Suchergebnisse

Nowadays, cultural globalization is one of the most important aspects of expansion and deepening of capitalistic relations. This process exerts a great influence on all communities, especially non-Western societies, so that it has prompted them to adopt different approaches towards it. Thus, understanding the phenomenon of globalization for countries such as Iran that insists on their specificity (especially on their indigenous cultural values), to identify threats and crises which this phenomenon will be looking for them is of high importance. So, the main purpose of this research is to analyze how the seventh and the ninth governments of Islamic Republic of Iran dealt with the issue of globalization, particularly, its cultural aspect. Indeed, with realization of the differences between post-revolutionary Iranian state and most of existing ideologies in the world and also its geopolitics and strategic sensitive location in the region; all Iranian post-revolutionary governments adopted logical and rational policies in dealing with this worldwide wave. However, as regards the specific national, regional and international conditions, the seventh and the ninth governments were much more exposed to globalization and taking a clear stance. Research findings, according to the theory of 'James N. Rosenau "Fragmegration" show that the seventh government, based on adopting political culturalism, sought for interaction and 'convergence' in the form of "dialogue between civilizations" as well as pacifism in addition to criticizing world's dominant relations. Whereas, the ninth government adopting justice-oriented approach and political spirituality in the form of public participation and management in managing the world led to "divergence" of the existing global order considering realistic and power-based relations of international order.

Objectives: Guidelines and training initiatives (G/TIs) are available to support communication in cross-cultural consultations but are rarely implemented in routine practice in primary care. As part of the European Union RESTORE project, our objective was to explore whether the available G/TIs make sense to migrants and other key stakeholders and whether they could collectively choose G/TIs and engage in their implementation in primary care settings. Setting: As part of a comparative analysis of 5 linked qualitative case studies, we used purposeful and snowball sampling to recruit migrants and other key stakeholders in primary care settings in Austria, England, Greece, Ireland and the Netherlands. Participants: A total of 78 stakeholders participated in the study (Austria 15, England 9, Ireland 11, Greece 16, Netherlands 27), covering a range of groups (migrants, general practitioners, nurses, administrative staff, interpreters, health service planners). Primary and secondary outcome measures: We combined Normalisation Process Theory (NPT) and Participatory Learning and Action (PLA) research to conduct a series of PLA style focus groups. Using a standardised protocol, stakeholders' discussions about a set of G/TIs were recorded on PLA commentary charts and their selection process was recorded through a PLA direct-ranking technique. We performed inductive and deductive thematic analysis to investigate sensemaking and engagement with the G/TIs. Results: The need for new ways of working was strongly endorsed by most stakeholders. Stakeholders considered that they were the right people to drive the work forward and were keen to enrol others to support the implementation work. This was evidenced by the democratic selection by stakeholders in each setting of one G/TI as a local implementation project. Conclusions: This theoretically informed participatory approach used across 5 countries with diverse healthcare systems could be used in other settings to establish positive conditions for the start of implementation journeys for G/TIs to improve healthcare for migrants.

ABSTRACT  In this article, we examine the environmental thought and practice of indigenous peoples living in and around a wildlife sanctuary in North India. Analysis reveals that those religious specialists (such as shamans) who possess knowledge of herbal healing are more committed than other villagers to preventing or mitigating the overharvesting of natural resources. To explain these results, reference is made to a specific juncture of native traditions and modern conditions and in particular to an intersection of local economies with global discourses of "ecodevelopment." Drawing on theories and methods from political ecology and cultural psychology, we present a framework for testing the extent that local actors—in this case, shamanic and herbalist healers—are differently positioned to resist or accommodate state and parastate structures of "environmentality" than are other villagers.

Der britische Kulturtheoretiker Stuart Hall wird seit einem Jahrzehnt zunehmend auch in den hiesigen Debatten über kulturelle Identität (in) der Einwanderungsgesellschaft zitiert. Mit diesem Buch liegt erstmals eine ausführliche und kritische deutschsprachige Auseinandersetzung vor. Halls spannungsvolle Gratwanderung zwischen Antirassismus und Multikulturalismus wird aus verstreuten Aufsätzen, Vorträgen und Interviews herausgearbeitet und in ihren Kontext zu Dekonstruktion, postkolonialer Theorie und historischer Konjunktur gestellt. Warum ist die Frage der Identität nie endgültig zu beantworten? Wie kann dennoch identitätsstiftende Praxis aussehen?

Can society mitigate hermeneutical injustice towards persons with learning disabilities? How do European theatres meet this challenge? How can artists with learning disabilities «have a voice»? The present volume searches for answers to these questions in theoretical approaches and in interviews with stage directors.

