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The modeling of social processes in rulemaking is still not perfect. The aim of the article is to improve the normative regulation of crime prevention measures. The purpose of the article is to analyze the Constitution of Ukraine as a verbal model of the state system of Ukraine. We justify the Constitution as a pragmatic verbal model of the system of the state of Ukraine on the basis of the theory of system engineering.A model is a specially designed object for research and problem solving (material or abstract) that has the required degree of similarity to the modeled object and is adequate for the purpose of the study. Pragmatic models are a form of organizing (displaying) knowledge of the intended (created) object system. Therefore, the Constitution of Ukraine, laws and regulations are pragmatic verbal models.The construction of a model of the system can be carried out subject to the preliminary definition of: 1) the context of the model; 2) the author's point of view; 3) modeling goals.The system model should have the following properties: 1) simplicity; 2) limited; 3) adequacy; 4) loyalty. In the Constitution of Ukraine as a model of the state system, these properties are provided in different ways. Adequate is called a model where completeness, accuracy, and truthfulness are realized to the extent that ensures the achievement of the goal of modeling.The purpose of constitutional modeling is to build a verbal model of the state system that would reflect the compelling circumstances in which the system functions - the purpose, elements, and relationships. As a goal of the system of the state of Ukraine, Article 3 of the Constitution outlines human rights and freedoms.Elements of the System of State Ukraine are: Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, President of Ukraine, National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine, Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, local state administrations, courts, Constitutional Court of Ukraine. Connections of elements of the system of the State of Ukraine. Legislative, executive and judicial bodies shall exercise their powers within the limits established by this Constitution and in accordance with the laws of Ukraine (Article 6 of the Constitution) ; В статье на основе методики системного анализа обосновывается понимание Конституции как прагматичной вербальной модели системы государства Украина. Рассматривается её соответствие требованиям, которые предъявляются к моделям системных объектов. Обозначена принадлежность этой модели к разным классификационным группам ; У статті на засадах методики системного аналізу обґрунтовано розуміння Конституції як прогностичної вербальної моделі системи держави Україна. Розглянуто її відповідність вимогам, які висуваються до моделей системних об'єктів. Окреслено належність цієї моделі до різних класифікаційних груп

Mención Internacional en el título de doctor ; Deliberation is a key feature to endow advanced intelligence to autonomous agents. Complex use cases, specially robotic applications which require a considerable degree of autonomy, have to be coordinated by some kind of control architecture. However, reusing existing architectures can be difficult because use cases are very heterogeneous. The main goal of this thesis is to ease the use of standard deliberative techniques in usecase oriented cognitive architectures for autonomous systems. This thesis contributes with new declarative languages to model use cases, new control architectures, new software developments and new methodological guidelines of how to apply these concepts in engineering processes. To justify the contributions, this thesis presents the design of NAOTherapist, an autonomous social robot for upper-limb pediatric rehabilitation. Its control architecture is a prototype that maximizes its generalization capabilities. However, several limitations arose when reusing this architecture in other projects as the Clarc robot (geriatric assessment) and a CoBot robot (office delivery tasks). The discussion about NAOTherapist is used to highlight these limitations and determine how to overcome them. The main implementation after all these approaches is Mlaras (Multi-Layered ARchitecture for Autonomous Systems), which is a generic architecture to ease the development of autonomous intelligent systems. It also allows non-expert users to directly modify it to refine the use-case definition. Mlaras is focused on automated planning as the core of its deliberative processes, which are separated into several layers to take advantage of the hierarchical abstraction levels present in many use cases. An instance of Mlaras has been developed for the autonomous agents of a simulated logistics competition use case to further evaluate the capabilities of the new architecture. The experimentation concludes that the contributions help to fill the gap between the use case definitions and the actual developed applications. ; - Arquitecturas para Capacitación Social Basadas en Planificación Automática. Funding Entity: MICINN, RTI2018-099522-B-C43. - Lifelong Technologies for Social Robots in Smart Homes. Funding Entity: MINECO, TIN2015-65686-C5-1-R - European Clearing House for Open Robotics Development Plus Plus (ECHORD++). Sub-project smart CLinic Assistant Robot for CGA (CLARK). Funding Entity: European Union Seventh Framework Programme for Research (FP7), Grant Agreement No. FP7-ICT-601116 - Diseño, Planificacion Automática Y Evaluación De Terapias De Neuro-Rehabilitación Dirigidas Por Un Robot Social E Interactivo. Funding Entity: MINECO, TIN2012-38079-C03-02 ; Programa de Doctorado en Ciencia y Tecnología Informática por la Universidad Carlos III de Madrid ; Presidente: María Araceli Sanchís de Miguel.- Secretario: José María Cañas Plaza.- Vocal: Carlos Hernández Corbato

