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Women's History has achieved visible presence in the academy and an influence to European Women's Studies. Early feminist scholarship was directly connected with politics. Thirty years later we have to recognize an unbridged gap between social movements and sophisticated scholarship. The article deals with questions resulting from the distance between a master (academy) and a mistress (women's movement). Women's History as a field of historical analysis is more than Contribution History. lt stresses the discussion of methodological and analytical tools. The main points have been gender as a useful category to study the system of gender relations (Joan W. Scott) and a conceptual framework for dealing with differences among women (Gerda Lerner). ; Women's History has achieved visible presence in the academy and an influence to European Women's Studies. Early feminist scholarship was directly connected with politics. Thirty years later we have to recognize an unbridged gap between social movements and sophisticated scholarship. The article deals with questions resulting from the distance between a master (academy) and a mistress (women's movement). Women's History as a field of historical analysis is more than Contribution History. lt stresses the discussion of methodological and analytical tools. The main points have been gender as a useful category to study the system of gender relations (Joan W. Scott) and a conceptual framework for dealing with differences among women (Gerda Lerner).

This article argues that post-socialist Albanian myths and images surrounding the concept of Europe need to be considered from a triadic dimension of (geo)politics, modernities, and cultural identity as well as within a larger historical perspective of the modern Albanian political and intellectual landscape. Seen from a perspective stretching from the late nineteenth century to the present, a triadic Europe appears pluralistic with continuous as well as contested images and narratives. Yet, behind these images and narratives stands one constant understanding of the continent: a political and military power and prosperously untamed marketplace through which Albanians have attempted to navigate their modern existence.

The action of the French National Assembly in the late summer of 1954 finally ended the hopes of proponents of the European Defense Community Treaty. Today the treaties and protocols of the London and Paris Conferences which proposed the creation of a Western European Union are the objects of official scrutiny. Both Italy and Germany will become members of the Western European Union after the appropriate ratifications of these documents. The restoration of Germany to a status of equality with that of other Western European states and her admission into NATO have been proposed by the Foreign Ministers of the Western powers.But behind these actions there has lurked a fear which is reflected in many European countries, the fear of a neo-fascist rebirth in Western Germany and Italy. The image of a rearmed Germany, feeding on the industry of the Ruhr and associated with a Nazi revival, frightens many French parliamentarians. In Britain, the Bevanites have expressed left-wing Laborite fears of German rearmament and have associated it with probable fascist direction. Said their leader on November 18, 1954, in a parliamentary exchange: "Do you think the people of this Country will be safer against the prospects of war if German armies and their Nazi officers have atom and hydrogen bombs?" The neutralism prevalent among some groups in Western Europe can be interpreted in part as their reaction to similar questions. And in the United States, there has not been lacking in some quarters a belief that there is a dangerous spectre which is haunting Western Europe and the world, namely a neo-fascist revival on the north side of the Rhine.

In the present crisis of Europe, some forward-looking observers are placing their ultimate hope in a corporative order. Within the first pages of a book recently published in Paris, a young French economist states that in the light of his country's defeat, "the modes of thought and action of a whole century, the XIXth, have been judged by their results and found wanting;" furthermore, under the stimulus of individualistic and utilitarian philosophies, joined with economic liberalism, a "disintegration" of society has resulted. After a close analysis of ancient and modern corporative regimes, Professor Denis concludes: "The only chance for salvation seemingly lies in the desperate effort of a small number of the old countries of the West to recreate a new community spirit, one manifestation of which would be the fostering of vocational groups. If this effort were not made or should fail, Europe would suffer irremediable decadence. … a new Dark Ages, without the hope of the Thirteenth Century." We can recognize in this threat the pessimistic frame of mind which was so characteristic of young European intellectuals during the past decade. We shall see, however, that psychology is no less necessary than political science and economics for an understanding of the corporative movement in Europe.

The results of media research published in Germany during the years 1968 to 1971 offer some useful findings that go beyond audience measurement & statistics on media growth. In particular, there are discussions of images of society held among the public & media use, of imagery among the press corps & of how the professional communicators picture their audiences, & finally of how closely the image in the media corresponds to the actual world. The notion of societal images helps pull together diverse studies. AA.

This practical introduction to German politics from 1945 has summaries of key points, a guide to further reading and a range of seminar questions for discussion.

During the Second World War in France, a fascist government known as the Vichy Government replaced the Third French Republic. In 1995, the French government publicly admitted that shortly after signing an armistice with Nazi Germany in 1940, the Vichy regime was responsible for implementing racist policies and contributing to the deaths of tens of thousands of people. The purpose of this paper is to begin exploring the extent to which the Vichy Government participated and collaborated in the killings, internment, and discrimination of many thousands of people during the Second World War. The following article focuses on three major aspects of the Vichy Government's collaboration: anti-Semitic legislation, the internment camps in France, and the roundup at the Vélodrome D'Hiver. The case study of the Vélodrome D'Hiver alongside the other aspects of collaboration are illustrative examples that offer new insights suggesting that Vichy France's government operated as an emphatic collaborator with Nazi Germany rather than simply submitting to or passively assisting this adminstration. The article's thesis advances the notion that this emphatic collaboration was implemented mostly without direction or instruction from the authorities of the Nazi occupying forces.