Purpose While the notion of institutional racism typically focuses on racial discrimination in institutions such as governmental organisations, academic institutions and courts of law, there is a need to complement this organisational (meso) focus with the investigation of relevant factors at the societal (macro) and individual (micro) levels. The purpose of this paper is to examine the multilevel factors influencing institutional racism in the film industry.
Design/methodology/approach Drawing on 16 in-depth interviews with individuals working in the film industry, this paper develops a conceptual perspective of multilevel racism.
Findings The findings highlight how power structures, network-based recruitment practices, as well as formal and informal learning lead to and sustain racism in the film industry. However, agency on an individual level is observed as a way to break those patterns.
Originality/value The findings highlight how individual agency pushes for more equality and diversity in the film industry, despite the barriers encountered on macro- and meso-levels. In addition, the important role of informal and formal learning through observation is stressed as a means to sustain the discriminatory practices in this industry.
This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Journalism Studies on June 6th 2018, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/1461670X.2018.1477550 . ; Across the world, Indigenous peoples are reclaiming their cultural and political identities, after having suffered decades of assimilation, repression and marginalisation. A major tool in this process is Indigenous journalism, which allows for storytelling and news reporting from the inside, as opposed to being a marginalised group that is only reported about from the outside. This article presents a comparative analysis of Indigenous political journalism as practised in the Norwegian and Swedish public broadcasters. The article explains the differences between the practices of NRK Sápmi and SR Sameradion & SVT Sápmi regarding their reporting on the campaign leading up to the Sámediggi elections in Norway and Sweden in 2013. The analysis shows that Sámi journalists on both sides of the border adhere to commonly shared characteristics of Indigenous journalism practices, but with considerable variation between them. There are two main conclusions of the analysis. First, NRK Sápmi and SR Sameradion & SVT Sápmi indeed practise Indigenous journalism, but do so differently, and second, ethnic identity counts, but institutions decide. Sámi journalism is constrained not only by national borders but also by the institutional framework of the parent company, the public service remits and the resources available to them.
Jean-Luc Godard's filmmaking is analyzed as a conceptual art, as in agreement with his most accomplished role as a film critic, not a classical filmmaker. In his 1970 manifesto, Godard argues that 1) we must make political films, and 2) we must make films politically. While the first point provokes a constructive critique of the art of cinema, the other one leads to the provision of an absolute cinematic experience. Correspondingly, it is argued that albeit rare and systematically unsupported in the academic setting, a most prolific scientific work is such that it implicitly questions the dominant presentation styles and methodological paradigms in parallel with providing meaningful basic and/or practical findings. The relevance of other elements of Godard's conceptual approach to revolutionizing the art of cinema to scientific studies is elaborated too. The importance of ad hoc improvisation, deliberate imperfectness, the aesthetics of poverty, the embracement of collective uncertainties and the eagerness to constantly get lost to be found is particularly emphasized. "I don't make movies; I make cinema" is Godard's precept whose translation to any professional field, including scientific research and teaching, could produce uncountable benefits. Godard's art is intimately tied to the iteration of the point that the value of an act is measured by the extent to which it reaches out away from the subject and into the world, correlating with the Buberian ontology. Corresponding annihilations of the protagonists symbolize the necessity of the artist's working against the self in the attempt to use her art to destroy the art in question and point at everything as an equally precious art. The discourse follows an impulsive and unstructured course so as to veritably reflect Godard's approach to filmmaking. ; Jean-Luc Godard's filmmaking is analyzed as a conceptual art, as in agreement with his most accomplished role as a film critic, not a classical filmmaker. In his 1970 manifesto, Godard argues that 1) we must make ...
Part 1: IT Policy ; International audience ; In the 1950s and 1960s computers became part and parcel of the great modernization project – the creation of the modern welfare state. The ability to control and rationalize provided by the digital technology proved indispensable for the expanding public sector as well as for trade and business. At the turn of the decade, the effects of the new technology on Swedish society became increasingly apparent. This paper examines the debate on computer and politics in Sweden during the 1970s and the 1980s. It particularly discusses two issues that were hotly debated: integrity and jobs. The debate was occupied with the centralized solutions and systemic effects large-scale computing implied. In this debate computing technology was perceived as a threat, but at the same time there was a widely shared belief amongst debaters that it was possible to take control of the technology.
