzado de los edificios. Las fachadas reconstruidas tenían que seguir la normativa contenida en el reglamento de ornato. Este documento, uno de los más importantes del urbanismo local en el siglo XIX, indicaba una distribución de vanos rigurosamente ordenada. Las calles San Pablo y Rúa son un buen reflejo de la influencia que estos procesos tuvieron en las calles de Salamanca; sin embargo, al finalizar el siglo todavía faltaban muchas calles sin alinear y algunos procesos quedaron sin concluir, como todavía puede apreciarse hoy. Además de las transformaciones en la red viaria, a lo largo del siglo mejoraron las infraestructuras. Para el abastecimiento de agua se optó por utilizar la máquina de vapor, que podía elevarla a la ciudad desde el río Tormes. Para mejorar el saneamiento se cubrieron las dos grandes esguevas que atravesaban el casco urbano de norte a sur. En cualquier caso, a pesar de los esfuerzos, los sistemas establecidos no fueron eficientes ni duraderos, por lo que hubo que solucionarlos en el siglo XX. Las mejoras también se dejaron notar en los servicios y las dotaciones, con la construcción de un mercado, cementerio, matadero y teatro. La red de comunicaciones mejoró sensiblemente durante la segunda mitad de siglo con la construcción de carreteras modernas. La llegada del ferrocarril en 1877 supuso la mejora más sensible en este aspecto.

"Since it became clear in March 2011 that free general elections would be held in Egypt, a month after the fall of Mubarak, the Muslim Brotherhood has been bent on a 'majority strategy'. This included a whole series of measures and developments, such as founding a political party, winning the general elections of November 2011 - January 2012, and the elections for the Majlis al-Shura elections of February 2012 and obtaining a dominant influence in the Constituent Assembly, which was appointed after the elections. But not only did it mean winning the elections in these democratic bodies, it also meant obtaining control over professional organizations that would delegate representatives to the Constituent Assembly, such as trade unions, professional syndicates, and other organizations belonging to civil society. This trend has been accelerated since Muhammad Mursi has become president in June 2012. Using his executive powers he has increased the power of the Muslim Brotherhood by dismissing and appointing high officials. The sacking of General Hussein Tantawi in August 2012, and the downgrading of the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) was of course the most spectacular move, but the appointment of governors, newspaper editors, and other media have been means of extending the power of the Muslim Brotherhood. The detractors of the Brotherhood accuse the organization of willfully grabbing power at the expense of the activists who brought the revolution of 25 January about. They argue that during the transition phase, which ended with the referendum on the constitution on 15 December 2012, the institutions of the state should represent 'all currents and groups in Egypt'. Its defendants, on the other hand, argue that the Brotherhood has obtained a majority in parliament and then won the presidential elections and that movement therefore represents the 'will of the people' (iradat al-shab). The supporters of the previous regime are blocking the justified reforms that the Brotherhood is implementing in the name of the revolution. This contribution analyzes the 'majority strategy' of the Brotherhood and its inability to form coalitions (except with some sections of the Salafi movement) and break out of its isolation and appeal to a larger public. Does this stem from its previous history of persecution during the past 80 years and its suspicious nature as a semi-underground movement that has no experience in politics, or does it have its roots in the nature of the revolution which reached an impasse very early on and cannot be resolved without more heavy-handed measures? The contribution will include in its analysis the responses of other political players to the rise of the Brotherhood (Salafis, liberals, activists, split-offs of the Brotherhood, SCAF, judges, etc). It will also include an analysis of the way the Brotherhood looks at politics. Is it true that politics has become a separate field of activity that aims at finding solutions to concrete problems during the past thirty years, or is it simply an instrument to acquire power? The contribution is based on close (if intermittent) reading of Egyptian newspapers and weblogs over the past one and a half years." (author's abstract)

