The thesis attempts to identify social mechanisms that connect different forms of resentment – intolerance towards social minorities, anti-democratic views, electoral radical right-wing support – to (changes in) the social and demographic structure of society, economic conditions, policies, and party politics set against the specific historic backgrounds of European countries. "Radical Right-Wing Support among Urban Voters" investigates how immigration into cities – where most immigrants into European countries tend settle – increases electoral radical right-wing support, in the context of poverty, residential segregation and the history of immigration into neighborhoods. The analysis makes use of unique contextual data on neighborhoods in 34 German cities between the years 2014–2017 enriched with election data. "The Residential Context as Source of Deprivation" investigates the political rural–urban divide in current democracies: In regions exposed to precarious demographic developments – heavy emigration, aging populations, few children, skewed adult sex ratios – shops, services, events, and transportation infrastructure thin out, social support systems suffer, and so on, leaving residents feeling disadvantaged. In worldwide comparison, East Germany is more strongly affected by these demographic developments than any other region. The study uses an yearly East-German survey covering the years 2000–2014 enriched with regional contextual data to show long-term effects of demographic developments on anti-immigrant and nationalist attitudes as well as on democratic discontent. "Dynamics of Immigrant Resentment in Europe" focuses on differences between countries by undertaking the first comprehensive test of all social explanations of immigrant resentment predominant in the research literature across 30 European countries between the years 2002–2016, relying on the European Social Survey and comprehensive contextual data.
The thesis attempts to identify social mechanisms that connect different forms of resentment intolerance towards social minorities, anti-democratic views, electoral radical right-wing support to (changes in) the social and demographic structure of society, economic conditions, policies, and party politics set against the specific historic backgrounds of European countries. Radical Right-Wing Support among Urban Voters investigates how immigration into cities where most immigrants into European countries tend settle increases electoral radical right-wing support, in the context of poverty, residential segregation and the history of immigration into neighborhoods. The analysis makes use of unique contextual data on neighborhoods in 34 German cities between the years 20142017 enriched with election data. The Residential Context as Source of Deprivation investigates the political ruralurban divide in current democracies: In regions exposed to precarious demographic developments heavy emigration, aging populations, few children, skewed adult sex ratios shops, services, events, and transportation infrastructure thin out, social support systems suffer, and so on, leaving residents feeling disadvantaged. In worldwide comparison, East Germany is more strongly affected by these demographic developments than any other region. The study uses an yearly East-German survey covering the years 20002014 enriched with regional contextual data to show long-term effects of demographic developments on anti-immigrant and nationalist attitudes as well as on democratic discontent. Dynamics of Immigrant Resentment in Europe focuses on differences between countries by undertaking the first comprehensive test of all social explanations of immigrant resentment predominant in the research literature across 30 European countries between the years 20022016, relying on the European Social Survey and comprehensive contextual data.
The thesis attempts to identify social mechanisms that connect different forms of resentment – intolerance towards social minorities, anti-democratic views, electoral radical right-wing support – to (changes in) the social and demographic structure of society, economic conditions, policies, and party politics set against the specific historic backgrounds of European countries. "Radical Right-Wing Support among Urban Voters" investigates how immigration into cities – where most immigrants into European countries tend settle – increases electoral radical right-wing support, in the context of poverty, residential segregation and the history of immigration into neighborhoods. The analysis makes use of unique contextual data on neighborhoods in 34 German cities between the years 2014–2017 enriched with election data. "The Residential Context as Source of Deprivation" investigates the political rural–urban divide in current democracies: In regions exposed to precarious demographic developments – heavy emigration, aging populations, few children, skewed adult sex ratios – shops, services, events, and transportation infrastructure thin out, social support systems suffer, and so on, leaving residents feeling disadvantaged. In worldwide comparison, East Germany is more strongly affected by these demographic developments than any other region. The study uses an yearly East-German survey covering the years 2000–2014 enriched with regional contextual data to show long-term effects of demographic developments on anti-immigrant and nationalist attitudes as well as on democratic discontent. "Dynamics of Immigrant Resentment in Europe" focuses on differences between countries by undertaking the first comprehensive test of all social explanations of immigrant resentment predominant in the research literature across 30 European countries between the years 2002–2016, relying on the European Social Survey and comprehensive contextual data.