Multiculturalism is, among other things, an attitude toward values -- hence, an ethic of a kind. The question it poses, however, is what kind of ethics are possible when it is assumed that the one world culture that stood behind classical social ethics no longer pertains. The issue binds most strictly when it is further assumed that social ethics entail political commitments to change the worlds. Hence, the practical consideration of whether or not plural worlds of incommensurable values allow for ethical strategies sufficient to change for the better -- where 'better' is itself open to doubt. 37 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications and Thesis Eleven Co-op Ltd, copyright 2004.]

AbstractSince 2008 a profound crisis, not only economic but also political, has been affecting the EU. The Eurobarometers carried out by the European Commision show an increased percentage of people who see their country as not having benefitted from being an EU member. In addition, the presence of extreme‐right parties has grown recently in several democracies. These parties adopt not only an anti‐European but also an anti‐immigrant stance. It is precisely the growing strength and visibility of this link between anti‐Europeanism and anti‐immigration in ideological positions that has prompted our research. Using data from the Eurobarometer 71.3 (2009) for eleven countries, we confirm a correlation between intercultural dialogue – measured using a proxy variable: European identification – and tolerance. Results also corroborate group threat theory. However, the best model takes into account national contexts. These findings show the relevance of studying national historical and cultural traditions to understand how prejudices develop.

The fourteenth edition of documenta, the international exhibition of contemporary art, introduced in the cultural field of Greece a strong statement about the country being part of the Global South. Traditionally, documenta takes place every five years in the German city of Kassel. Yet the fourteenth iteration in 2017, titled 'Learning from Athens', was equally split between Kassel and Athens. As documenta is considered the world's most important manifestation of contemporary art, already for more than two decades its artistic directors try to make the exhibition project globally relevant. As every edition, so also the fourteenth, was accompanied by several publications that constructed a rich theoretical framework. Four years after the exhibition project's finissage, this article revisits the magazine of documenta 14, titled South as a State of Mind, in order to reflect on the conception of the terms 'South' and 'Global South' proposed there in relation to the situated Athens-based perspective. As the documenta 14 motto reassured, this was an exercise in 'learning from Athens' between 2013 and 2017: how productive did this perspective render conceptualizations of the South for the past, present or future? And what role did the intense context of the 2010s in Greece play in such conceptualizations, in the midst of the country's sovereign debt crisis, waves of refugees and social and political turmoil?

"Cosmopolitan theory suggests that we should shift our moral attention from the local to the global. Richard Vernon argues, however, that if we adopt cosmopolitan beliefs about justice we must re-examine our beliefs about political obligation. Far from undermining the demands of citizenship, cosmopolitanism implies more demanding political obligations than theories of the state have traditionally recognized. Using examples including humanitarian intervention, international criminal law, and international political economy, Vernon suggests we have a responsibility not to enhance risks facing other societies and to assist them when their own risk-taking has failed. The central arguments in Cosmopolitan Regard are that what we owe to other societies rests on the same basis as what we owe to our own, and that a theory of cosmopolitanism must connect the responsibilities of citizens beyond their own borders with their obligations to one another"--Provided by publisher

This article examines the relationships between socioeconomic status and attitudes toward redistributive taxation across 33 countries using the complete International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) 2006 data set. We apply a simple rational-choice-inspired homo-economicus hypothesis proposing that those better off in the socioeconomic hierarchy should have less reason to support state-organized economic redistribution compared to those situated at lower levels in the socioeconomic hierarchy. The empirical results demonstrate substantial cross-country variation regarding the correspondence between empirical observations and theoretical expectations. When faced with such tremendous cross-national variation in response patterns, a common strategy among researchers is to question the quality of the data collection procedures for those countries deviating strongly from theoretical expectations. The strategy chosen in this study is, however, different. The main argument is that an observed lack of fit between theory and empirical observations may be rooted in problems related to theory rather than the quality of data collection procedures. Building on previous research, two "cultural distance" hypotheses are formulated, both of which argue that the correspondence between the homo-economicus theory and empirics should indeed vary systematically across countries. The first focuses on the role of the welfare state and the second on the level of economic affluence and associated scientific dominance. Both hypotheses receive considerable empirical support. The relationship between socioeconomic status and support for redistributive taxation is substantially stronger in the wealthy Western welfare states - particularly among those of Northern Europe - than in the poor non-Western countries lacking any institutional design reminiscent of a welfare state.