Anerkennung als juristischer Begriff kann sich auf verschiedene Szenarien beziehen, beispielsweise auf die Anerkennung von Staaten, die eine häufigere Form der Nutzung darstellt, oder auf die Anerkennung von Regierungen. Rechtsgrundsätze und Lehren haben in der Vergangenheit versucht Rahmenbedingungen für "Anerkennung" zu schaffen, da es nicht lediglich ein "Gesetz" gibt, welches die Parameter bestimmt. Während die Anerkennung in ihrem rechtlichen Rahmen ein viel diskutiertes Thema ist, sind es auch die politischen Konsequenzen, die mit der Anerkennung eines Staates oder einer Regierung einhergehen. Die Meinungsäußerung durch Anerkennung oder Verweigerung der Anerkennung kann zu schwerwiegenden politischen Auswirkungen führen, indem zwischenstaatliche diplomatische Beziehungen oder innenpolitische Situationen beeinflusst werden. Ein Beispiel für den innenpolitischen Einfluss wäre die potenzielle Anerkennung von Oppositionsparteien, die sich wie in Libyen und im Jemen eigenständig zu legitimen Regierungen erklärt haben. In Jemen, einem Land, das von den Ereignissen des Arabischen Frühlings erschüttert wurde und seitdem einen sogenannten "neuen Krieg" führt, behaupten derzeit zwei Parteien, die legitime Regierung zu sein und zwar die von Saudi-Arabien geführte Koalition unter Präsident Hadi und die Houthi-Rebellen, welche über den nördlichen Teil des Jemen regieren. Beide haben jedoch Grund, an ihre jeweilige Legitimität als Regierung zu glauben, da externe Akteure wie Saudi-Arabien und der Iran Unterstützung anbieten und sie bestärken. Bedeutet dies jedoch automatisch, dass rechtliche und politische Legitimität gegeben ist? Die Analyse der jeweiligen Regierungen des Jemen im Lichte der sogenannten "neuen Kriege" soll helfen, den anhaltenden Konflikt zu verstehen, festzustellen, an welchen Rechtsgrundsätzen die Anerkennung von Regierungen gemessen wird und ob die rechtliche Anerkennung von Regierungen politische und rechtliche Auswirkungen auf den Jemen hatte. ; Recognition as a legal term can refer to various scenarios such as the recognition of states, which is a more common form of use, or the recognition of governments. Legal principles and doctrines have intended to construct a framework for recognition, since there is not only "one law" that determines the parameters. While recognition in its legal framework is a highly discussed topic, so are the political consequences that come with the recognition of a state or government. Expressing an opinion by giving or denying recognition can lead to serious political repercussions by influencing diplomatic relations or influencing domestic political issues. An example of the domestic political influence would be the potential recognition, of oppositional parties, which have proclaimed themselves to be the legitimate government, such as in the cases of Libya and Yemen. Yemen, a country shaken by the events from the Arab Spring, which has been fighting a so called "new war" ever since then, has currently two parties claiming to be the legitimate government, the Saudi led coalition under President Hadi and the Houthi rebels, governing over the northern part of Yemen. However, both have reason to believe in their respective legitimacy as a government, since external actors such as Saudi Arabia and Iran offer support, but does this automatically mean that legal and political legitimacy are given? Analysing the respective governments of Yemen in light of the new wars theory shall help to understand the ongoing conflict, determine by which legal principles recognition of governments is measured and if the legal recognition of governments had political and legal repercussions in Yemen. ; by Sofija Mecinaj ; Zusammenfassungen auf Deutsch und Englisch ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2020 ; (VLID)5332893

