Suchergebnisse

La llegada de Donald Trump a la Presidencia de los Estados Unidas bajo la retórica "Make America Great Again" puso en tela de juicio el orden de posguerra y en especial, a la Globalización y el multilateralismo surgido de ella. No solo el Comercio Internacional, el Cambio Climático y la Política Migratoria fueron puestos en dudas, las Alianzas Militares también. Respecto de esta última, será la OTAN, la Alianza Militar más antigua del actual Sistema Internacional, la que será el foco de críticas por parte del Presidente de los Estados Unidos y que hará que la Unión Europea comience a pensar en una serie de alternativas en materia de Defensa y Seguridad que le den mayores espacios de autonomía frente a la dependencia de los Estados Unidos. La crítica que realiza Donald Trump sobre la OTAN hace referencia a la reciprocidad por parte de sus aliados respecto del financiamiento de la organización. Los argumentos de la administración Trump es que los Estados Unidos financian a la OTAN cumpliendo lo conferido en el Artículo 5 del Tratado (2% del PBI por Estado parte) mientras que la mayoría de sus miembros europeos incumplen dicho artículo abusando de los recursos de los Estados Unidos. Más allá de la concordancia de parte de sus asesores en que Europa debe aumentar sus gastos en defensa, la retórica de "Europa debería pagarnos por su protección" perjudica las relaciones con la OTAN a la cual los asesores de Trump y parte de su gabinete consideran imprescindible. Por otro lado, para Donald Trump, el cálculo costo-beneficio en torno a financiar en sobremanera a la OTAN se invierte. Se habría vuelto muy costoso para los Estados Unidos financiar a sus socios europeos de la OTAN y ya no estarían dispuestos a defender a Europa de un ataque a uno de sus miembros. El ejemplo más claro fue la respuesta negativa a la pregunta de si Estados Unidos debería defender a Montenegro (Nuevo miembro de la OTAN) ante un ataque. Europa habría dejado, parcial o totalmente, de ser un espacio vital para los Estados Unidos en detrimento de otros espacios geopolíticos como el Asia-Pacífico. Respecto de las alternativas que maneja la Unión Europea, estas se enmarcan ya sea en función de aumentar sus capacidades militares (Iniciativa PESCO), ya sea en función de los efectivos militares (La creación de un Ejército Europeo) o en cómo cooperar hacia adentro del bloque pero intentando mantener ciertas relaciones con los Estados Unidos (Sistemas de Seguridad como el B9 y el 3SI). ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

Recovery, reintegration and post-isolation support for people released from captivity at the territories under the effective control of Russian Federation is a topical challenge for Ukrainian state. The USA and NATO approaches for recovery and reintegration processes were applied during the reintegration and post-isolation support activities focused on returnees released on December, 27, 2017. One part of the reintegration and post-isolation support lessons learned is a Concept of Recovery and Post-Isolation Support Public Policy for Ukraine. The milestones of the Policy Concept are describing in the article. The reintegration and post-isolation activities for the release of December, 27, 2917 were organized and coordinated by the Office of the Commissioner of the President of Ukraine for Rehabilitation of Combatants. It was the first experience of reintegration and post-isolation activities for military personnel and civilian returnees in Ukraine. The reintegration and post-isolation activities were designed as an operational process of providing medical and psychological care to personnel recovered from isolation, and debriefing them for intelligence and lessons learned purposes.The very intensive hybrid pressure on returnees and reintegration team members has demonstrated clearly the necessity and importance of recovery and post-isolation support public policy and the advisability of planning reintegration and post-isolation activities as a part of the recovery process due to the policy.All problems of captured and released Ukrainian citizens and their family members could be generalized into three main groups: - problems related to the protection of human rights, freedoms and lawful interests of captured, isolated and released persons; - problems related to the physical and mental recovery, rehabilitation and post-isolation adaptation of returnees; - problems related to threats to national security and national interests of Ukraine. In addition, the conceptual framework for a unified recovery and post-isolation support public policy was developed. Namely, the policy principles, purpose, strategic goals and tasks were formulated. ; В статті обґрунтовується доцільність й необхідність формування та реалізації єдиної державної політики відновлення та постізоляційного супроводу осіб, звільнених з примусової ізоляції. Пропозиції щодо принципів, мети, цілей та завдань такої політики сформульовані з урахуванням досвіду проведення комплексу реінтеграційних та постізоляційних заходів щодо осіб, звільнених з примусової ізоляції 27.12.2017, а також за результатами дослідження проблем та запитів осіб, звільнених з ізоляції, починаючи з 2014 року, аналізу досвіду надання постізоляційної допомоги звільненим та членам їх сімей органами державної та місцевої влади, а також недержавними організаціями. При розробці пропозицій щодо змісту державної політики відновлення і постізоляційного супроводу та напрямків її реалізації враховано досвід організації системи відновлення особового складу сил оборони країн-членів НАТО.