This master's thesis is about neoliberal civilization – a complex and comprehensive social phenomenon that appears to be able to spread its influence all over the world, and that effectively monopolizes the right to define social relations and transformations in most areas of social life. This is a theoretical study which includes a definition, an evaluation, and a discussion of neoliberal civilization and its future trends. It provides an interpretation of the financial and debt crisis, and the solutions employed to manage the crisis. It provides an evaluation of the epistemological foundations of this system, on its nature and purposes. As a conceptualization, neoliberal civilization refers to the discursive practices of neoliberal international political economy (IPE). It refers to a system that is being represented as an ideal, and which forms a set of discursive rules and practices that define most areas of social life and that subject most people to roles defined by it. It is an attempt to dominate social relations and the destiny of the world from a particular perspective of vested interests. Globalization, interdependences, democracy, and economy are concepts set up from the perspective of dominant market actors, and that serve the dominant interest of the global market place. In order to be free individuals, we need to rethink freedom, individualism and political economy with other tools than those of neoliberal civilization. Major sources of neoliberal theory include Friedrich von Hayek'sRoad to Serfdom(1956 [1944]), Constitution of Liberty(2006 [1960]),Fatal Conceit(1988), Ludwig von Mises'Theory and History(1957), and Milton and Rose Friedman'sFree to Choose(1979). Other sources for neoliberal IPE include the internet pages of IMF, WTO, World Bank, policy agency groups, and major corporate interest groups. I have approached the analytical conceptualization of neoliberal civilization from a normative perspective, based on a theocentric cognitive systematization, the Universal System of Love, and an interpretation of Adam Smith's System of Natural Liberty. The first of the two perspectives is based on Emanuel Swedenborg'sDivine Love and Wisdom(2009a [1763]), the second on Smith'sTheory of Moral Sentiments(2006 [1759]), andWealth of Nations(2005, [1776]). Both perspectives led to a rejection of neoliberal epistemology, and a reformulation of the concept of freedom. Neoliberal civilization appears to have perverted the ideas of freedom, individualism and markets to a form that is inimical to freedom, not coherent with the natural laws, and that deprives self-interest its materially progressive and morally beneficial features exposed by Adam Smith. The purposes of this study required only an outline of these two perspectives, to be used for evaluative analysis. I find that the Swedenborgian perspective can be used for transforming the philosophy of science, and the Smithian perspective for uniting the liberal and Marxist traditions, and the movement of another and better world. I ground this claim on the ability to unthink, rethink, systematize and unite that these perspective seem to offer. Asiasanat:neoliberalism, civilization, international political economy, discourse, epistemology, morality, freedom, liberty, Smith, Hayek, crisis, debt

Benjamin Nathans recognizes Lipovetsky's argument as a variation on postmodernism's critique of modernity and more broadly of the liberal heritage of the Enlightenment. Evidence of this postmodernist stance for Nathans is Lipovetsky's reliance on the concept of "discourse" and the cor­responding treatment of liberalism as a disembodied discourse that, with the proper modifications, might serve to animate an emerging "creative class." Nathans explains his suspicion of the term "creative class" as inac­curate and undemocratic. He notes that Lipovetsky's approach is "highly structuralist" and leaves aside important ruptures between the late Soviet and post-Soviet periods. However, one fruitful aspect of this structuralism, that is, of Lipovetsky's suggestion that the nature of cultural authority may not have changed so much in the transition from late Soviet to post-Soviet Russia, is that it provokes a comparative reevaluation of two major rup­tures - the "Thaw" and "Perestroika." "Did the 'people of the sixties' feel more estranged from the Stalin era than today's middle-aged Russians feel from the Brezhnev era?" In posing this question, Nathans argues that Lipovetsky's article does not pay sufficient attention to the evolution of views of its heroes, such as Andrei Sakharov. Nathans also rejects a description of the ITR discourse as antidemocratic - as if that discourse was monolithic or failed to evolve over time. He insists that late Soviet intel­lectuals did not operate exclusively within binaries (such an interpretation does not do justice to the variety of late Soviet intellectual and cultural life). Nathans concludes with the general statement that "the capacity to combine idealism and pragmatism is a desirable and productive trait, then as now, in Russia and elsewhere." Бенджамин Натанс увидел в подходе Марка Липовецкого вариант постмодернистской критики модерна и еще шире - либерального наследия Просвещения. Об этом, в частности, свидетельствует принципиальная роль, которую в концепции Липовецкого играет понятие дискурса, а также его трактовка либерализма как бестелесного дискурса, который, будучи правильно подкорректирован, вполне способен оживить возникающий "креативный класс". Натанс объясняет свое подозрительное отношение к концепции "креативного