This PhD thesis adapts the technology developed in raising fields in computer science, such as Machine Learning and Computer Vision, in order to create novel metrology tools that enable the qualitative and quantitative assessment of damage and fracture in Aerospace structures. The developed tools are easily integrated in the industrial functions and replace manual human-based processes with computerized automated operations. These new metrology methods enable efficient inspections and material failure analysis in two different scales: In macroscopic level: the development of a new metrology system that enables inspections in large scale aerospace components is presented. The main purpose is the design and assembly of a metrology system that performs inspections in specific locations along the large surface of an aerospace component and produce accurate digital representations of the inspected areas. Additionally, a metrology framework that allows this fully operational metrology system to perform inspections in targeted positions is established. The functionality of this tool is evaluated in a collaborative project between the SME that hosted this research work, AEROSERTEC, and AIRBUS, where the objective was the improvement of the repairing process of the carbon composite aerospace components. The capability of the produced metrology to create accurate 3D digital representations of the inspected areas is implemented in one of the intermediate steps of the repairing process and it is shown that it can contribute to the optimization of the process. In microscopic level: the objective is to introduce methods already mature in Computer Science and Artificial Intelligence in order to create tools that can perform topographic characterization of the fracture surface of engineering materials. The developed Machine Learning algorithms are divided in supervised, where a pre-trained model is necessary for performing predictions, and unsupervised, where the algorithm can perform predictions without prior training. The supervised methods are implemented in the topographic characterization of the material's fracture surface and enable accurate measurement of the relative appearance of the different micro-structural fracture modes in the microscopy images. The unsupervised methods are used to cluster fracture surfaces of different samples produced under different experimental conditions and allow their classification according to external parameters (imposed loading, environmental conditions etc.) and internal micro-structure characteristics. The evaluation of their results reveals great potential, and the comparison with current methods that perform fracture surface classification, shows superior efficiency. ; The research leading to the results reported in this doctoral thesis has received funding from the European Union's Horizon2020 Programme (Excellent Science, Marie Sk lodowska-Curie Actions) under REA grant agreement 675602 (Project OUTCOME). ; Programa de Doctorado en Ingeniería Mecánica y de Organización Industrial por la Universidad Carlos III de Madrid ; Presidente: Daniel Rittel.- Secretario: María Teresa Pérez Prado.- Vocal: Sebastien Mercier

The objectives of the paper are threefold: a) to find out the axiomatic truths, investigating crimes committed in the past; b) to examine the steps of the trial to the perpetrators for accountability and to deliver justice to the victims without prejudice at present; and c) to foster peace, human security and harmony for not repeating crimes in future. This state-of-the-art paper is prepared based on archival literature review, exchanging and sharing, Rome Statute defined functions and a practical observation approach rather than theoretical conception. The Hague Court gathers and scrutinizes testimonies, questioning victims and witnesses and analyzes the shreds of evidence of a suspect's innocent or guilty. The examination and investigation guided by Rome Statute jurisdiction shall initiate on five criteria: (i) State Party, (ii) Declaration of Acceptance, (iii) Situation Referring by the UNSC, (iv) Transnational Crimes and (v) Petition by Victim/Representative. As of December 2019, 123 countries have become the Member States to the Rome Statute, but China, Iraq, Israel, Libya, Qatar, USA and Yemen voted against the treaty. So far, the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) has opened official investigations for 12 situations and additional nine situations for preliminary examinations. The OTP closed seven situations: Gabon, Honduras, South Korea, Venezuela and Registered Vessels (Comoros, Greece, and Cambodia) from preliminary examinations. Till date, 45 suspected persons have been warranted by The Hague Court including the Presidents of Sudan, Kenya, Ivory and Libya. Out of 45 accused persons, proceedings against 50 per cent (22) have been completed. Four countries including South Africa and The Philippines have withdrawn from the Rome Statute. Burundi who has been the first country to refer the situation to the Court became the first nation to leave Statute. The case of Bangladesh/Myanmar is the newest one. Ukraine has accepted the jurisdiction of Statute but failed to ratify it. The longest length of the preliminary examination is holding by Afghanistan, but the Pre-Trial Chamber dismissed its report over the influence of the USA's power and politics. Reparations against three rebel leaders, i.e., Thomas Lubanga, Germain Katanga and Ahmad Al Mahdi for victims were pronounced by The Hague Court. Warrants of arrest along with red corners notice are issued to four (two each from Libya and Sudan) suspected individuals. The Hague Court's investigations should be evidence-based, not target-based unlike toing and froing of registered vessels of Comoros, Greece and Cambodia. The superior complexity of the Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda and advertisement of her photos in all official statements are to be ended.