El objetivo de este artículo es analizar los factores que intervinieron en la creación del Instituto Federal de Capacitación del Magisterio con el fin de demostrar la influencia de este en el conflicto magisterial protagonizado por maestros federales de San Luis Potosí en 1948. La metodología consistió en la revisión de documentos oficiales, testimoniales y bibliográficos acerca de los maestros federales agremiados en la Sección XXVI del Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación en San Luis Potosí, así como de fuentes primarias del Archivo General de la Nación, de los fondos Secretaría de Educación Pública y Presidentes. Lo relativo a la reforma educativa y a los decretos se revisó en el Diario Oficial de la Federación. La información se sistematizó mediante el análisis de contenido en varias etapas. En la primera etapa, de análisis temático, se efectuó un preanálisis para conocer la estructura de los expedientes relativos al conflicto. Se hizo una primera revisión general y se generó, a partir de esta, la distribución de frecuencia simple para organizar el material. En la segunda etapa, de exploración minuciosa, se encontró el sentido de las agrupaciones iniciales, con base en expresiones y palabras muy significativas. En la etapa final, de tratamiento de resultados e interpretación, se formularon inferencias de mayor consistencia y se hizo un cruce con enunciaciones teóricas para integrar el cuerpo argumental del escrito. En cuanto a los resultados de la investigación, se establece que se crearon iniciativas de fortalecimiento institucional que, sin fundamentos suficientes, estuvieron lejos de garantizar una respuesta efectiva a la formación de maestros en servicio. Entre las limitaciones del estudio está la falta de información sobre la solución final de los conflictos aquí abordados y la manera en que se ajustó la operación del Instituto Federal de Capacitación del Magisterio (en diferentes etapas) ante el crecimiento del sistema educativo y la diversificación de perfiles de ingreso de los maestros. Este trabajo es meritorio porque prueba las implicaciones de factores políticos, económicos y sociales y el papel del Estado en la formación del magisterio en servicio; asimismo, porque ahonda en un tema escasamente tratado: el Instituto Federal de Capacitación del Magisterio, el devenir de este, los conflictos que su operación le generó al sistema educativo federal y sus maestros. Se concluye que los maestros federales agrupados en el Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación hicieron de una coyuntura la ocasión para manifestar su descontento por rezagos de vieja data, por lo que usaron renovadas tácticas de presión para reclamar beneficios que "por ley" les correspondían.

AbstractThe objectives of the research for policy of intangible cultural heritage (ICH) are as follow.(1) To understand the processes and problems of implementation of ICH policy in Indonesia; (2)To identify stakeholders involved in ICH policies that have been registered and confirmed; and(3) To ascertain a plan of action programs that carried out by relevant agencies following thedetermination of ICH policy in Indonesia. This study uses qualitative research method, throughinterviews and focus group discussion (FGD) to a number of informants, i.e. government officials,cultural actors, and community members. The implementation of the Minister of Education andCulture regulation that related to "the administrative procedures" of ICH policy has be done asgood as possible by Directorate of Values Internalization and Cultural Diplomacy. However, it isbelieved that the effort is still need to be improved. It seems that this is caused by poor technicalability for filling the form and misunderstanding about ICH, which often confused as havingthe same meaning and value with cultural heritage. Local stakeholders need to have the sameunderstanding about the importance of the regulation of president and of Ministry of Educationand Culture. Therefore, all the regions can carry out this policy together and contribute toeach other in protecting ICH through action programs. Bida'i, Songket, Sambas, and BetangTraditional House in West Kalimantan Province; and Makepung and Tektekan in Bali Provincehave been designated as ICH of Indonesia. However, conservation efforts should not stop at thisdetermination only.Keywords: Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH), Bida'i. Songket Sambas, Betang traditional house,Makepung and Tektekan AbstrakTujuan penelitian kebijakan Warisan Budaya Takbenda (WBTB) ini, adalah untuk: (1)mengetahui proses dan berbagai masalah dalam implementasi kebijakanWBTB Indonesia;(2) mengidentifikasi pihak-pihak yang terlibat dalam kebijakan WBTB yang telah didaftarkandan ditetapkan; dan (3) mengetahui rencana program aksi yang dilakukan oleh instansi terkaitterhadap penetapan WBTB Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatifdengan wawancara dan Focus Group Discussion (FGD) terhadap sejumlah informan, baik dariaparat pemerintahan, pelaku budaya, maupun warga masyarakat. Hasil penelitian menunjukanbahwa implementasi Permendikbud yang terkait "prosedur administratif" KebijakanWBTB,telah dilakukan dengan maksimal oleh Direktorat INDB, beserta jajarannya. Meskipun demikian,dalam pelaksanaannya dirasakan kurang maksimal. Hal ini tampaknya, disebabkan kemampuanteknis pengisian formulir maupun pemahaman akan arti budaya takbenda seolah-olah samadengan cagar budaya. Perlu pemahaman dari stakeholders di daerah tentang pentingnya Perpresdan Permendikbud WBTB, sehingga kebijakan ini dapat bergerak bersama di daerah dan salingberkontribusi dalam melakukan perlindungan WBTB dalam bentuk program aksi. Bidai, SongketSambas, dan Rumah Betang di Provinsi Kalimantan Barat, serta Makepung dan Tektekan diProvinsi Bali sudah ditetapkan sebagai WBTB Indonesia. Upaya pelestarian seyogyanya tidakberhenti pada penetapan WBTB tersebut.Kata kunci: Warisan Budaya Takbenda (WBTB), Bidai (Bide'), Songket Sambas, Betang,Makepung dan Tektekan