Using comparable self‐reported survey data collected among college students in the United States (n = 502) and Japan (n = 441), this study examines a paradox of higher academic deviance among otherwise more conforming Japanese youth while revisiting the debate concerning the disjuncture between aspirations and expectations/perceived outcomes in Agnew's general strain theory (GST). Confirming the paradox, our results indicate that Japanese students are significantly more deviant academically than American students. However, contrary to the expectation of GST, but in support of past empirical studies, the higher academic deviance among the Japanese, as compared to Americans, is explained by their lower aspirations, irrespective of the levels of expectations/perceived outcomes

This article is devoted to the interpretation of the Sintashta and Petrovka sites of the Bronze Age. The purpose of the study is to test a hypothesis regarding the appearance and functioning of a frontier in the Southern Urals between the 3rd and 2nd millennia BC. This concept has undergone significant changes and is used for the analysis of not only states but also pre-state societies. A frontier should be considered as a multicultural territory, a zone of stereotypes differing from those of neighbouring groups and original traditions. The presence of conflicts is one of the most characteristic features of the phenomenon. In historical perspective, the system of cultural stereotypes can be reproduced long after the frontier itself ceases to function. The facts accumulated so far can help us reach a new level of understanding. Archaeological sources are represented by fortified settlements and burial grounds; their distribution is very compact. Various types of monuments illustrate very well the high degree of population concentration, the variability of cultural stereotypes, social heterogeneity, the development of the military sphere (including its manifestations in the ideological sphere), etc. Thus, the Sintashta sites can be viewed as a result of the functioning of a specific type of frontier, which determined the influence of traditions and their long-term reproduction. Their evolution was due to the peculiarities of adaptation; as a result, highly concentrated populations were rejected and the forms of social complexity changed. ; Работа посвящена интерпретации синташтинских и петровских памятников бронзового века. Цель исследования – тестирование гипотезы о возникновении и функционировании фронтира в период конца III – начала II тыс. до н. э. на территории Южного Урала. Установлено, что концепция претерпела существенные изменения и используется при анализе не только государств, но и догосударственных социумов. Фронтир должен рассматриваться как территория мультикультурности, зона формирования стереотипов, которые отличны от соседствующих групп и исходных традиций. Наличие конфликтов – одна из наиболее характерных черт феномена. В исторической перспективе в период существования фронтира сложившаяся система культурных стереотипов может длительно воспроизводиться после завершения его функционирования. Накопленная к настоящему времени сумма фактов позволяет выйти на новый уровень осмысления древностей рассматриваемого региона. Археологические источники представлены укрепленными поселениями и могильниками, ареал распространения которых очень компактен. Разнотипные памятники хорошо иллюстрируют высокую степень концентрации населения, вариативность культурных стереотипов, социальную неоднородность, развитие военного дела (включая его манифестации в идеологической сфере) и др. Последнее сочетается с отсутствием следов реальных военных столкновений и единичными примерами военного травматизма. Происхождение рассматриваемой группы явно миграционное, а следов взаимодействия с субстратным населением крайне мало. Таким образом, налицо совпадение признаков, сформулированных сторонниками фронтира, и археологических данных: миграционный сценарий, высокий уровень развития военной сферы, культурная вариативность. Синташтинские традиции (за вычетом яркого проявления военной сферы) нашли свое продолжение в следующий хронологический период и распространились на огромной территории. Наряду с этим, имеются и расхождения: практически нет следов реальных столкновений, следы взаимодействия с субстратным населением фиксируются минимально. По мнению автора, причин несоответствия представлениям о «классическом» фронтире несколько. Во-первых, несмотря на высокий для бронзового века уровень социальной сложности, невозможно обсуждать местные древности в терминах государства, даже с добавлениями «раннее» или «формирующееся». Во-вторых, археологический источник далеко не в полной мере отражает реалии, это неизбежно влияет на степень обоснованности заключений. Однако вполне очевидно, что рассматриваемые материалы не укладываются в рамки понятия «археологическая культура». В-третьих, свою роль сыграла конкретная историческая ситуация. Военизированная культура мигрантов оказалась избыточной в условиях минимального противодействия местного населения, имевшего принципиально иной уклад экономики и социальную организацию, которые не предполагали концентрации людских ресурсов и развития сложных технологий. Таким образом, синташтинские памятники могут быть рассмотрены как результат функционирования специфической разновидности фронтира, что определило влиятельность этих традиций и их длительное воспроизведение. Эволюция была обусловлена особенностями адаптационных процессов, в результате произошли отказ от высокой концентрации населения и изменение форм социальной сложности.