Referring to a large number of Soviet, Russian and German memoirs, fiction and journalistic texts, the author studies the main ways of formation and development of the Prussian myth that is connected with the German province of East Prussia and its people during World War II and the postwar period. The author explores the historical, national and psychological reasons that underlie the idea of Prussia and Prussians as the most vivid image of the Alien or the Enemy in Soviet people's consciousness during the Great Patriotic War. Heavily relying on propaganda, the negative mythology of Prussia imposed that it be perceived as the den of the fascist beast, a place that generated antihuman theories and annexationist plans, and, secondly, a land that was originally Russian and then occupied by the Livonian Order. It is such ideas that formed the official state policy of the expulsion of the Prussian spirit that took place during the first three post-war decades in Kaliningrad Region. Additionally, Soviet and post-Soviet memoir or autobiographical literature (D. Shcheglov, A. Nevsky, P. Mikhin, Yu. Zhukova) formed the idea of a close connection of a number of nation-specific traits of the Germans with centuries-old Prussian militarism. This is how the Russia-Germany relations conflict was formed between Russian chaos and German cosmos, and was reflected not only in the Russian but also German egodocuments of the World War II. Among the main variations of the Prussian myth, there is one that consists in the idea of Prussia as of German Arcadia, an agricultural paradise (M. Muller, H. Rauschenbach, A. Surminski) lost as a result of the War. Another – German – variation of the Prussian myth is the idea of Prussia and its dwellers as the main loss Germany had to go through in the course of World War II. The authors of egodocuments that reflect this point of view (H. Gerlach, G. Köpp, M. Wieck) describe their lives as part of the historical tragedy of East Prussia and Germany as a whole. It is such memoirs that are most frequently used by Western European historians (M. Hastings, G. Böddeker, N. M. Naimark) to create an impression of the Soviet Army's extremely violent behaviour in East Prussia. A third variation of the Prussian myth created by Germans may be called soteriological and depicts this eastern German land as a saviour bearing the brunt from the East and granting its inhabitants a chance to find a way out of the country and go to the West over the Baltic Sea. In these ideas formulated both by professional writers (G. Grass, E. Jünger) and memoirists (E. Tannehill, G. Nitsch) the image of the Red Army and Russians often regarded as an uncontrollable force, the personification of chaos plays an important role. At the end of the article, referring to a vast number of egodocuments written by both Russians (Ya. Terentyev, E. F. Agapov, G. A. Melikhov, A. E. Kashpur, P. Kh. Kharitonov) and Germans (R. Klaussen), the author outlines ways out of the space of war and into the space of multicultural European consciousness that includes both Germany and Russia. ; В статье на основе большого количества советских/российских и немецких мемуарных источников и художественно-публицистических текстов рассматриваются основные пути формирования и развития прусского мифа, связанного с судьбой немецкой провинции Восточная Пруссия и ее народа во время Второй мировой войны и в послевоенные годы. Автор статьи исследует исторические и национально-психологические причины, позволившие сформировать представление о Пруссии и пруссаках как о наиболее ярком воплощении образа Чужого – Врага в сознании советских людей во время Великой Отечественной войны. Включая в себя значительный элемент пропаганды, негативная мифология Пруссии предписывала видеть в этой немецкой земле, во-первых, «логово фашистского зверя», где «вынашивались человеконенавистнические теории и захватнические планы», а во-вторых, исконно русскую землю, в свое время захваченную Ливонским орденом. Подобные представления составляли основу официальной государственной политики «изгнания прусского духа», продолжавшуюся в Калининградской области на протяжении первых трех послевоенных десятилетий. Одновременно с этим в мемуарно-автобиографической литературе советской и постсоветской эпох (Д. Щеглов, А. Невский, П. Михин, Ю. Жукова) формируется представление о тесной связи