En Europa como en América Latina, la crisis del Estado constituye una profunda amenaza sobre las políticas sociales. En Chile, el golpe de Estado de 1973 marca la muerte abrupta del modelo del Estado rector y redistribuidor que, desde la década del 40 hasta el gobierno del presidente Salvador Allende, había orientado la política democrática. Retrospectivamente, el proceso chileno aparece como la caricatura brutal, concentrada y exorbitante de un proceso generalizado y difuso que afecta a todo el Occidente. Durante más de diez años, Margaret Thatcher, Ronald Reagan o George Bush llevaron a cabo una política de destrucción sistemática del Estado Benefactor. Y todos los países de Europa están hoy día bajo el apremio de múltiples factores, que los han impulsado a revisar las formas de ayuda social que fueron desarrolladas por ellos durante más de cincuenta años. El Estado de Bienestar parece haberse vuelto obsoleto. La cuestión de fondo es determinar si la obsolescencia de una cierta modalidad del Estado Benefactor, debe significar el fin de todo proyecto político de justicia social; y si la evidente inadecuación de las formas clásicas (keynesianas, fordianas, beveridgeanas...) de política reguladora, debe traducirse en el término de cualquier otra política social voluntarista. Las derechas neo-liberales y neo-conservadoras responden encantadas de manera afirmativa a estos cuestionamientos. La izquierda clásica defiende contra viento y marea, un viejo discurso que esconde mal su inadecuación fundamental. No obstante, una tercera respuesta es todavía posible: se trata de intentar corregir y reformular el proyecto del Estado de Bienestar desde una perspectiva que se adapte a los nuevos desafíos económicos e ideológicos de la modernidad. Esta tercera vía podría consistir, por ejemplo, en preguntarse sobre las nuevas necesidades sociales de los individuos y de las colectividades, y en redefinir los valores que deben orientar la política social post-industrial. El artículo que se presenta a continuación inspirado en la realidad belga, constituye una contribución a esta tentativa de refundación del proyecto del Estado de Bienestar. A través de él se intentan dilucidar las mutaciones del discurso de la ayuda social en Europa, a partir de los discursos de los propios actores. En este marco, lo que se trata es de hacer emerger algunos componentes del nuevo dispositivo de ayuda que podrían volver a imprimir un impulso renovado al proyecto político de justicia social. Este artículo está escrito con la conciencia que en la ausencia de un proyecto de esta naturaleza, una sociedad moderna no merece el apelativo de "democrática".