класса" тем, что она неаккуратно описывает социальную реальность и является антидемократической. Натанс считает подход Липовецкого "чрезвычайно структуралистским", игнорирующим важные разрывы между позднесоветским и постсоветским периодами. Однако у структуралистского тезиса, согласно которому природа культурной власти не особенно изменилась при переходе к постсоветскому состоянию, есть и продуктивный аспект. С точки зрения Натанса, этот тезис заставляет переоценить в сравнительной перспективе два основных разрыва советской истории - оттепель и перестройку. Натанс задается вопросом: "Насколько более отчужденными от сталинского времени ощущали себя шестидесятники по сравнению с тем, как оценивают свою отчужденность от брежневской эпохи сегодняшние россияне средних лет?" Он считает, что Липовецкий не уделяет достаточного внимания эволюции взглядов таких героев своей статьи, как, например, Андрей Сахаров, а также не принимает характеристику дискурса ИТР как недемократического, поскольку такая оценка предполагает, что он был монолитным или статичным. Натанс также не согласен, что позднесоветские интеллектуалы оперировали исключительно дихотомиями (подобная интерпретация не учитывает разнообразия позднесоветской интеллектуальной и культурной жизни). Натанс завершает свое эссе общим наблюдением, что "способность сочетать идеализм и прагматизм представляет собой желаемое и продуктивное качество. Это было верно тогда и верно сейчас в России и повсеместно".

Globalisation, as a phenomenon of the introduction of the various innovative structures in different spheres of life, enriches the postmodern reality; it expands the boundaries of national economic and politic systems; it creates a qualitatively new stage in the development of modern society. The basic features of the transformational trends in the modern economic system are highlighted. Globalization is defined as an objective process that is associated with a gradual and unavoidable increasing of interdependence and relationships between states, nations and regions. All this is manifested first of all in economic relations. The current global economy is a kind of a single mechanism, all elements of which are spread across all countries and continents. Economic dependence entails many consequences, the most obvious of them to society is an existing division of labor with the trend of increasing differentiation. The economic system of the world is increasingly globalized. State boundaries and differences between world markets lost its former importance. The globalization of the financial system covers the internationalization of three components: domestic currencies, banking, capital markets.In the policy reduced the role of national states. Structural and functional characteristics of the global world are emergined by neo-liberal system. Implementation of market principles in all areas of life becomes all-embracing. The author of the article focuses on the essential changes in a such concepts as liberalism and democracy. The polarity effects of the globalization process are analyzed, but not only in the sphere of politics and economics, also in the sphere of culture and anthropological dimension of existence. Particular attention is paid to the concept of «risk society», its meaning and implications.Different types of threat, uncertainty, and fear is the main indicator and the main fact of risks society. As a conclusion, it is proposed alternative vision of contemporary global processes within the framework of globalization itself. ; Глобализация как явление введения в различные сферы бытия инниовацийних струткурних элементов, обогащает постмодерную действительность, расширяет границы национальных экономических и политичнисх систем, создает качественно новый этап развития современного общества. Выделены основные черты трансформационных тенденций современной экономической системы. Автор статьи делает акцент на сущностном изменении таких понятий как либерализм и демократия. Анализируется полярность последствий глобализационного процесса не только в сфере политики и экономики, но и в сфере культуры и антропологического измерения бытия. Особое внимание обращено на концепт «общество рисков», его значение и последствия. Как вывод, предлагается видение альтернатив развития современных мировых процессов в рамках самой глобализации. ; Глобалізація як явище введення у різні сфери буття інноваційних структурних елементів, збагачує постмодерну дійсність, розширює межі національних економічних та політичнисх систем, витворює якісно новий етап розвитку сучасного суспільства. Виділено основні риси трансформаційних тенденцій сучасної економічної системи. Автор статті ставить наголос на сутнісній зміні таких понять як лібералізм та демократія. Аналізується полярність наслідків глобалізаційного процесу не лише у сфері політики та економіки, але й у сфері культури та антропологічного виміру буття. Особлива увага звернена на концепт «суспільство ризиків», його значення та наслідки. Як висновок, пропонується бачення альтернатив розвитку сучасних світових процесів у межах самої глобалізації.