Sovyetler Birliği'nin 1990-1991 yıllarında dağılma süreciyle birlikte diğer Türk toplulukları da arka arkaya kendi bağımsızlıklarını ilan etmiştir. Orta Asya Cumhuriyetleri içerisinde en büyük yüzölçümüne sahip olan Kazakistan, hem Sovyetler döneminde baskının en çok hissedildiği hem de bugün büyük başarılarla dünya arenasında geldiği nokta açısından önemli ülke bir olarak görülmektedir. Bu çalışmanın birinci bölümünde Kazakistan'ın tarihine kısa bir bakış atılmıştır. Rusya Çarlığı zamanından Sovyetlere kadar olan dönemin sosyal, ekonomik ve idari alanları incelenmiş ve bağımsızlık sonrası Kazakistan'ın etnik, ekonomik, askerî ve stratejik konularında pek çok sorun ortaya çıkmıştır. Daha önce devlet sisteminde belirlenmiş rejim standartları bulunmayan, ülkenin iç ve dış politika açısından tamamen tecrübesiz olması nedeniyle bağımsızlıktan sonra memleket anayasası, dış politika yetkileri ve bürokrasisi senelerce süren yoğun bir çalışma sürecini gerektirmiştir. Ülkenin karşısında bulunan bu sorunların kademeli olarak çözülmesi amacıyla Cumhurbaşkanı Nazarbayev tarafından kabul edilen kısa ve uzun vadeli program, proje ve stratejiler de bu bağlamda incelenmiştir. İkinci bölümde uluslararası örgütlerin tanıtımı, bu örgütlerin fonksiyonları, sınıflandırılmaları hakkında genel bilgi verilmiş ve Kazakistan açısından çok taraflılık ve uluslararası örgütlerin önemi açıklanmıştır. Üçüncü bölümde ise çeşitli uluslararası örgütler ve bu örgütlerin örnekler üzerinden ilişkileri ve neticeleri incelenmiştir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Kazakistan, Dış Politika, Güvenlik, Uluslararası Örgütler, Bütünleşme. ; After the partition of the Soviet Union in 1990-1991, other Turkish countries declared their independence in succession. Kazakhstan, which has the largest area among the Central Asian Republics, it is seen as the most important country in terms of where the pressure was felt during the Soviet period and where it came out with the great success the world arena. A succinct overview of the history of Kazakhstan is given in the first part of this study. The social, economic and administrative areas of the period from the time of Tsarist Russia to the Soviets were examined and many problems of post-independence Kazakhstan emerged in ethnic, economic, military and strategic issues. The Constitution, Foreign policy powers and bureaucracy of the country after independence required years of intensive work due to the lack of regime standards established in the state system before, and being completely inexperienced in the domestic and foreign policy aspects of the country. Short-and long-term programmes, projects and strategies have been adopted by President Nazarbayev in order to gradually resolve these problems coloborating the country. In the second part of the study, general information about the functions and classification of international organizations is given and the importance of multilateralism and international organizations for Kazakhstan is described. In the third chapter, relations and outcomes are examined in the example of some international organizations. Keywords: Kazakhstan, Foreign Policy, Security, International Organizations, Integration.

7 pags., 4 figs., 3 pags. ; The Dzyaloshinskii-Moriya interaction (DMI) is an antisymmetric exchange interaction that stabilizes chiral spin textures. It is induced by inversion symmetry breaking in noncentrosymmetric lattices or at interfaces. Recently, interfacial DMI has been found in magnetic layers adjacent to transition metals due to the spin-orbit coupling and at interfaces with graphene due to the Rashba effect. We report direct observation of strong DMI induced by chemisorption of oxygen on a ferromagnetic layer at room temperature. The sign of this DMI and its unexpectedly large magnitude—despite the low atomic number of oxygen—are derived by examining the oxygen coverage–dependent evolution of magnetic chirality. We find that DMI at the oxygen/ ferromagnet interface is comparable to those at ferromagnet/transition metal interfaces; it has enabled direct tailoring of skyrmion's winding number at room temperature via oxygen chemisorption. This result extends the understanding of the DMI, opening up opportunities for the chemisorption-related design of spin-orbitronic devices. ; This work has been supported by the NSF (DMR-1610060 and DMR-1905468) and the UC Office of the President Multicampus Research Programs and Initiatives (MRP-17- 454963). Work at the Molecular Foundry was supported by the Office of Science, Office of Basic Energy Sciences, of the U.S. Department of Energy under contract no. DE-AC02- 05CH11231. Work at GU has been supported, in part, by SMART (2018-NE-2861), one of seven centers of nCORE, a Semiconductor Research Corporation program, sponsored by the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST). A.M. and M.A.G.B. acknowledge support from MINECO (Spain) under the project