In the process of researching the geopolitical transformation of the post-Soviet space as a «Eurasian project», the author uses the method of comparative analysis of the official foreign policy documents of the founding States of the Eurasian economic union. The author, highlighting Kazakhstan, Russia and Belarus as subjects of the «integration core» in the post-Soviet space, reinforces the integration aspirations of these countries with economic data indicating their growing interdependence during the decade preceding the creation of the Union in may 2014.It is shown that the sanctions regime imposed by the Western countries on Russia and their negative impact on the economy of the EEU did not reduce the political will of the leaders of the «Troika» to continue further integration.A detailed research of the policy statements (publications) of the political leaders of the EEU «integration core» allows to determine the special role of Kazakhstan and its President N. Nazarbayev in the implementation of this large-scale geopolitical project.The author in considering programmatic foreign policy documents of Kazakhstan, Belarus and Russia offers to focus attention on the peculiarities of the positioning of the Eurasian economic union as integration entity. As a result, according to the author, the membership of Belarus in the «Eurasian project» was the result of a hard compromise for the Belarusian people. The Russian example shows that Moscow's foreign policy vector was initially perceived by the EEU as a global project connecting Europe with the Asia-Pacific region. Now, however, Russia has positioned the EEU as a regional site. The author regards this as a decrease in the status of Eurasian integration and believes that this thesis looks very controversial. Kazakhstan, in turn, sees the «Eurasian project» as an opportunity to join the global economic chains. Thus, Astana attaches to the EEU exclusively global significance.The position of the Kazakh leader in the course of meetings with Western leaders is emphasized. The leader of Kazakhstan traditionally positions the EEU as an adequate and successful economic integration entity with which it is necessary to establish cooperation in all spheres. This allows him to be assigned the status of «advocate» of the «Eurasian project». At the same time, the article notes the support of the Eurasian views of N. Nazarbayev on the ideas of classical Eurasians P. Savitsky, G. Florovsky, N. Trubetskoy, G. Vernadsky, S. Solovyov, L. Gumilev.It is concluded that in the conditions of the remaining anti-Russian sanctions regime Kazakhstan's participation in the EEU is one of the main factors of the legitimization of integration education at the regional and global levels.

La finalidad principal de este texto es profundizar en la legislación italiana que ha subordinado la expedición de los permisos de residencia de larga duración a la superación de pruebas lingüísticas obligatorias para personas con nacionalidad extranjera. El tema es sin duda crucial por su influencia en la vida de muchas personas inmigrantes que han visto como se añadía una condición adicional para poder residir en Italia: el permiso por créditos. Para ello se consideran los dos más recientes avances legislativos: el Decreto Ministerial del 4 de junio de 2010 y el Acuerdo de Integración, establecido por el Decreto del Presidente de la República n.º 179 del 14 de septiembre de 2011. El propósito es: a) describir el contenido de los textos legislativos que introducen estas obligaciones y algunos aspectos relacionados con las mismas, como la organización del examen y el requisito de asistir a cursos de formación cívica; b) comparar opiniones de autores contrarios y favorables a las medidas; y c) dar voz a los mismos actores involucrados al fin de entender sus dificultades y sus propias impresiones. El análisis de los textos y las informaciones producidas, a través de entrevistas a personas filipinas que han hecho el examen de idioma, ponen de manifiesto los límites de una reforma a través de la cual el gobierno italiano pretende aplicar su política pública de inmigración e integración. The main purpose of this essay is to know more about Italian legislation that strongly subordinates the issue of long-term residence permits to mandatory language testing for people with foreign nationality. That is a crucial issue because of its influence in the daily life of many newcomers, which are subject to an additional condition, if they want to live in Italy: the residence permit connected to credits. The focus will primarily be on the two most recent legislative measures: the Ministerial Decree of 4 June 2010 and the Integration Agreement, introduced by Presidential Decree no. 179 of 14 September 2011. The text is intended: a) to consider the introduction of these obligations and certain related issues, -such as the organisation of the examination and the obligation for the newcomers to attend civic integration courses; b) to present favorable and contrary opinions; c) to give voice to the involved parties in order to understand their troubles and impressions. The analysis of the texts and the information produced by some interviews with people from the Philippines, obliged to do the language tests, show the limit of the migration and integration public policy of the Italian government.

132 páginas : ilustraciones. ; La presente investigación constituye un análisis de como el tema de Restitución de Tierras fue incluido en la ley de victimas 1448 de 2011 como un capítulo en la política pública de atención y reparación integral a las víctimas del conflicto armado interno. Dentro de este contexto, se hace un abordaje de los aspectos políticos determinantes para que el proyecto de ley pasara a sanción presidencial y así dar cumplimiento a sentencias de la Corte Constitucional, a la comunidad internacional y, por supuesto, a los más de 8 millones de víctimas que ha dejado la guerra en Colombia. En este sentido, se analiza cómo con la llegada del presidente Juan Manuel Santos a la presidencia, se logra consolidar una política pública en donde el tema de restitución de tierras integral es fundamental entre otras para la reparación, cerrar brechas entre lo urbano y rural, garantizar la presencia del Estado a lo largo del territorio con oferta de servicios públicos, educación, vivienda, salud, educación, seguridad, justicia, etc.; por su parte el acuerdo de paz firmado entre el gobierno nacional y la guerrilla de las Farc, en el primer punto menciona la política de desarrollo agrario integral. Hacia un nuevo campo colombiano: Reforma Rural Integral, la cual pretende que el campo sea una opción viable y productiva en beneficio y desarrollo del país. ; This research analyzes how the issue of Land Restitution was included in the victims' law 1448 of 2011 as a chapter in public policy of care and comprehensive repair to victims of the internal armed conflict. Within this context some political issues are considered. They are a determining factor for the presidential approval of the bill in order to comply with court decisions, with the international community and, certainly, with more than 8 million victims that the war left in Colombia. Along these lines, it is analyzed how, with the arrival of Juan Manuel Santos to the presidency, it was possible to consolidate a public policy in which the issue of comprehensive land restitution, among others, is fundamental for repair. Likewise, it was possible to close gaps between urban and rural, to ensure the presence of the State throughout the territory with supply of public services, education, housing, health, education, security, justice, etc. Similarly, the peace agreement signed between the national government and the FARC guenillas mentions, in the first point the policy of comprehensive agricultural development. Towards a new Colombian countryside.· Integrated Rural Reform, which aims to make rural areas a viable and productive option for the benefit and development of the country. ; Magíster en Gobierno y Políticas Públicas ; Maestría