Magna Cum Laude ; The ELIE model (for « Equal Labor Income Equalization ») is a new model of global income redistribution – proposed by Serge-Christophe Kolm in Macrojustice (2005). What is at stake in this model, which is based on a Deep Thought concerning economic implications of values systems accepted in contemporary occidental societies, deserves to be discussed. I defend the idea that by distancing himself from the dominant paradigm in normative economics, namely the welfarism, Kolm is led to modify the definition of normative economics. To be more precise, while until then normative economics dealt only with the question of redistribution modality, leaving the question of nature of redistribution to moral and political philosophy (as shown in the « equality of what? » controversy initiated by Sen), Kolm reintroduces this second question in the field of normative economics.The dissertation is composed of three parts relating to implications of this paradigm shift and to Kolm's redefinition of normative economics field. The first part focuses on fundaments of the ELIE model and, more precisely, on income redistribution justification and on the determination of the intensity of redistribution, through the question of a liberal social choice. The second part is about implications of this paradigm shift and is devoted more specifically to the relation of the ELIE model with the mirrleesian theory of optimal taxation and with welfarism in general. The third part turns toward this model's consequences in terms of redistribution rules. ; Le modèle ELIE (pour Equal Labour Income Equalization) est un modèle inédit de redistribution globale des revenus – qui a été proposé par Serge-Christophe Kolm dans Macrojustice (2005). Les enjeux de ce modèle, qui repose notamment sur une réflexion profonde concernant les implications économiques des systèmes de valeurs acceptés dans les sociétés occidentales contemporaines, méritent d'être discutés. Notre thèse est qu'en prenant ses distances avec le paradigme dominant en économie normative, à savoir le welfarisme, Kolm est conduit à modifier la définition de l'économie normative. Pour être plus précis, alors que l'économie normative ne traitait jusque-là que de la question des modalités de la redistribution, laissant celle de la nature de l'assiette de redistribution à la philosophie morale et politique (comme en atteste la controverse « égalité de quoi ? » initiée par Sen), Kolm entend réintroduire cette seconde question dans le champ de l'économie normative.La thèse se compose de trois parties portant sur les implications de ce changement de paradigme et de la redéfinition du champ de l'économie normative. La première partie s'attache aux fondements du modèle ELIE et plus précisément à la justification de la redistribution des revenus et à la détermination de son intensité à travers la question d'un choix social libéral. La deuxième partie aborde les implications théoriques de ce changement de paradigme et traite plus spécifiquement de la relation du modèle avec la théorie mirrleesienne de la fiscalité optimale et avec le welfarisme en général. La troisième partie se tourne vers les conséquences de ce modèle en termes de règles de redistribution.