The Energy Markets Inspectorate has conducted an inquiry on smart grids during 2010 and submitted the resulting report to the Swedish government. The inquiry has identified a number of barriers against the introduction of new technology and a number of proposals are made to remove the barriers: an independent council to gather and spread knowledge on smart grids; incentives for network operators to create new services and increase network performance; an action plan for the future development of the electricity network; a new structure of network tariffs to reduce peak loads and price peaks; and functionality requirements on information to customers to allow them to actively participate in the market. ; Upprättat; 2011; 20110613 (matbol)
Main description: Die deutsche Kulturpolitik im besetzten Paris 1940-1944 gestaltete sich widersprüchlich. Während sie kurzfristig aus taktischen Gründen der Sicherung von Ruhe und Ordnung das französische Kulturleben aufrecht erhielt, strebte sie langfristig die Verbreitung deutscher Kultur in Frankreich und die Errichtung einer deutschen "kulturellen Hegemonie" in Europa an. Kathrin Engel behandelt neben den Eingriffen der Besatzungsmacht in das französische Film- und Theaterleben schwerpunktmäßig den Versuch, die Franzosen mit Hilfe deutscher Theaterstücke und Filme von einer angeblich höher stehenden deutschen Kultur zu überzeugen. Dem militärischen Sieg über Frankreich sollte gerade in Paris, der Kulturhauptstadt Frankreichs, ein geistig-kultureller Sieg hinzugefügt werden. Die deutsche Kulturpropaganda, die letztlich zu Lasten des französischen Kulturlebens durchgesetzt werden sollte, war Gegenstand intensiver Kompetenzstreitigkeiten der deutschen Dienststellen und Funktionsträger in Berlin und Paris. Obwohl deren Vertreter vor Ort zum Teil erstaunlich autonom handelten, gehört die Vorstellung, im besetzten Paris hätten frankophile deutsche Offiziere eine besonders milde Kulturpolitik betrieben, in das Reich der Legenden. Die deutsche Kulturpolitik im besetzten Paris bildete keineswegs, wie vielfach angenommen, ein mildes Gegengewicht zu einer härteren deutschen Besatzungspolitik. Vielmehr folgte sie, wie diese Studie deutlich macht, der sich im Laufe der Okkupation mehr und mehr verschärfenden allgemeinen Besatzungspolitik.
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Developing earlier research by the author that had sought to trace the specificity of the current wave of socio-politically engaged films, this article focuses on the body, suggesting that it has become a core vector of 'raw' expressivity in recent French cinema due to the withdrawal of the discourse of the organised left as mediating instance. Brooks's celebrated analysis of melodrama and the political philosophy of Rancière and Laclau and Mouffe are drawn on to examine the political content of Cabrera's Retiens la nuit and Devers' La Voleuse de St. Lubin. Engaging with theobjectified, embodied and isolated social suffering that runs through current cinema, the two films' particular significance lies in their exploration of the possibilities of and obstacles to its articulation within an oppositional politics.
The question of who paid for the welfare state in postwar Sweden has been subject to extensive debate. Many have focused on the comparatively high, and steeply progressive, taxes on income. Others have claimed that low and middle earners paid disproportionately more, pointing to the comparatively high revenue share of value added tax (VAT) for instance. No convincing assessment has been made of the extent to which consumption taxes counteracted the progressivity of income taxes. The thesis presents new estimates based on tax assessments and household surveys, which show that consumption taxes did offset tax progressivity considerably. Moreover, they were important even before the VAT. There was not a sharp break, but a gradual transition from excise and customs duties to general sales tax to VAT. The VAT meant a shifting of the weight more towards the lower end of the income distribution. This insight begs the question of what caused such a fiscal arrangement. What made postwar Sweden's labour governments favour a tax that fell disproportionately on low earners, a core part of their constituency? Through an analysis of policy documents, the author shows that the governing Social Democrats were well aware of the dilemma. The party leaders used general consumption taxes explicitly as a 'lesser evil' component in a strategy for expanding the public sector and welfare systems. That aspect has previously been neglected when telling the story of this formative era. The thesis demonstrates that it deserves to be brought into a central place in that story. Corporatism remains a valid explanatory factor. The business community had an influence on determining the details of the general sales tax, albeit not the overall level. Tax reliefs on certain important inputs such as building materials and were granted after a series of appeals. The author argues that the transition from sales tax to VAT can be seen as a final solution to these protests about business inputs being unfairly taxed. The will of the domestic business community was of a more immediate importance for the switch to VAT than any potential tendency of compliance towards supranational organisations such as the EEC pushing the government to follow their edicts concerning VAT, as has otherwise been suggested. The political left in Sweden was initially against the general sales tax because of its burden on low earners. The political right opposed the general sales tax because it would increase the overall tax take, and risked becoming an all too convenient revenue machine for the government. The left changed position and began framing it as a tool for realising welfare state expansion. The right reframed it as a tool for keeping the progressivity of taxation down.