ASEAN and China – Balancing or Bandwagoning? South China Sea Case "ASEAN and China – Balancing or Bandwagoning? South China Sea Case" thesis focuses on ASEAN states' behaviour and positions vis-a-vis China in the South China Sea conflict. Author raised important question, why despite the recent positive developments in the negotiations on the Code of Conduct, China continues to act aggressively. Two possible explanations were presented – either ASEAN countries are bandwagoning with China in South China Sea conflict or their balancing efforts are unsuccessful. Therefore the purpose of this essay was to examine what strategies ASEAN apply – balancing or bandwagoning and how succesfull it is. Also, another possible strategy was introduced in this thesis – hedging. This concept means that country is occassionaly applying both balancing and bandwagoning strategies and at the same time avoiding negative consequences that are associated with them. The countries in this thesis were divided into three groups. First group comprised from countries that are claimants in South China Sea conflict – Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei Darussalam. The hypothesis is that because they are claimants and their territorial integrity is at stake, they will balance China. The second group comprised of countries that are not claimants, however sea is very important for their survival – Indonesia, Singapore and Thailand. Author argued that these countries will choose balancing or hedging strategy. The third group comprised from Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar – countries that are not claimants and do not have the entrance to the South China Sea or it is small. Hypothesis was that they will hedge China or bandwagon with it. Lastly, other factors like proximity to China, country's military strength, defence relations with China and other countries (especially USA), economic dependence on China and economic relations with other countries were included in this research. The hypotheses that were raised at the beggining of this research were only partially correct because other mentioned factors also play very imporant role in determining countries' positions. Balancing strategy is applied by Vietnam, Indonesia and Singapore, hedging strategy is applied by Malaysia, Thailand and Myanmar and bandwagoning strategy is applied by the Philippines, Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia and Laos. The biggest puzzle in the thesis is the Philippines behaviour. Author argued that the main factor behind the sudden change of its position is the election of the new President – Rodrigo Duterte, even though neorealism does not pay attention to the impact of individuals. Another important finding is that ASEAN countries lack unity in the South China Sea conflict. This is reason why China continues to act agressively in the South China Sea. Also, since there is no unity in ASEAN and China sees it, it is highly doubtful if countries will be able to reach legally significant Code of Conduct.

As we write, the United States, Canada, and Mexico are meeting in Washington, D.C. to renegotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). These talks—and their possible failure—represent the biggest shift in U.S. economic policy in a generation. Since NAFTA came into force in 1994, it has transformed the North American economy. NAFTA has made possible continent-wide supply chains, in industries like the auto sector, that have reduced costs and allowed American automakers to remain competitive; it has opened markets for American agriculture; it has greatly increased the standard of living in Mexico; and it has reduced consumer prices across the continent. Despite these gains, President Trump has repeatedly threatened to pull the United States out of NAFTA if he cannot get a deal that is "fair" for American workers. These repeated threats, coupled with aggressive U.S. government proposals to roll back liberalization in NAFTA 2.0, have sent the Canadian and Mexican governments and the U.S. business community searching for new policy ideas to save free trade. Restoring Trade's Social Contract answers this call by proposing a financial transaction tax (FTT) in NAFTA and future trade agreements. The tax, no more than .1% of the value of securities or currency sales within the free trade area, would raise revenue to fund an expansion of adjustment assistance for workers who are displaced due to trade liberalization. An Economic Development Chapter in NAFTA and future trade agreements would mandate that this revenue be spent on expanded domestic trade adjustment assistance programs, such retraining, relocation assistance, and infrastructure investment. Our proposed tax would thus directly harness the wealth-creating potential of trade agreements and explicitly tie funding for adjustment assistance to major financial institutions, the parties benefitting the most from trade agreements. In so doing, it would restore what we term the social contract of trade—a bargain whereby trade liberalization occurs in a way that ensures that the least well off among us are, at a minimum, not harmed. Despite its huge contributions to poverty reduction and increased human welfare since World War II, trade liberalization has contributed to significant job losses, leading to economic calamity and social disruption in industrial heartlands from the mid-Western United States to Manchester, England and Wallonia, Belgium. These economic losses, in turn, have spurred the political backlash that now threatens the international economic order. Securing the long-term benefits of trade liberalization for ourselves and our fellow citizens—making free trade politically sustainable—thus requires including in trade law itself measures to address these significant costs. With NAFTA talks ongoing and the United States debating tax reform, the time is right for an FTT dedicated to expanded adjustment assistance.