This work is a synthetic presentation of authoritarian and pro-fascist tendencies appearing in the Polish political thought between 1921 and 1935, tendencies resulting from the crisis of a liberal parliamentary democracy getting stronger (not only in Poland) in the interwar period. After regaining independence, the realities of parliamentarism did not overlap with hopes and expectations harboured so far that is why disappointment with democracy started to germinate in different environments. In the first half of the 1920s the slogans of a withdrawal from democracy remained rare and tentative, and, in general, constrained to postulates of a temporary facilitation of the institution and democratic mechanisms. The 1926 was the breakthrough. The awareness of the democracy crisis has become common. Despite this, authoritarianism initially seemed a temporary phenomenon. In the 1930s, Great Economic Crisis deepened disappointment with democracy making what was initially an exception to the rule a rule. The harbinger of the new epoch was the birth of the National Radicalism. The first chapter is devoted to terminological issues, and explains the notions of demoliberalism, authoritarianism and totalitarianism used in this work. The second chapter describes the bases from which authoritarian tendencies were born in the interwar period, namely criticism of democracy to be found in the Polish political thought of the 19. century. Next chapters present antidemoliberal conceptions of fascists in the 1920s, conservatives, national democrats, Christian democrats, Piłsudski's camp, national-workers movement, agrarian movement and Marxist groups, as well as esoteric circles, Pan-Slavists, eugenic activists, technocrats, war veterans, and, finally, National Radicals from the beginning of the 1930s. Both system solutions proposed in their political thought and their ideological justification were examined. An alternative to a parliamentary democracy took on different forms. One can see here a variety of propositions: from insignificant corrections of the democratic system to its total negation. "Old" national democrats, some conservatives, Christian democrats, agrarian populists, and initially Piłsudskites were limited to the reform of parliamentarism with maintaining its fundaments. Authoritarianism was represented by "young" national democrats of the Obóz Wielkiej Polski (the Greater Poland Camp), and a majority of conservatives. After 1926 it was a direction in which the reform moved. Totalitarianism did not have many followers. Reform proposals showed far-reaching similarity: reinforcement and independence of the executive, reorganization and restriction of the role of the Parliament, and, finally, corporatist system based on organized social groups were postulated. What was different, on the other hand, was the justification of these projects. The national democrats wanted to protect the interest of the ethnic Polish nation. Piłsudskites and conservatives accentuated the necessity to provide the Polish state with power (and, thus, the possibility of expansion). The latter, with Christian democrats, motivated their postulates with a defense of a traditional social and moral order. According to the left-wing activists, strong authority was also to be a tool of nation modernization and conducting social reforms. The most peculiar explanation was given by esoteric groups, according to whom the change of the political system was to serve the fulfillment of moral and metaphysical aims.

This dissertation consists of three essays on trade policy and factor mobility. The first essay studies the effects of preferential tariff rates on China's imports from African Least Developed Countries (LDCs). On the second ministerial meeting of China-Africa Cooperation Forum (FOCAC) in 2003, China offered duty-free treatment to 190 products originating from a group of LDCs in Africa, so as to facilitate their entry into the Chinese market. The goal of this essay is to examine whether or not this agreement has some economic content. Based on detailed import data at the 6-digit harmonized system level, we employ a triple-difference (DDD) approach to empirically investigate the effects of preferential tariff rates on Chinese imports from African LDCs. The estimation results show that, on average, there is no evidence that duty free access helped African LDCs effectively gain access to the Chinese market in the years following the initial implementation of this policy. However, we do find that there is an increase of imports in the last year of our sample, suggesting that the impact is growing over time. We also find that agricultural goods experience the largest increase in import values, while imports of textile goods are still relative low. The second essay investigates the impact on China's economic growth of the State-Sponsored Study Abroad Programmes (SSSAP). It is widely believed that human capital has played a crucial role in the Chinese economic miracle. In recent years, the Chinese government has launched a series of SSSAP as to further improve domestic human capital through foreign training. In this essay, we explore the effects of such programs on China's economic growth in a Lucas-type endogenous growth model with human capital accumulation. We first derive the growth-maximizing tax rate on output which is used to finance public spending on education. Next, we determine the optimal share of educational expenditure between home-educated and foreign-educated human capital, taking tax rate on output as given. Due to the complexity of the model, we also carry out a series of numerical simulations to examine the effect of SSSAP on Chinese economic growth. In the third essay, we study the European citizens' preferences concerning the allocation of power between European Union (EU) and Member States in the domain of immigration policy. We first develop a simple framework to show that (i) harmonization of immigration policies is likely to lead to a more liberal immigration policy; (ii) there exists a strong relationship between EU citizens' education levels and their supports for delegating competences to the EU institutions in the field of immigration. Using several rounds of Eurobarometer surveys carried out between 2000 and 2008, we test the theoretical predictions, and find that on average education level has a positive, statistically significant impact on natives' preferences over a common immigration policy. In addition, we find that self-reported political orientation and overall perception of the European Union also affect natives' attitudes towards the harmonization of immigration policy.