многих национальных черт немецкого народа, включая любовь к порядку и дисциплине, с извечным прусским милитаризмом. Таким образом, формируется основной национальный конфликт российско-немецких отношений: между русским хаосом и немецким космосом, нашедший отражение не только в российских, но и в немецких эго- документах Второй мировой войны. Среди основных вариантов прусского мифа, создаваемого бывшими жителями Восточной Пруссии, важное место занимает представление о Пруссии как о немецкой Аркадии, земледельческом рае (М. Мюллер, Х. Раушенбах, А. Зурмински), потерянном в результате войны. Вторым вариантом прусского мифа с немецкой стороны является представление о Пруссии и ее жителях как основной жертве, понесенной Германией во время Второй мировой войны. Авторы эгодокументов, в которых представлена данная точка зрения (Х. Герлах, Г. Кэпп, М. Вик), рассматривают свою судьбу на фоне исторической трагедии Восточной Пруссии и всей Германии в целом. Именно такие воспоминания чаще всего используются западноевропейскими историками (М. Гастингс, Г. Беддекер, Н. М. Неймарк) для создания впечатления об исключительно жестоком поведении солдат Красной армии на земле Восточной Пруссии. Третий вариант прусского мифа с немецкой стороны, который можно условно назвать сотериологическим, представляет данную восточногерманскую землю в качестве спасительницы, принявшей на себя основной удар с Востока, но давшей шанс своим жителям найти путь на Запад через волны Балтийского моря. Важное место в этих представлениях, авторами которых были как профессиональные писатели (Г. Грасс, Э. Юнгер), так и авторы мемуарных текстов (Э. Танехилл, Г. Нич), занимает образ Красной армии и русских, часто воспринимаемых в качестве необузданной стихийной силы, олицетворения хаоса. В финале статьи на основе многочисленных свидетельств источников личного происхождения как с российской (Я. Терентьев, Е. Ф. Агапов, Г. А. Мелихов, А. Е. Кашпур, П. Х. Харитонов), так и с немецкой стороны (Р. Клауссен), автор намечает пути выхода из «пространства войны» в пространство мультикультурного европейского сознания, включающего в себя как Германию, так и Россию.
1. Introduction -- 2. Dialectical Imagination: Frankfurt School and IAMCR -- 3. Contested Critique: The Political Career of the Political Economy Section -- 4. Popular Culture and IAMCR -- 5. IAMCR's Engagement with Participatory Communication -- 6. IAMCR's Legacy in Scholarship on Religion -- 7. Women, Gender, Feminism: Status, Scholarship, and Advocacy -- 8. Media Technologies and Globalization Arrive at IAMCR -- 9. IAMCR Emerging Scholars Network -- 10. The Latin American Critical Tradition of Communication Research and the Early Years of Participation in IAMCR, 1960-1990 -- 11. Germany in IAMCR -- 12. IAMCR as Seen by the Secret Service from East-Germany (GDR) -- 13. IAMCR Members under the Microscope of Romania's Securitate: A Preliminary Study -- 14. The MacBride Report: Critical Scholarship and the Report's Value to Future Generations -- 15. The MacBride Round Tables: In Pursuit of Equality, Plurality, and Diversity.-16. IAMCR and the World Summit on the Information Society -- 17. Lessons from the Non-Aligned Movement and NWICO for the Age of Data: Revisiting a Historical Struggle for Informational Sovereignty -- 18. Cultural Diversity at UNESCO and ITU/WSIS: 50 years of Milestones (1980-2020) -- 19. IAMCR and Russia -- 20. IAMCR and the Development of Communication and Media Research in China -- 21. India and IAMCR: A Perspective -- 22. IAMCR and Pakistan -- 23. IAMCR and the Caribbean Region: Rethinking Our Thinking-Understanding the Epistemic Effects of Colonialism in Higher Education -- 24. Brazil in History and in the Present: IAMCR and the Participation of Brazilians -- 25. IAMCR and the Middle East and North Africa: Questions of Place, People, and Paradigms -- 26. IAMCR and Africa: Harmonizing Discourses of History, Hegemony, and Hope -- 27. France: Complex Relations with IAMCR Marked by Significant Changes from the mid-1960s -- 28. IAMCR, My Affable Companion in Slovenia's Journey from Yugoslavia to Europe -- 29. George Gerbner and the Anti-Fascist Tradition of Communication Research -- 30. Dallas W. Smythe and Détente at IAMCR -- 31. Herbert I. Schiller -- 32. Perspectives on Communications Research: An Exchange -- 33. Stuart Hall and IAMCR -- 34. My Work with James Halloran.