no. MAT2017-87072-C4-2-P and from Comunidad de Madrid under the project no. S2018/NMT4321. The Jülich team acknowledges financial support from the DARPA TEE program through grant MIPR (# HR0011831554) from the DOI, the European Union H2020-INFRAEDI-2018-1 program (grant no. 824143, project "MaX— Materials at the exascale"), the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) through SPP 2137 "Skyrmionics" (project BL 444/16), the Collaborative Research Centers SFB 1238 (project C01), and computing resources at the supercomputers JURECA at Juelich Supercomputing Centre and JARA-HPC from RWTH Aachen University (projects jias1f and jara0197). R.L.C., A.K.S., and R.W. acknowledge financial support from the European Union via an International Marie Curie Fellowship (grant no. 748006). H.D. acknowledges the support of the National Key R&D Program of China (grant no. 2017YFA0303202) and the National Natural Science Foundation of China (grant nos. 11734006 and 51571109). E.G.M. acknowledges support from MINECO (Spain) under grants MAT2014-52477 and FIS2017-82415-R and from MECD (Spain) under grant PRX17/00557

In spite of the large number of studies of populism, few have discussed the relationship between populism and different types of elites, apart from showing the antielitism of the discourse that characterizes populist movements and leaders. This article argues that the relationship to elites is crucial to understand how populist regimes emerge, gain power and sustain themselves. Comparing Hugo Chávez of Venezuela and Rafael Correa of Ecuador, we show that they were not simply two authoritarian leaders that gained power through democratic channels. They had profound similarities as populist leaders with a maniquean anti-elitist discourse. One difference between them was that Chavez emphasized and succeeded with, his construction of alternative elites after his confrontation with traditional, elites, while Correa did not. This is part of the explanation for why the "Citizens Revolution" of Rafael Correa collapsed, while chavismo has survived and turned increasingly authoritarian form under the leadership of Nicolas Maduro. The comparison serves to open a field of study of elites and the concentration of economic and political power under populist leaders of all shadows, that may enrich the study of populism. ResumenLa multiplicidad de estudios sobre el populismo, más allá explicar el antielitismo discursivo que lo caracteriza, dicen poco sobre los vínculos que tienen los distintos tipos de élites con los movimientos y líderes populistas. Por ello, abundando en el tema, este artículo plantea que el análisis del tipo de relación de los populistas con las élites es crucial para comprender cómo evolucionan, llegan y permanecen -o no- en el poder. Se comparan los gobiernos de Hugo Chávez en Venezuela y Rafael Correa en Ecuador, para mostrar que no eran simplemente dos líderes autoritarios llegados al poder por canales democráticos, sino presidentes populistas con un discurso maniqueo, para después mostrar sus distintas estrategias de relación con las élites. Mientras Chávez tuvo una estrategia deliberada y exitosa de construcción de élites alternativas -luego de su choque frontal con las preexistentes- Correa fracasa en esa dimensión, lo que explica en gran parte que, mientras la "Revolución Ciudadana" de Correa se derrumbó, el chavismo sobrevive, a través de un movimiento político cada vez más autoritario bajo el liderazgo de Maduro. El estudios de ambos casos sirve para mostrar, cómo el estudio de las élites enriquece la teoría populista pues, entender el cambio de élites abre un campo al estudio de la concentración del poder económico y político bajo líderes populistas de todo tipo. Palabras clave: élites; populismo; Venezuela; Ecuador; Hugo Chávez; Rafael Correa

The modeling of social processes in rulemaking is still not perfect. The aim of the article is to improve the normative regulation of crime prevention measures. The purpose of the article is to analyze the Constitution of Ukraine as a verbal model of the state system of Ukraine. We justify the Constitution as a pragmatic verbal model of the system of the state of Ukraine on the basis of the theory of system engineering.A model is a specially designed object for research and problem solving (material or abstract) that has the required degree of similarity to the modeled object and is adequate for the purpose of the study. Pragmatic models are a form of organizing (displaying) knowledge of the intended (created) object system. Therefore, the Constitution of Ukraine, laws and regulations are pragmatic verbal models.The construction of a model of the system can be carried out subject to the preliminary definition of: 1) the context of the model; 2) the author's point of view; 3) modeling goals.The system model should have the following properties: 1) simplicity; 2) limited; 3) adequacy; 4) loyalty. In the Constitution of