В статье предложен источниковедческий и исторический анализ не известной специалистам рукописи, найденной в бумагах коллекционера И. А. Шляпкина в архиве Санкт-Петебургского института истории РАН. Это рукопись «О русских конституциях», написанная со слов историка И. П. Сахарова его племянником Н. А. Беловодским, в которой говорится о том, что в 1851 г. историк А. Н. Попов, служивший во II отделении С.Е.И.В. Канцелярии у себя дома показывал Сахарову рукопись конституции, подписанной Александром I на третий день после его воцарения. Попов не уточнял ни ее происхождения, ни того, как эта рукопись оказалась у него. Сахаров пересказал племяннику то, 264 что он слышал об этой конституции от других лиц. Согласно этому рассказу Александр I подписал конституционный проект, предложенный ему на третий день после восшествия на престол Д. П. Трощинским, но В. П. Кочубей переубедил молодого царя. Посланный Александром Кочубей забрал уже подписанный царем проект, который либералы, пьяные от радости, еще не успели напечатать. С одной стороны наивность рассказа Сахарова не оставляет сомнений в том, что он недостоверен. С другой стороны, И. П. Сахаров 15 лет работал над монографией, посвященной Александру I, в которой должна была быть отдельная глава о его законодательной деятельности. После смерти историка в его бумагах находился целый ряд похищенных из архивов подлинных документов, местонахождение которых сегодня неизвестно. Рассказ Сахарова зафиксировал важный исторический факт: в 1851 г. у Попова находился один из конституционных проектов Александра I 1801 года. Косвенные данные позволяют предполагать, что это был один из проектов «Грамоты российскому народу», подготовленной ко дню коронации царя. ; This manuscript "On Russian Constitutions" was opened at the archive of St.-Petersburg Institute of History of Russian Academy of Sciences among the papers of the collector I. A. Shliapkin. It is an account of the historian I.P. Saharov written by his nephew N.A. Belovodsky. According to it the 20 of January 1851 the historian A.N. Popov, the staff of II Department of H. M. I Chancellery, snowed to Saharov a manuscript of the constitution signed by Alexander I three days after his accession. According to it Alexander I signed this project of the constitution proposed him by D. P. Trostchinsky in three days after his accession, but V. P. Kochubey made change the mind of the young tsar. Send by him Kochubey took away the signed project, which the liberals didn't publish yet, because they were drinking of happiness. Naivety of the account shows that it is an apocryphal thing. But Popov wrote a book about Alexander I during 15 years. It must be a special chapter about legislation of the tsar at the book. There were many original documents stolen from the archives among his papers after Popov's death. We don't know today where they are now. The Saharov's account proves the fact very important. 1851 Popov had one of the constitution's project of 1801. Indirect evidences let us propose that it was one of the project of "Chart to Russian People", prepared to day of the coronation.