Meine Dissertation bezieht sich auf die Hauptfrage, wie der NS-Staat seine kulturelle Identität hergestellt hatte, um seine kulturelle Herrschaft zu rechtfertigen und damit sein Regime aufrechtzuhalten. Die Fabrikation seiner kulturellen Identität trat bei seiner Inszenierungsarbeit der nationalsozialistischen Kultur als einer völkischen Kultur hervor. Im Filmbereich war ein markantes Beispiel dafür "der Internationale Filmkongress Berlin 1935." Die Hauptteile meiner Dissertation handeln erstens von der filmkulturellen Gleichschaltung als Rahmenbedingung des Internationalen Filmkongresses Berlin 1935, zweitens von der konkreten Inszenierungsarbeit der Nazis bei dem Internationalen Filmkongress und drittens von seiner bedeutsamen Auswirkung auf die Konsolidierung der filmkulturellen Volksgemeinschaft auf der europäischen Ebene. Nach diesem Motto "die Ästhetisierung der Nazikultur" unternahmen die Nationalsozialisten auch im Filmbereich durchaus, die filmkulturelle Volksgemeinschaft zu realisieren. Diese Tatsache läßt sich vor allem auf drei wichtige Aspekte bestätigen: Erstens, der kulturelle Antisemitismus basiert auf die Tatsache, dass die Nazis nicht nur die politische und die wirtschaftliche Entrechtung von dem deutschen Juden, sondern auch die kulturelle Entrechtung unternommen hatten. Ein markantes Beispiel ist die antisemitische Kinokultur. Die Nazis beraubten also dem jüdischen Publikum sogar die kulturelle Rechte, ins Kino zu gehen und Filme anzusehen. Zweitens, der Filmvolkstag, der als kostenlose Filmveranstaltung beim Internationalen Filmkongress Berlin 1935 begann, machte deutlich, wie völkisch die Nazis den Kinoalltag in der NS-Kulturherrschaft inszeneiren wollten. Die Nazis waren in der Tat davon überzeugt, daß der Filmvolkstag ihre kulturelle Vision von Volksgemeinschaft verwirklicht hatte. Drittens, die Nazis proklamierten, dass der Internationale Filmkongress Berlin 1935 mit der Neugründung der Internationalen Filmkammer einen Grundstein zum Aufbau der europäischen Filmgemeinschaft gelegt hatte, womit sie tatsächlch die kulturelle Hegemonie auf Film-Europa in Besitz nahmen, sogar in der kritischen Kriegszeit mit dem Zweck, die europäische Filmeinheitsfront unter deutschem Hegemonialanspruch gegen England, Frankreich und die USA wieder aufzubauen. ; This paper ist studying on the historical problem, how the Nazi dictatorship has made his cultural image in the public space, in oder to build up an cultural consensus which was absolutly necessary for confirming his political rule. The fabrication of his cultural identity can be found at the Nazis' cultural projects of the remaking of the Nazi culture as the popular (oder voelkische) culture. In the area of the film culture is a good example 'the international film congress Berlin 1935.' This paper ist composed of three parts. Firstly, it probed into the historical meaning of the cultural Gleichschaltung as an important context of the international film congress Berlin 1935. Secondly, it portrayed the concrete procesedure of the Nazis' image-making works at the popular representation of the international film congress and thirdly worked out the strong impact on the consolidation of the cultural Volksgemeinschaft in the european dimension. With the motto of 'the aesthetics of the Nazi culture' the Nazis should realize their cultural dream of the popular film culture and its Volksgemeinschaft in the area of the film culture. This important fact could be found at the three points as follows. First of all, the cultural antisemitism had an historiacl reality considering the new fact hat the Nazis had got rid of many cultural rights of the german Jews asides their political and economical rights. An good example is the antisemitic cinema culture in the Nazi dictatorship. The Nazis finally thieved the cultural rights of the jewisch cinemagoers to enter into the cinema and to see the films. Secondly, the Filmvolkstag as the special event of the free entrance into the cinema at the international film congress Berlin 1935 gave the most important example of the fact, how popular the Nazis built up the everyday life of the cinema unter the cultural rule of the Nazi dictatorship. The Nazi considered that the Filmvolkstag was the realization of their cultural vision of the Volksgemeinschaft. Thirdly, the Nazis said, that the International Film Congress Berlin 1935 had built up the international Film Chamber which should have an important role at the building-up of the european Filmgemeinschaft and should funtion as the main instrument giving the Nazi the chance of practising the cultural hegemony over the Film-Europa, especially during the Second World War.