Ukraine as a model of the state system, these properties are provided in different ways. Adequate is called a model where completeness, accuracy, and truthfulness are realized to the extent that ensures the achievement of the goal of modeling.The purpose of constitutional modeling is to build a verbal model of the state system that would reflect the compelling circumstances in which the system functions - the purpose, elements, and relationships. As a goal of the system of the state of Ukraine, Article 3 of the Constitution outlines human rights and freedoms.Elements of the System of State Ukraine are: Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, President of Ukraine, National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine, Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, local state administrations, courts, Constitutional Court of Ukraine. Connections of elements of the system of the State of Ukraine. Legislative, executive and judicial bodies shall exercise their powers within the limits established by this Constitution and in accordance with the laws of Ukraine (Article 6 of the Constitution) ; В статье на основе методики системного анализа обосновывается понимание Конституции как прагматичной вербальной модели системы государства Украина. Рассматривается её соответствие требованиям, которые предъявляются к моделям системных объектов. Обозначена принадлежность этой модели к разным классификационным группам ; У статті на засадах методики системного аналізу обґрунтовано розуміння Конституції як прогностичної вербальної моделі системи держави Україна. Розглянуто її відповідність вимогам, які висуваються до моделей системних об'єктів. Окреслено належність цієї моделі до різних класифікаційних груп

The article is devoted to the conjugation and harmonizing of Chinese Belt and Road Initiative with Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union focusing on maximal utilizing of Russian Far Eastern part's capacity for integration purpose. Moscow and Beijing plans obtain new sense and extraordinary importance within the President Putin's idea of 'Grand Eurasian Partnership'. It means that both parties are able and thus striving to reshape Eurasian geopolitical and geo-economic landscape according to their respective interests and form so called Grossraum. Considering this, such an integration process is designed as a alternative to the cooperation mechanisms offered by the global West. There is a review of Russian Far East as well as Chinese North-East's respective capacities for the implementation of the Belt and Road initiative in a given text. However we are to admit that all the efforts made by both Russia and China to develop their respective border territories are still nor coordinated enough. Thus approach of local authorities and government strategies are strongly recommended to be reviewed in a while in order to contribute properly into integration process and achieve synergy effect. Also, one of the tasks of this research is to sum up and analyze all the collected experience of formerly initiated bilateral projects, including negative sides and drawbacks. Besides that, the feasible part of the article is devoted to unveiling all the emerged impediments in trade, investment, industrial and other forms of Sino Russian cooperation. Therefore, potential of border areas deserves a special and thorough attention. ; Статья посвящена исследованию проблемы сопряжения китайской инициативы «Пояс и путь» и продвигаемого Россией Евразийского экономического союза в части возможного использования потенциала дальневосточных субъектов федерации для содействия интеграции. В контексте выдвинутой Президентом РФ В.В. Путиным идеи создания «Большого Евразийского партнёрства» планы Москвы и Пекина приобретают особое значение как потенциально способные перестроить геополитический и геоэкономический ландшафт Евразии в интересах двух стран и сформировать так называемое большое пространство (Grossraum). При этом подобный вектор интеграции станет альтернативным западно-центристской модели сотрудничества. В работе даётся обзор потенциала российского Дальнего Востока, а также отмечается роль Северо-Востока Китая в «Поясе и пути». При этом отмечается, что усилия двух стран по развитию данных регионов всё ещё не скоординированы должным образом. В этой связи подходы к данному вопросу со стороны центральных властей и местных администраций нуждаются в изменениях для содействия процессу интеграции и получения синергетического эффекта. Одна из задач исследования заключается в суммировании опыта ранее инициированных двусторонних проектов с КНР, включая неудачные их стороны, а также представлении сегодняшних предложений по активизации сотрудничества. Кроме того, существенная часть статьи посвящена вскрытию осложнений торгово-экономического и инвестиционного взаимодействия России и Китая в особенности касающегося использования возможностей приграничных территорий двух стран.