ABSTRAK Kegelapan bagi bangsa Eropa merupkan pertumbuhan peradan Madinah. Cita Piagam Madinah telah memberikan insfirasi sekaligus pembelajaran terbaik dalam pembangunan daerah. Madinah merupakan kota Propinsi sebagaimana di Indonesia tentang pemerintahan daerah. Otonomi pada dasarnya mempunyai wilayah, kewenangan mengurus urusan pemerintahan, dan kepentingan masyarakat setempat menurut prakarsa sendiri berdasarkan aspirasi masyarakat. Kabupaten/kota sebagai bentuk otonomi memiliki desentralisasi secara kewilayahan. Belum ada tulisan yang mengkontruksikan piagam madinah dengan pemilihan kepala daerah di Indonesia. Menggunakan metode deskripsi menggambarkan keadaan cita piagam Madinah ke dalam bentuk pencapaian otonomi madani. Nilai-nilai baik dari sistem Madinah harus senatiasa menjadi pertibangan baik calon gubernur maupun bupati/walikota. Kepala Daerah dalam melaksanakan tugas pokoknya, pada akhirnya akan cenderung menitik beratkan pertanggungjawabnya kepada Presiden sebagai ekspresi kedudukannya sebagai wakil pemerintah pusat di daerah untuk gubernur hal ini sangat sejalan dengan nilai Cita Madinah. Bupati/Walikota memiliki hak otonomi Madani atau sebagai pondasi utama dalam otonomi daerah. Maka jaman kegelapan Eropa dan kemajuan peradaban Madinah setidaknya menjadi bahan pertibangan baik bagi yang tertarik mencalonkan diri ataupun terpilih menjadi kepala daerah.Kata Kunci: Piagam Madinah, daerah, otonomi, Madani. ABSTRAK The darkness of Europe is merely the growth of the Medina model. The ideals of Medina Charter have provided the best inspiration and learning in regional development. Medina is a provincial city as in Indonesia about local government. Autonomy basically has the territory, the authority to take care of government affairs, and the interests of local people according to their own initiative based on the aspirations of the people. Districts / municipalities as a form of autonomy have regional decentralization. There is no writing that contradicts the medina charter with the election of regional heads in Indonesia. Using the description method describes the state of the Medina charter in the form of the attainment of civil autonomy. The good values of the Medina system must always be the consideration of both the governor and the regent / mayor candidates. Head of Region in carrying out its main duty, in the end will tend to emphasize its responsibility to the President as the expression of his position as representative of central government in the region for the governor this is very much in line with the value of Ideals Medina. The regent/mayor has the right of Civil autonomy or as the main foundation in regional autonomy. So the era of European darkness and the progress of Medina civilization at least be a matter of good for those interested in being nominated or elected head of the region. Keywords: Medina, charter, area, autonomy, welfare.