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Intro -- Table of Contents -- Introduction -- 1. On restitution and the rule of law -- 2. what is it all about? -- Chapter 1. Theories of Property -- 1. Classical theories -- 2. Neoclassical theories -- 3. Nozick's theory of entitlement -- 4. Derivation from justice: John Rawls's theory -- 5. Practical applications -- 5.1 The Lockean perception -- 5.2 A Hobbesian premise -- 5.3 Neoclassical cynicism -- 5.4 Utilitarian aspects -- 5.5 Rawls challenged -- 6. Conclusions -- Chapter 2. Justice and Reparation -- 1. Justice and the rule of law -- 2. The context -- 3. Property (re)distribution -- 4. Aspects of justice -- 5. Forms of reparations -- 5.1 The Baltic States: military occupation -- 5.2 Poland: the struggle for restitution -- 5.3 Germany: fairness, justice, and the social state -- 5.4 Former Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Romania -- 6. Fundamental problems -- 6.1 Do communist-era takings demand reparations? -- 6.1.1 Property loss as a consequence of population exchange -- 6.1.1.1 A footnote: the Sudeten Germans -- 6.1.2 Property losses as consequence of various domestic takings -- 6.2 Why only certain past wrongs deserve compensations? -- 7. The wolf, the goat, and the cabbage -- Chapter 3. Rule of Law, Equality, and Limited Restitution -- 1. Personal limitations: the citizenship and/or residency requirement -- 1.1 Strict regimes: citizenship and residence -- 1.2 Milder regimes: citizenship or residence -- 1.3 The exception: Germany -- 2. Quantitative limitations -- 2.1 Partial compensation -- 2.2 Partial restitution -- 2.3 Restitution and compensation -- 3. Temporal limitations -- 3.1 Straightforward baselines -- 3.2 Unequivocal baselines: Romania -- 3.3 Problematic dates: Hungary and Czechoslovakia -- 4. Property-based limitations -- 4.1 Movable and immovable property -- 4.1.1 The Baltic States: exclusion of artworks.
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Sport has been one of few domains, where East Germany reached global excellency by gaining 592 Olympic medals, including 192 titles. However, according to the East German leaders "sport is not a goal by itself, but a way to reach that goal", as Erich Honecker said in 1948. The GDR was brilliantly successful at international competitions, though its government had to permanently control sports activity through high financial and human means, systematical doping practices, high confidentiality, and a very strict ideological supervision. For the SED, spreading an image of power was the main goal assigned to sport. In this system, the German College of Physical Culture of Leipzig (Deutsche Hochschule für Körperkultur) was considered as a place of transmission between political rulers and athletes. The College has been active between 1950 and 1990 and was required to train the majority of trainers in the country. Therefore, it is a mirror of the whole East German sport system. With the methods of the Alltagsgeschichte (history of everyday life), I will deal in this dissertation with the control and politicisation mechanism, set by the SED regime in order to monitor the realisation of those goals. I will also focus on the consequences of the supremacy of ideology on the every day life and the work of all parties within the College. This work will consider the period between 1969 and 1990, i. e. between the reform of the College towards competitive sport and its dissolution by the newly recreated government of Saxony. ; Le sport a été un des rares domaines, où l'Allemagne de l'Est a atteint l'excellence mondiale, avec 519 médailles olympiques, dont 192 en or. Toutefois, pour les dirigeants est-allemands, « le sport n'est pas un objectif en soi, c'est un moyen d'atteindre cet objectif », comme l'a prononcé Erich Honecker en 1948. Certes, la RDA a brillé lors des compétitions internationales, mais au prix d'un contrôle permanent de la part des autorités (moyens humains et financiers importants, dopage systématique, culte ...
Sport has been one of few domains, where East Germany reached global excellency by gaining 592 Olympic medals, including 192 titles. However, according to the East German leaders "sport is not a goal by itself, but a way to reach that goal", as Erich Honecker said in 1948. The GDR was brilliantly successful at international competitions, though its government had to permanently control sports activity through high financial and human means, systematical doping practices, high confidentiality, and a very strict ideological supervision. For the SED, spreading an image of power was the main goal assigned to sport. In this system, the German College of Physical Culture of Leipzig (Deutsche Hochschule für Körperkultur) was considered as a place of transmission between political rulers and athletes. The College has been active between 1950 and 1990 and was required to train the majority of trainers in the country. Therefore, it is a mirror of the whole East German sport system. With the methods of the Alltagsgeschichte (history of everyday life), I will deal in this dissertation with the control and politicisation mechanism, set by the SED regime in order to monitor the realisation of those goals. I will also focus on the consequences of the supremacy of ideology on the every day life and the work of all parties within the College. This work will consider the period between 1969 and 1990, i. e. between the reform of the College towards competitive sport and its dissolution by the newly recreated government of Saxony. ; Le sport a été un des rares domaines, où l'Allemagne de l'Est a atteint l'excellence mondiale, avec 519 médailles olympiques, dont 192 en or. Toutefois, pour les dirigeants est-allemands, « le sport n'est pas un objectif en soi, c'est un moyen d'atteindre cet objectif », comme l'a prononcé Erich Honecker en 1948. Certes, la RDA a brillé lors des compétitions internationales, mais au prix d'un contrôle permanent de la part des autorités (moyens humains et financiers importants, dopage systématique, culte ...
