Suchergebnisse

Defence date: 14 January 1995 ; Examining board: Prof. Klaus Eder (supervisor, EUI and Humboldt Universität, Berlin) ; Prof. B. Giesen (Universität Gießen and EUI) ; Prof. M.Th. Greven (Technische Hochschule Darmstadt) ; Prof. A. Melucci (Università di Milano) ; Prof. A. Pizzorno (EUI) ; First made available online 26 May 2015.

Belgien hat es als einer von wenigen Staaten vermocht, innere Spaltungen linguistischer, kultureller, ethnischer und territorialer Art im Rahmen einer Zentralregierung zu überwinden. Seit den 60er Jahren konnte Belgien über eine Reihe von Reformen zur Regionalisierung ("devolution") die Interessen der beiden wichtigsten Volksgruppen, der Flamen und Wallonen, befriedigen. Ungelöst blieb der Status der Hauptstadt, der alle Spaltungsprobleme in sich birgt. Diese Probleme werden dargestellt, ebenso die am Konflikt (Sprachenstreit) beteiligten Gruppen der Flamen und Wallonen - z.B. die flämischen und wallonischen Regionalparteien. Die Lösung wird angesichts einer kritischen Wirtschaftslage in einer Vertagung des Konfliktes gesehen, da er nicht mehr im Zentrum des Interesses der Brüsseler steht. (AuD-Hng)

This revised edition of Religion and Politics in South Asia presents a comprehensive analysis of the interaction of religion and politics in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. The book highlights that in recent decades, religion, religio-political parties, and religious rhetoric have become dominant features of the political scenes in all seven countries. By presenting each country's political system and the socio-economic environment within which the interactions of religion and politics are taking place, chapters explore various factors that affect both the lives of people in the region and global politics. Designed in an easy-to-follow structure, the book includes sections on the history and politics, major religions and religious composition of the population, legal and constitutional provisions regarding religion, religious freedom and the treatment of minorities, the political landscape, and religio-political parties and groups within the countries. In doing so, the book addresses concerns including the effects of religio-political interactions on political stability, human rights, and the implications for internal and external security situations. A timely contribution written by experts in their field, this book is a useful guide to religion and politics and will be of interest to undergraduate and graduate students in South Asian politics, Asian politics, religion and politics, history, and international studies.

Polarization often happens asymmetrically. One political actor radicalizes, and the results reverberate through the political system. This is how the deep divisions in contemporary American politics arose: the Republican Party radicalized. Republican officeholders began to use extreme legislative tactics. Republican voters became animated by contempt for their political rivals and by the defense of their own social superiority. The party as a whole launched a wide-ranging campaign of voter suppression and its members endorsed violence in the face of electoral defeat. This paper is about how such asymmetric polarization affects everyone else's obligations. My core claim is that two kinds of relationship – civic friendship and non-subordination – underpin critical democratic norms. Republican misbehavior has severed cross-partisan civic friendships. Their authoritarianism forfeits their claim to non-subordination. The former means that non-Republicans need not justify policy on public grounds. The latter undercuts Republicans' claim to enjoy minority vetoes when out of power and it gives their rivals reason to disobey the laws that Republicans make when they are in power. More generally, when one political actor contravenes the proper norms of democratic politics, their opposition is not bound by those norms.

Contends that political engagement has always been a troubled issue for Critical Theorists. Early theorists like Horkheimer & Adorno avoided politics because the situation at the time made any attempt at political action futile. However, it is argued that they should not be dismissed as having no politics since Critical Theory consistently expressed an interest in freeing humanity from injustice. Although much of Herbert Marcuse's work represents engaged withdrawal, it inspired the activism of the New Left & student movements of the 1960s. Attempts by Jurgen Habermas to correct the immobility of the early theorists & claims that he avoids politics are addressed, along with the work of third generation Critical Theorists, especially Axel Honneth's variant of Critical Theory; Nancy Fraser's challenge of Honneth's theory of recognition; & Seyla Benhabib's attempt to untangle problematic issues raised by theories of recognition. It is concluded that current theorists are caught in the same bind as the first & second generation & that Critical Theory will always be frustratingly limited by the democratic will. J. Lindroth

An attempt to trace the development of a pol'al consciousness on the part of the French Army & to describe the conditions under which the Army has intervened in pol'al affairs in recent yrs. The Army was profoundly influenced by its experiences in Indo-China & is now equipped specifically to fight guerrilla warfare, the defence of France almost entirely assumed by NATO with only token French units. The creation in Algeria of a military pol'al & admin'ive network to rival that of the FLN led to the development of an ideology which helped to overthrow the Republic in 1958 & has exercised signif pol'al influence since then. The strategy of the antiGaullists in Algeria is to bank on the Army to help them at the crucial turning-points (for example, if negotiations were concluded with the FLN). It would be a mistake to identify the Army with the interests of the colonies or with 1'Algerie de papa; elimination of the colonial system & racial prejudice is essential to the Army's effort to win over the Moslem masses in Algeria. So long as the Algerian war goes on, the Army remains in control of that area & in practice exercises a veto power over Algerian policy. The most serious consequence of the militarization of Algeria is that it poses a permanent threat of the militarization of France. IPSA.

Anthropologists, political scientists and sociologists have produced many excellent studies of political developments in modern Africa. Much, however, remains to be done; for work interpreting the meaning of modern African politics is barely under way. This essay seeks to contribute to that work. It analyzes African political thought and action in order to uncover the major premises that underlie African political phenomena, and it suggests that clarification of these premises is the necessary preliminary to an adequate theoretical interpretation of modern African politics.

The year 2007 will see the 50th anniversary of the Space Age, which began with the launching of Sputnik by the Soviet Union in October 1957. Since that time, the development of space technology has revolutionised many aspects of life on Earth, from satellite television to mobile phones, the internet and micro-electronics. It has also helped to bring about a revolution in the use of military force by the most powerful states. Space is crucial to the politics of the postmodern world. It has seen competition and cooperation in the past fifty years, and is in danger of becoming a battlefield in the next fifty. The International Politics of Space is the first book to bring these crucial themes together and provide a clear and vital picture of how politically important space has become, and what its exploitation might mean for all our futures. Michael Sheehan analyses the space programmes of the United States, Russia, China, India and the European Space Agency, and explains how central space has become to issues of war and peace, international law, justice and international development, and cooperation between the worlds leading states. It highlights the significance of China and India's commitment to space, and explains how the theories and concepts we use to describe and explain space are fundamental to the possibility of avoiding conflict in space in the future. This ground-breaking book will be of great interest to students of international relations, space politics and security studies

Argues that a paradigm shift created by new socioeconomic developments is generating a new kind of politics in developed nations that will eventually reshape the entire political spectrum. The paradigm that has long dominated politics in the developed world was associated with industrial development & the division of party politics into "pro-working class & the rest." However, the costs of mass industrial development (including environmental problems), international instability, inequality of wealth/power, & the process of globalization are forcing fundamental changes in national political structures/processes. The rise of world terrorism is described as another aspect of the paradigm shift that reflects opposition to the Western style of mass industrialization & the renewal of American imperialism. Specifics related to Australian political parties are discussed. It is concluded that new paradigm replaces the politics of national class with the politics of global society while focusing on new forms of information generation/communication, the construction of spaces for debate, & a shift in government priorities from the making/selling of products to people & information. J. Lindroth

Presenting a study of coalition politics in India, this book argues that there has been a significant change from the post-independence one-party dominated polity. It also examines why coalition politics has become a dominant feature through renewed emphasis on questions of identity, dominant ideological dispositions, and regional preferences.