Coastal erosion (CE) is a phenomenon that has undergone a conceptual evolution. Nowadays, it is considered a physical and social process that is scientifically studied, quantified, and technically mitigated. It may also be approached by following the individual/collective perceptions of coastal communities. Risk and vulnerability associated with CE may also be addressed by considering different aspects that require a differentiated and trans-disciplinary analysis. A gap regarding the social perception of CE in Portuguese coastal communities was detected in the literature review. Therefore, the initial questions and aim of this study are, as follows: to research the social perceptions of CE and to understand how they impact public decisions/participation aimed at mitigating CE. The purpose of this research, supported by a hypothetical-deductive-approach, is exploratory and followed a multiple-case study strategy. The study was conducted using a mixed methodological paradigm (qualitative and quantitative). The Paramos/Espinho and Costa-da-Caparica cases, which differ environmentally, geographically and socioeconomically, were selected. Social and environmental vulnerability indicators were determined through the Analytical-Hierarchy-Process. These indicators were used to structure/draft the exploratory interviews and a questionnaire. These were applied to three categories of stakeholders: politicians/decision-makers, presidents of recreational associations and fishermen/inhabitants; all chosen by convenience sampling. The interviews identified both the historical and current perception of CE, as well as the public-institutional interaction within the scope of the planned/executed interventions targeting the mitigation of this problem. The questionnaire also revealed memories of damaging events, recognition of the causes of CE and sea encroachment, identification of risk perception, and understanding of the feedback about the strategies developed for mitigating erosion. The results showed that the perception of CE was derived from constructed experience and social memory. For the participants, the erosion «issue» is a serious daily problem. They identified risks and mentioned natural causes that are magnified by both climate change and human causes. Disengagement of the state through inefficient decision-making, inadequate construction and maintenance of defence structures, and through their laxness regarding building new constructions were all mentioned as significant examples of human causes. Participants highlighted the authorities' lack of sensitivity towards traditional knowledge and their lack of will to welcome/integrate the contribution participants' experience could make. The main contribution of this work resides in the empirically based development of a model for the social perception of CE, by positioning vulnerability in the context of CE. The perceived vulnerability/risk was deemed to result not only from CE, but also from a variable and dynamic context-specific framework, and from internal/external factors that were identified. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

ASEAN and China – Balancing or Bandwagoning? South China Sea Case "ASEAN and China – Balancing or Bandwagoning? South China Sea Case" thesis focuses on ASEAN states' behaviour and positions vis-a-vis China in the South China Sea conflict. Author raised important question, why despite the recent positive developments in the negotiations on the Code of Conduct, China continues to act aggressively. Two possible explanations were presented – either ASEAN countries are bandwagoning with China in South China Sea conflict or their balancing efforts are unsuccessful. Therefore the purpose of this essay was to examine what strategies ASEAN apply – balancing or bandwagoning and how succesfull it is. Also, another possible strategy was introduced in this thesis – hedging. This concept means that country is occassionaly applying both balancing and bandwagoning strategies and at the same time avoiding negative consequences that are associated with them. The countries in this thesis were divided into three groups. First group comprised from countries that are claimants in South China Sea conflict – Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei Darussalam. The hypothesis is that because they are claimants and their territorial integrity is at stake, they will balance China. The second group comprised of countries that are not claimants, however sea is very important for their survival – Indonesia, Singapore and Thailand. Author argued that these countries will choose balancing or hedging strategy. The third group comprised from Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar – countries that are not claimants and do not have the entrance to the South China Sea or it is small. Hypothesis was that they will hedge China or bandwagon with it. Lastly, other factors like proximity to China, country's military strength, defence relations with China and other countries (especially USA), economic dependence on China and economic relations with other countries were included in this research. The hypotheses that were raised at the beggining of this research were only partially correct because other mentioned factors also play very imporant role in determining countries' positions. Balancing strategy is applied by Vietnam, Indonesia and Singapore, hedging strategy is applied by Malaysia, Thailand and Myanmar and bandwagoning strategy is applied by the Philippines, Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia and Laos. The biggest puzzle in the thesis is the Philippines behaviour. Author argued that the main factor behind the sudden change of its position is the election of the new President – Rodrigo Duterte, even though neorealism does not pay attention to the impact of individuals. Another important finding is that ASEAN countries lack unity in the South China Sea conflict. This is reason why China continues to act agressively in the South China Sea. Also, since there is no unity in ASEAN and China sees it, it is highly doubtful if countries will be able to reach legally significant Code of Conduct.

