Suchergebnisse

Introduces a special journal issue, "Policy Transfer and Programmatic Change in the Communist Successor Parties of Eastern and Central Europe." Essays explore these parties' beliefs, political behavior, & how they are distinguished from other left & left-center parties. Here, a historical overview of communist successor parties (CSPs) emphasizes their heterogeneity & traces their development in the postcommunist period. CSP success in the second round of democratic elections since 1992 is generally understood from two theoretical approaches regarding their transformation: one stresses their internal organizational reforms, the other focuses on external factors. Contributors focus on the latter & apply an analytical framework developed around policy transfer & lesson learning. This framework is described, & contributions summarized. J. Zendejas

Albert O. Hirschman's model of "exit & voice" postulates a see-saw mechanism between the two options, hence permitting the argument that emigration can be a key factor for regime stability. Analysis of the Cuban case shows the fruitfulness of this approach, but also the need to move beyond its initial postulates in two important ways. Comparison of the decisive role exit played in the demise of the GDR to the rather stabilizing impact of even mass emigration in Cuba points to the importance of the modalities, not the sheer numbers of exit, particularly whether or not the state is able to secure its "gatekeeper role" regarding emigration. In addition, the increasing transnationalization of exit & voice challenges the supposed see-saw mechanism between the two. Exit is not the clear-cut dichotomous variable often assumed, but can lead to the externalization of voice, which despite its de-location remains part of the politics in the country of origin. At the same time, even despite political opposition to a regime, exit can generate crucial economic support through the flow of remittances in transnational emigrant networks. Tables, Figures. Adapted from the source document.

Belarus has a historically divided identity & presently finds itself "in between" the European Union member states & Russia. An analysis of official statements, focus groups & survey results suggests that foreign & security policy is made overwhelmingly by the country's powerful presidency, & that it is often more pragmatic than at first sight appears. Official statements avoid an unambiguous commitment to "east" or "west". This duality is also apparent within the foreign policy community, & at the popular level. Western governments have for the most part condemned the Lukashenko regime as "Europe's last dictatorship" & reduced official contacts to a minimum; a policy of "constructive engagement" might be less likely to push it towards a "Slavic choice" including a greater degree of integration with the Russian Federation & the CIS. Tables, Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.

The failure of liberal parties to create a unified democratic reformist bloc has been a persistent feature of post-communist politics in Russia. Despite its own dwindling electoral support, the social-liberal party, Yabloko, has consistently resisted calls for unification from its economic-liberal rivals, leading to accusations that the party has hindered the development of consolidated liberal opposition to the regime. The deep-seated enmity that exists between key actors is often cited as a major factor in the division between Russia's liberals & it is certainly true that the role of agency cannot entirely be ignored. However, although sharing some common objectives, Yabloko & the Union of Right Forces (since 1999, the representatives of the economic-liberal strand) represent fundamentally different political traditions, have separate & partially mutually exclusive constituencies & have taken contrasting approaches in their relationship with the regime. It is these factors that lie at the heart of the continuing division & that explain Yabloko's refusal to countenance unification. Adapted from the source document.

In recent years, public opinion surveys have testified to increasing levels of 'communist nostalgia' in Central & Eastern Europe: that is, growing numbers of citizens who feel that 'a return to communist rule' would in fact be a preferable option. These apparently non-democratic sentiments have been subject to two alternative explanations -- one related to political socialization & the other to system output. In fact, communist nostalgia is a multidimensional phenomenon, encompassing both generational differences & general discontent. However, it is clear that nostalgia is more closely related to dissatisfaction with the present system's ability to produce output than to genuine non-democratic values. 5 Tables, 4 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

The abandonment of the communist system raises questions concerning identity & the policy consequences of the change to a system that stands in many respects as the polar opposite of the values & principles of the communist form of rule. There are differences across countries in the extent to which they have adapted their policies, particularly concerning distribution of such indicative products as telephones & automobiles, & in their levels of militarization & energy consumption. However, it is clear that in at least some of these areas the impact has been rapid & dramatic. World rankings of different former communist countries have shifted markedly, although the differentials have not changed consistently. Most significantly, there has been a shift from public -- communal to essentially private priorities, accompanying increasing convergence with the policy profiles of the well-established liberal democracies. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

The process of transformation of state socialist societies has been explained in different ways: revolution, "recombinations" & "system change". Elites & amorphous social forces, such as national movements, feature in theories as major agents of change. Classes have also played a major role in the process of change. Class analysis is distinguished by two different approaches: a political mode, in which class is dependent on political parties & ideology; & a sociological mode, which conceptualizes class as a determinant of political interest. In the latter sense, on the basis of empirical survey data, there are clear boundaries based on inequalities between class groups, there is a consciousness of class & an awareness of other classes. While it is conceded that other forms of self-identification (such as nationality) may be concurrent with that of class, the transformation of the post-communist countries has involved a revolutionary process in which endogenous & exogenous class forces have played a major role. Tables, Figures. Adapted from the source document.