ResumenLa crítica de la globalización y sus modelos de dominación se ha centrado sobre todo en la nueva división internacional del trabajo y sus consecuencias en las condiciones de vida de los países dominados. Sin embargo, la crisis actual pone en evidencia que este modelo colonial tampoco ha funcionado como se esperaba en los países centrales que se suponía iban a convertirse en centros de acumulación planetaria privilegiados, llamados a la excelencia bajo el señuelo del desarrollo de la sociedad del conocimiento. Las promesas de sustitución del orden anterior por ese nuevo estado de plenitud no han resistido las verdaderas reglas de juego neoliberales del reparto de la riqueza y el poder, que han seguido al desmantelamiento de los mecanismos de regulación (de equilibrio y ajuste) de la sociedad fordista, con consecuencias desastrosas en la cohesión de la formación social y en la propia eficiencia del todo. Es el caso de Madrid donde se analizan los procesos de estratificación de su espacio social en la última década, que sugieren la quiebra de la ciudad global desmintiendo ese ascenso quimérico fuertemente arraigado, sin embargo, en el imaginario colectivo que alimenta, paradójicamente, los propios procesos discriminatorios con fuertes tensiones asimétricas entre estratos sociales. Queda al descubierto la participación del Estado y de los gobiernos locales en el retroceso radical de los derechos y los equilibrios históricos adquiridos, en favor del capital financiero y de la producción inmobiliaria, que imponen (producen) ese nuevo espacio social más acorde con las reglas de exclusión que gobiernan sus intereses hasta llevarlas al borde de su inviabilidad.Palabras clave: Globalización, espacio social, transformaciones en Madrid, centralidad, acumulación-desposesión, imaginario colectivo.AbstractThe critique of globalization and its models of dominance has focused mainly on the new international division of labour and its effects on living conditions of dominated countries. However, the current crisis highlighted that the colonial model has never worked as expected in developed countries. It was supposed that they would become privileged centers of planetary accumulation committed to excellence under the lure of the development of knowledge society. Promises of replacement of the old order by the new state of fullness have not resisted the genuine neo-liberal rules of sharing the wealth and power, who have followed the dismantling of the regulatory (adjustment and balance) mechanisms of Fordist model with disastrous consequences for the social cohesion and for the actual efficiency of the whole. It's the case of Madrid where we analyse the social space stratification processes in the last decade, that suggest the collapse of global city, denying a chimeric rise deeply rooted, however in the collective imagination that feeds, paradoxically, its own discriminatory processes with high asymmetric tensions between social strata. It's exposed the State and local governments involvement in the radical step back historically adquired rights and balances, in favor of financial capital and real estate production, imposing that new social space according to the exclusion rules that govern their interests to carry on the verge of unfeasibility. Keywords: Globalization, social space, urban change in Madrid, urban centrality, accumulation-dispossession, collective imagination.

AbstractTo explain cross‐class spatial relations in 'post‐neoliberal' Buenos Aires, this article develops the notion of microcitizenships, defined as group‐specific quasi‐legal relationships with the local state, entailing both recognition and service provision in order to grant exclusive yet temporary rights to particularized legitimate uses of urban space. This conceptualization contrasts in particular with prominent theorizations of liberal, insurgent and flexible citizenship. Microcitizenships capture the newly fractious, rather than merely fragmented, nature of social rights after the adoption of more inclusive and nationalist discourses in the recovery period following the neoliberal crisis of 2001–02. Argentina has been an icon of both neoliberal and post‐neoliberal globalization, making its capital city ideal for the study of changing forms of belonging in the new political–economic context. Taking three central neighborhoods redeveloped in the neoliberal period (1989–2001) which were landmarks of fragmentation, I find they are now characterized by clashes among groups negotiating very different claims of legitimate presence in the same sites. I use ethnographic and interview‐based evidence to outline three types of conflicting membership: 'excessive', 'weekend' and 'transposable' citizens. All employ post‐neoliberal idioms but invoke legitimizations specifically from disparate geographic scales to stake their claims. Thus, amid inclusionary rhetoric, ironically there are microcitizenships that embody spatio‐temporally circumscribed, precarious and especially fractious forms of belonging in the city. Closing considerations address how this concept resonates with a range of contemporary urban contexts.RésuméCet article explique les rapports spatiaux entre classes dans le Buenos Aires 'post‐néolibéral'. Pour ce faire, il utilise la notion de micro‐citoyennetés, définie comme les relations