The paper examines the evolution of the views of American political journalist Dorothy Thompson on American and international assistance to foreign refugees before, during and after World War II. Her published works in American social and political journalism are analyzed, in particular, the article in the Foreign Affairs magazine, which caused public response and was approved by Franklin D. Roosevelt and Cordell Hull. Particular attention is paid to the book «Refugees: Anarchy or Organization?». In this work, the journalist not only reviewed the contemporary ethnopolitical situation in Central and Eastern Europe, analyzed the complex of reasons that had previously influenced the emergence the fact of European refugees, but also analyzed the threats of the migration crisis and offered personal recommendations on the ways to overcome it. Among them, it was proposed to create an international non-governmental organization that had to coordinate the resettlement issue of forced migrants from European countries. The cornerstone of the implementation of proposed ideas should have been the finding of the sources of constant and large-scale financing. The publicist considered the variants for supplementing traditional at that time charitable funds with the support of the international community at the expense of partial state and private funding. Also, for this purpose, it was proposed to apply a scheme of partial write-off of the First World War «military debt», freezing of German foreign accounts, and so on. Dorothy Thompson also listed potential places of refuge for political refugees. She described the thoughts of American geographers led by Isaiah Bowman about the resettlement opportunities of the uninhabited territories of the world. The possibility of involving the Jewish Autonomous Oblast in Soviet Russia and agrarian communes in the Ukrainian SSR for this purpose was also considered. She also welcomed the proposals of US President F. Roosevelt to intensify international efforts to assist European political refugees, expressed after the annexation of Austria by Nazi Germany. In addition, D. Thompson pointed to potential threats that could lead to the failure of the presidential project and offered her view on ensuring its success. The author retraces how after the end of the Second World War, D. Thompson swerved from supporting the Zionist movement in favor of helping Arab refugees from Palestine. ; У статті розглядається еволюція поглядів американської політичної журналістки Дороті Томпсон стосовно американської та міжнародної допомоги іноземним біженцям напередодні, під час та після Другої світової війни. Аналізуються її статті в американській публіцистиці, особливу увагу приділено книзі «Біженці: анархія чи організація?». У своїй праці колумністкою було не лише здійснено огляд тогочасної етнополітичної картини у Центрально-Східній Європі, проаналізовано комплекс причин, що вплинули раніше на появу європейського біженства, а й прослідковано потенційні загрози міграційної кризи та запропоновано власні рекомендації щодо шляхів її подолання.

У статті здійснено спробу віднайти — нехай не прямі, а опосередковані — персоналізовані докази зв'язків видатного українського інтелектуала Івана Огієнка (православного митрополита Іларіона) з діячами Організації українських націоналістів. Приділяється увага співпраці Івана Огієнка та діячів ОУН у тогочасних медійних виданнях. Автором глибоко проаналізовані інтелектуальні контакти та листування Івана Огієнка з Євгеном Онацьким, який, як представник українського студентства, увійшов до складу Центральної Ради (став одним із наймо-лодших її членів і досить швидко був призначений до її Секретаріату, брав активну участь у Всеукраїнському національному конгресі, скликаному Центральною Радою в Києві. Значну увагу науковець приділяє контактам Івана Огієнка з автором «Гімна ОУН» Олесем Бабієм, з редактором і дописувачем газети «Український голос» Юрієм Кошельняком, цікаві взаємини з українським інтелектуалом, письменником, хіміком за фахом Леонідом Мосендзом, листування Івана Огієнка з українським громадським і політичним діячем, Президентом УНР в екзилі Миколою Плав'юком. У статті не оминаються увагою і контакти Івана Огієнка із Миколою Величковським — економістом, професором, редактором «Українського квартальника». Автор оприлюднює велику кількість невідомих листів, важливих для розуміння тогочасних процесів та зв'язків між ОУН та УПА.Автором статті відкривається поле для подальших наукових розвідок, а подальші дослідження цієї проблеми можуть призвести до більш глибокого з'ясування зв'язків видатного українця Івана Огієнка — митрополита Іларіона — з Організацією українських націоналістів. ; In the article an attempt is made to find – even though not direct, but indirect – personalized proofs of connections of outstanding Ukrainian intellectual Ivan Ohiienko (orthodox Metropolitan Ilarion) with leaders of Ukrainian Nationalists' Organization. Special attention is paid to Ivan Ohiienko's and UNO leaders' cooperation in mass media publications of that time. The author gives thorough analysis of intellectual contacts and correspondence of Ivan Ohiienko and Yevhen Onatskyi, who, as a representative of Ukrainian students, entered the body of Central Council (Tsentralna Rada) and became one of its youngest members, very soon he was appointed to its Secretariat, took an active part in All-Ukrainian National Congress, which was convoked by Central Council in Kyiv. The author pays great attention to the contacts of Ivan Ohiienko with the author of "UNO Hymn" Oles Babii, with the editor and correspondent of "Ukrainian Voice" (Ukrianian Holos) newspaper Yuri Koshelniak, interesting contacts with Ukrainian intellectual, writer, chemist by profession Leonid Mosendz, correspondence of Ivan Ohiienko with Ukrainian public and political figure, President of UNR in exile Mykola Plaviuk. The author analyzes Ivan Ohiienko's contacts with Mykola Velychkovskyi – an economist, professor, editor of "Ukrainian Quarterly". The author of the article promulgates a great number of unknown letters, important for understanding of processes and contacts between UNO and UIA (Ukrainian Insurgent Army).The article suggests a wide field for further scientific researches, which can lead to more thorough and detailed analysis of the connections of outstanding Ukrainian Ivan Ohiienko – Metropolitan Ilarion – with Ukrainian Nationalists' Organization.