Suchergebnisse

Although the nation-state was historically considered as the primary unit of international economic action, some scholars have recently argued that it has lost considerable power & that this loss can be attributed to certain characteristics of transnational corporations (TNCs): (1) assets & sales larger than the gross domestic products of most nation-states, (2) the multilocational nature of TNCs, & (3) the ability to move jobs & resources, thereby undermining the state's regulatory powers. Although these factors have transformed global ecnomic structures, it is argued that international economies are best understood as interactions between nation-states & TNCs, which are locked into a complex process of interdependence & bargaining. The recent emergence of regionally integrated economic blocs highlights the potential for mutually fulfilling relationships between nation-states & TNCs: states ensure a stable & efficient employment sector, while TNCs consolidate diverse resources, production facilities, & employees in a small, integrated region. 2 Photographs, 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

1. Political campaigns in the United States -- 2. American political campaigns in historical perspective -- 3. Candidates and campaigns -- 4. The campaign industry -- 5. Political campaigns and the media -- 6. Money and political campaigns -- 7. Conclusion : political campaigns and democratic elections in the United States.

Literature on substate mobilization in Europe has provided some useful insights into the factors and mechanisms shaping territorial interest representation in Brussels. Although recent studies have enhanced our understanding of the determinants of cooperative and bypassing paradiplomacy, those underpinning conflict have remained rather obscure. Using a new data set with information on more than 100 substate offices in Brussels, this article sheds some light on the determinants of conflict between member state diplomacy and substate paradiplomacy. It argues that they are very different from those of bypassing and cooperation and that resource richness and diplomatic accreditation significantly affect its frequency. These findings not only are robust to multilevel modeling and nonparametric bootstrapping but also are of theoretical import as they highlight that devolution and party political incongruence fail to affect the frequency of conflict in Brussels. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]

Defence date: 26 March 2015 ; Examining Board: Professor Christian Reus-Smit, University of Queensland (Supervisor); Professor Jennifer Welsh, EUI; Professor Thomas Biersteker, Graduate Institute, Geneva; Professor Edward Keene, University of Oxford. ; Much of both the academic and practical discourse about international politics implies conceptions of states as, in one way or another, free or unfree. We talk about state autonomy, suggesting states have the capacity to deliberate and determine their own destiny. We discuss constraints on state action and debate the legitimacy of interference in the affairs of other states. We also measure and assess state development, suggesting a potential in states for self-realisation. The concept of sovereignty, and the belief that this principle demands the rejection of the subjection of states to higher authority, frames much of our thinking about world politics. Such issues lie at the heart of much of our theorising of IR: in realism's security dilemma, for example; in liberal debates about humanitarian intervention; or in constructivist analyses of the relationship between sovereignty and state identity. It is a central contention of this thesis that conceptions of state freedom are present in the deep analytical and normative presumptions of much of the theory of international relations. The conceptions of state freedom that inform such theorising remain, however, for the large part implicit. The principal purpose of this thesis is to remedy the absence of sustained, explicit consideration of the concept of state freedom, and it does this by historically excavating ideas about what it means for states to be free. While explicit discussion of the freedom of states was prominent in the 17th and 18th century, as the state's position as the locus of political authority was gradually consolidated the terminology of state freedom diminished in salience. Ideas of state freedom did not disappear, however; they continued to be expressed in analogous areas of international discourse. Drawing on philosophical ideas about individual freedom, this thesis presents a theoretical approach to making such implicit ideas visible. It makes the case for a 'grammar' of freedom, which, it is argued, enables one to distinguish ideas about freedom from other species of ideas but does not prejudice their substance. The thesis then employs this grammar to identify ideas of state freedom in international debate surrounding three cognate concepts: non-intervention, sovereign equality and self-determination. Through analysis of the arguments made by states-people about these three concepts, the thesis articulates a number of evolving ideas about what it means for states to be free and unfree. That historical investigation uncovers both a strong normative preference among practitioners of international relations for the freedom of states and sharp disagreement about what constitutes that freedom. The thesis argues that the contestation surrounding ideas of state freedom have played an important role structuring legitimate relations of control between states. The thesis concludes by reflecting on the implications of these observations for the approaches of theorists of international relations to the key concepts of sovereignty and the state.

Although certainly not mainstream to the study of public administration, administrative history in the United States has quite a tradition. In this article, the development of the study of the history of American government is traced in five phases and discussed against the background of political and social change in society. The various studies are evaluated in terms of the themes, the nature, and the approach. Combining the "history as history" and the "history as advocacy" approaches would clarify why administrative history ought to be a standard element in our research and teaching.

The chosen currency regime places a state within the international economic order. Therefore, the exchange rate is a key to creating an internal financial system and opening it up to foreign participants. In this paper we would like to show the differences between China and the USA and examine their impact on potential changes on the distribution of power in the international system. We will also try to prove that this field is a missing link in preventing the final launching of a symmetrical bipolar system which will finally force China to accept the rules of a Washington Consen­sus instead of following its own patterns. The case study method will be used in order to compare market data and assess the role of currencies for the given model.

Abstract The American welfare state has been premised on the mixture of substantial private, tax‐subsidized benefits rather than on more universalistic public benefits. That pattern is in some ways being undermined as private pension plans are increasingly going bankrupt and firms reduce the benefits they provide employees. On the other hand, however, the current Bush administration is attempting to enhance the private sector role by allowing individuals to invest at least a part of their social insurance contributions into private savings plans. These changes may in the end increase the role of the public sector as a regulator and underwriter at the same time that attempts are made to minimize public sector involvement.

Intro -- Half Title -- Dedication -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Dublin 2017 -- A Letter to My Daughter -- Mother: Rings of Smoke -- Dublin 2017 -- Vienna 1979 -- Where I Started -- Riga 2006 -- Mother's Parents -- Mother -- A Father. A Writer -- Katia -- Jaap -- Betrayal -- Maror -- Amsterdam -- Dublin 2017 -- Illustrations.

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -- ABBREVIATIONS -- I PRELIMINARIES -- II JUSTICE, AGREEMENT, AND DESTRUCTION -- III PERSUADE OR OBEY -- IV CITIZENS AND OFFSPRING -- V PRIVATE PERSONS AND GENERALIZATION -- VI DOKIMASIA, SATISFACTION, AND AGREEMENT -- VII SOCRATES AND DEMOCRACY -- VIII DEFINITION, KNOWLEDGE, AND TEACHING -- APPENDIX Perplexity in the Hippias Minor -- BIBLIOGRAPHY -- GENERAL INDEX -- INDEX OF PASSAGES