China's soft-power practice in its international activity boils down to four areas: culture, education, diplomacy, and economy. The most important element of China's soft-power policy seems to be the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Announced in 2013, the BRI is a complex, long-term and large-scale strategic political and economic project by the Chinese government with an infrastructure character. In this way, China is seeking to invest its capital surpluses in resurrecting the ancient Silk Road to create railroad and maritime networks with its most important trading partner – the European Union. In these circumstances, in September 2015, the presidents of Central and Eastern EU member states announced the establishment of the separate Three Seas Initiative (TSI), a political and economic project bringing together 12 EU states, including 11 'new' members and Austria. These entities constitute an informal bloc of states between the Adriatic, Baltic and Black seas, though without a permanent secretariat but with rotating leadership. In addition to the lack of a formal structure, the TSI region, located mainly in the EU's eastern part, is characterized by a weaker infrastructure network than Western Europe, lower GDP (except Austria), and high dependence on gas supplies from Russia (except Croatia). To overcome these disparities, the TSI has developed a catalogue of 48 investment priorities in three economic areas: energy, transport, and digitalisation. China's soft-power policy towards the 'new' EU members may be decided by the American patronage of the TSI and the fact that one of the flagship projects is the North-South Gas Corridor, which will enable the sale of American LNG in Central Europe, which has been dependent on gas supplies from Russia, China's partner in the BRI. In the context of the US-China trade war, White House planners recognise Central Europe as both a peripheral and key area for their policy and seek to strengthen the Three Seas project, which may lead to limiting areas of cooperation under the '17+1' format, involving CEE countries and China. On the other hand, the development of better energy, transport and digital connections in the EU's east clearly intersects with China's idea of building a New Eurasian Land Bridge under the BRI to connect the most economically developed edges of Eurasia. The new US strategy towards the countries of the CEE seems to boil down to involvement in specific energy-related projects. Instead of blocking or diminishing BRI-related infrastructure projects in China, they seem in fact to complement the Chinese activity in the CEE. Increased investment by American enterprises in the region may allow the administration in Washington to maintain control of Chinese infrastructure investments, and the US involvement may even lead to the participation of American companies in projects originally started by Beijing.

Responding to heightened global interest in and concern for the sustainability of the planet and our ways of life on it, The United Nations' Transforming Our World: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (2015) came out as a very ambitious and historic global agreement. The agenda identified what have become known as the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), along with their detailed targets to mobilize and guide global efforts toward ending poverty, fostering peace, safeguarding human rights and protecting the planet. Education for Sustainable Development forms part of Target 4.7 of Sustainable Development Goal 4, which seeks to "ensure that all learners acquire the knowledge and skills needed to promote sustainable development, including, among others, through education for sustainable development and sustainable lifestyles…"Departing from the Brundtland Commission's (1987) definition of sustainable development as a paradigm of resource use that "meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs," universities have progressively been incorporating sustainability values, practices and initiatives into their activities, throughout the realm of what they do in teaching, research, administration and operational systems. Indeed, Commitment to sustainability at universities worldwide dates back to the 1980's, with a number of landmarks and declarations such as the Magna Charta of European Universities (1988), and the Talloires Declaration of University Presidents for a Sustainable Future (1990).However, the debate so far has centered mostly on the rationale and reasoning for broad adoption, rather than the various actions to be undertaken by higher education institutions (HEIs). Moreover, Efforts and initiatives to integrate sustainability into higher education in the developing world have been ad-hoc, modest and small (Mohamedbhai 2012). We could only find a few research studies covering such efforts and initiatives anyways (Awuzie & Emuze, 2017; Bhat et al., 2017; Khalaf-Kairouz, 2012).This paper aims to describe sustainable practices of higher education institutions in the developing world, via a case study of Rafik Hariri University in Lebanon. The authors utilize the 12 Features of Sustainable Society, developed by the Forum for the Future (2003) as an analytical framework, based on the Five Capitals Model. The research instrument was a questionnaire derived from the 12 Features of a Sustainable Society and designed to identify the strategies, policies, values and practices pursued by the university to contribute to sustainable development.The outcome is a detailed level analysis into the ways in which a small institution of higher education in a developing country contributes to the betterment of the world via engagement in sustainability. Keywords Sustainability; Sustainable Development; Higher Education; Developing World; Higher Education for Sustainable Development; Rafik Hariri University; Lebanon; ESD; SDG; HESD