This thesis is an analysis of the role of low level political and economic functionaries in the organisation and management of the farming collectives, the implementation and development of agricultural policy and the parallel development of the East German village in the 1960s and 1970s. With the completion of the (forced) collectivisation of agriculture in the spring of 1960 began the next major step towards the socialist transformation of rural society in East Germany. The process by which over subsequent years the rural population came to terms with this new situation and by which the SED regime established new systems of economic and social organisation in the rural communities of the GDR was long and complex in comparison with the campaign for collectivisation. Using a broad range of archival material from state and SED party sources as well as Stasi files and individual farm records along with some oral history interviews, I have made a thorough investigation of this process with respect to one of the GDR's 15 regions (Bezirk Erfurt). This thesis examines on the one hand how East Germans responded to the end of private farming by resisting, manipulating but also participating in the new system of rural organisation and on the other how the regime sought via its representatives to implement its aims with a combination of compromise and material incentive as well as administrative pressure and other more draconian measures. In addressing the roles and responsibilities of the various levels of functionaries involved in the development of agriculture, my research has contributed to a more differentiated understanding of the nature of authority (Herrschaft) at the grassroots in the SED dictatorship, which qualifies the simple top- down model of the transmission of authority and a starkly dichotomous view of the state and society.
The article refl ects the infl uence of the migration processes to the economic security of European Union. The article underlines most common economical risks in case if there is an increase of the volume of migration and describes the ways how to reduce those risks.The main conclusions obtained from the results of the study, can be structured as follows: trends and consequences of the migration crisis in the European Union are defi ned by the set of reasons that are due on the one hand the policy of transparency being implemented by individual countries, making the whole European Union is the center of attraction of immigrants (primarily from the MENA countries) and other hand, the intense and growing fl ow of migrants creates regional threats, including the European Union's economic security; the problem of ensuring the economic security of the European Union in the context of the impact of the migration crisis is most actual issue at the moment and the main reason is that the accumulation of the fl ow of migrants to the strongest European economy – Germany. In this case, not only Germany, but also France (and until recently UK) had to improve the economic and social consequences of migration and also to implement measures aimed to recover from fi nancial crisis of the last few years, the consequences of which to date are shown in the many social and economic areas of the European Union; addressing the problem with migration crisis in the European Union seems to use a special system of measures, in which on the one hand realized containment of migration fl ows and on the other hand held solutions aimed at the assimilation of migrants in multicultural environment with full adoption of the latest socio-economic, democratic and moral values specifi c to European societies. ; В статье анализируется влияние миграционных процессов на систему экономической безопасности Европейского союза. Определяются основные риски для европейской экономики связанные с увеличением миграционного потока и углублением кризиса, выделены механизмы снижения этих рисков, а также решения проблем миграции. Основные выводы, полученные по результатам проведенного исследования, можно структурировать следующим образом:• тенденции и последствия миграционного кризиса в Европейском Союзе определяются совокупностью причин, которые обусловлены, с одной стороны, политикой открытости, реализуемой отдельными странами, что делает весь Европейский Союз центром притяжения мигрантов (в первую очередь из стран MENA). Но, с другой стороны, интенсивный и нарастающий поток мигрантов создает угрозы региональной, и в том числе экономической безопасности Европейского Союза;• проблема обеспечения экономической безопасности Европейского Союза в контексте влияния миграционного кризиса стоит наиболее остро. И основная тому причина: аккумуляция потока мигрантов в наиболее сильной европейской экономике – Германии. При этом, не только Германия, но и Франция (а до недавнего времени и Великобритания) вынуждены не только устранять экономические и социальные последствия миграции, но и реализовывать меры, направленные на нивелирование финансового кризиса прошлых лет, последствия которого до настоящего момента проявляются во многих социальных и экономических сферах Европейского Союза;• решение проблемы миграционного кризиса в Европейском Союзе видится в использовании специальной системы мер, в рамках которой, с одной стороны, реализуются меры сдерживания миграционного потока, а с другой стороны, проводятся решения, направленные на ассимиляцию мигрантов в мультикультурную среду с полным принятием последними социально-экономических, демократических и моральных ценностей, характерных для европейского общества.