quasi‐juridiques qu'un groupe spécifique entretient avec l'État local, ce qui suppose à la fois une reconnaissance et la fourniture de services afin que puissent être octroyés des droits exclusifs, mais temporaires, à un usage légitime et particularisé de l'espace urbain. Ce concept diffère notamment des principales théorisations de la citoyenneté libérale, 'insurgée' et 'flexible'. Les micro‐citoyennetés restituent la dissension – plus que la simple fragmentation – qui caractérise les droits sociaux après que des discours prônant l'inclusion et le nationalisme ont été adoptés lors du redressement qui a suivi la crise du néolibéralisme de 2001–2002. L'Argentine a été une icône de la mondialisation néolibérale et post‐néolibérale, faisant de sa capitale un cas idéal pour étudier les formes évolutives d'appartenance dans le nouveau contexte politico‐économique. L'étude de trois quartiers du centre, réaménagés et symboliques de la fragmentation à l'époque néolibérale (1989–2001), révèle qu'ils se caractérisent à présent par des heurts entre groupes négociant des revendications très différentes d'une présence légitime dans des lieux identiques. Des éléments ethnographiques et issus d'entretiens permettent de déterminer trois types d'appartenance antagonistes: citoyens 'sans bornes', 'pour le week‐end' et 'transposables'. Tous sont de style post‐néolibéral, mais invoquent des échelons géographiques différents pour justifier leur légitimité et leurs demandes. Ainsi, au milieu d'une rhétorique d'inclusion, on trouve paradoxalement des micro‐citoyennetés qui incarnent des formes d'appartenance à la ville qui sont à la fois circonscrites sur un plan spatio‐temporel, précaires et particulièrement acrimonieuses. Pour finir, sont abordées les manières dont ce concept s'accorde avec divers contextes urbains contemporains.

Масштабные политические и экономические изменения в конце прошлого века привели к системной трансформации российского и других посткоммунистических обществ. Успех или неудачи рыночных реформ и либеральной демократии требуют критического анализа основных теоретико-методологических подходов к их изучению. Причем, межстрановые различия касаются не только и не столько темпов или качества экономического роста, сколько сложившихся в разных странах условий социального воспроизводства, развития личности, творческого потенциала основных социальных групп населения. К сожалению, необходимо признать, что при весьма скромных экономических достижениях Россия и в этом аспекте сегодня заметно уступает многим посткоммунистическим странам. В связи с этим назрел ряд вопросов, требующих обсуждения и неизбежно затрагивающих такие проблемы, как социальная справедливость, равенство шансов и социальная солидарность. В этом номере журнала мы публикуем материалы посвященного этим проблемам круглого стола, который прошел в рамках XII-й Международной научной конференции по проблемам развития экономики и общества 7 апреля 2011 года. Выступления публикуются на основании производившейся во время обсуждения аудиозаписи ; The major political and economic transformations of the late twentieth century have led to a radical system change in Russia as well as other post-socialist societies. Yet the relative success of market reforms and the installation of liberal democracy in some countries and their apparent failure in the others still require a critical analysis of the basic theoretical as well as methodological approaches to the explanation of these developments. However, these inter-country differences concern not only and not so much the rate and the quality of their economic growth, but the formation of a particular environment which determines the capacity for social reproduction, personality growth and human development in every social stratum of population. It is even more so unfortunate that in this respect Russia still remains a lot more underdeveloped than other post-socialist countries in spite of its modest (yet often so much preached) economic achievements. All of this has given rise to a series of questions, which require further discussion and inevitably concern such problems as social justice, equal opportunity and social solidarity. This has been set a primary focus of a «round table» discussion, which took place at the XIIth International Academic Conference on Economic and Social Development at National Research University Higher School of Economics (April 7 th, 2011). The conversation has been transcribed from audio recording, which had been done during the event. The full agenda of this discussion consisted of the following questions: What is current situation with sustaining social justice, equal opportunity and social solidarity in postsocialist countries? What are the real costs and benefits of sustaining these principles from an economic point of view? From a social point of view? Is there an optimum condition and how can it be achieved? Are there existing models of socially just and solid state, which can prove adequate for the current social setting in Russia? Is welfare state possible in Russia? Is there a demand for its own New Deal? What stimulates and what constrains the sustaining of equal opportunity principle in Russias society? Is an inevitable large-scale immigration a factor that threatens the rise of social solidarity in contemporary Russia?