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Este artículo analiza los discursos en pugna de los principales actores de poder en torno al núcleo nodal de la hegemonía neoliberal en la Argentina, a través de los posicionamientos y disputas público-mediáticas sobre los significantes clave Convertibilidad y esta­­­­bilidad y los proyectos de devaluación y dolarización, durante la crisis de diciembre del 2001. Se encontró que una parte minoritaria de los actores políticos clave apoyaban, con matices, los fundamentos del orden neoliberal, que en esta fase se articulaban de forma extensiva a la preservación del sistema financiero y los ahorros, la gobernabilidad y la estabilidad institucional. Al mismo tiempo, una pluralidad de actores políticos criticaban, con diferentes intensidades, la Convertibilidad, sus efectos regresivos y las interpelaciones oficiales, aunque mantenían un apoyo tácito a la estabilidad. En este tramo final de la crisis del modelo la propuesta de dolarización era readecuada a partir de un proyecto financiero-neoliberal de fluctuación ponderada del tipo de cambio y posterior dolarización de la economía. Esta opción implicaba extremar el esquema convertible y el ajuste fiscal. Sin embargo, el proyecto dolarizador era impugnado por el conjunto de los referentes heterodoxos y rechazado también por el presidente. Al analizar los discursos alternativos en torno a la devaluación se encontró que, salvo unas pocas voces aisladas, los actores predominantes no mencionaban, o bien rechazaban explícitamente, esta propuesta, que simbolizaba la pura anti-comunidad. A su vez, un conjunto de actores de poder enunciaban los significantes devaluación y dolarización, a lo que se sumaba el peligro del default, aunque sin respaldar dichos proyectos. Estos referentes se limitaban a constatar la situación de crisis y a proyectar, con diferentes grados de pesimismo, una salida devaluacionista, dolarizadora y/o de cesación de pagos de la deuda, pero sin apoyar ninguna de estas alternativas. Por último, en esta fase se escenificaba una variante heterodoxa radicalizada de devaluación encubierta. Dicha propuesta consistía en una flexibilización con flotación cambiaria y desdolarización para construir un modelo de país alternativo, vinculado a la redistribución del ingreso, la protección del trabajo y el mercado interno y el desarrollo productivo nacional. Sin embargo, este proyecto antagónico al orden neoliberal representaba a posiciones minoritarias, aisladas y desarticuladas a nivel político-institucional y social. De este modo, no contaba con los consensos necesarios ni la fuerza performativa para estructurar un nuevo modelo de desarrollo. Se concluye que la desarticulación hegemónica, y el veto mutuo entre los actores de poder, obturaron la posibilidad de viabilizar un programa alternativo al Régimen de Convertibilidad.

This paper features the eyewitness accounts of some 10 victims of martial law in Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao. Most of the eyewitnesses belong to the lower strata of the Philippine social structure. They are the nameless victims of a cruelty inflicted on a society that is interested mainly on the stories of the rich and famous, the good and the beautiful. Recorded history has always delineated the "inarticulate" (Constantino, 1975) to the background and denied them a space in the pages of history. This document aims to shine the spotlight on the "ugly" reality: stories of courage, strength, and the will to live with dignity during the martial law period. This paper also aims to show the millennial generation how the youth of the recent past lived, suffered, fought, survived and managed to find their way through during the dark years of martial law. And, in the process, learn from these virtual experiences. The nation has lost a generation of leaders during the martial law period. They represent a generation of unrecognized heroes who charted the nation's destiny – willingly or unwillingly. Using the framework of a "peoples' history where individuals can be correctly appraised" (Constantino, 1975), the paper puts to the fore the people's efforts to make changes in their own way that when validated collectively puts in contrast to the well-oiled machinery of former President Marcos' government. Some of the martial victims who survived their ordeal at the hands of the government military and police had died while the data was being gathered. A relative of a university professor gave this writer the typed manuscript of the person's testimony. Another, a farmer from the Visayas, allowed herself to be interviewed on behalf of her parents. Some of the martial law survivors remain alive today to tell their own stories. Apart from the interviews, the author also researched into the files of the Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, Bantayog ng mga Bayani, and Claimants 1081, Inc. The SELDA files currently housed at the University of the Philippines Main Library cannot be easily accessed during the research period and thus was the limitation of this paper. The author also gathered data from the Commission on Human Rights (CHR). Transcripts of the interviews were given to this writer as formally requested for this paper in 2017. The CHR investigating team went to Malisbong, a barangay in the municipality of Sultan Kudarat in the province of Maguindanao in the island of Mindanao in 2014. The Commission gathered data for its Stories of Heroism and Resistance, Martial Law Oral History Project and uploaded it on Youtube for public viewing in 2017.