Religion and politics in mass consciousness in Russia
In: Peace and the sciences / German edition, S. 26-32
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In: Peace and the sciences / German edition, S. 26-32
World Affairs Online
In: Politics and religion: official journal of the APSA Organized Section on Religion and Politics, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 209-240
ISSN: 1755-0491
AbstractComparative research on authoritarianism has largely neglected religion. Yet, in order to understand the logic of authoritarian control over the civil society, it is necessary to study how the authoritarian regimes deal with religious groups. In this paper, lessons from the two rapidly expanding fields on regulation of religion and comparative authoritarianism are combined. In particular, a conceptualization of regulation of religion in the authoritarian context is proposed, according to which positive endorsement of religion can be understood as co-optation, whereas negative restrictions can be seen as repression. By employing data on positive endorsement and negative restrictions on religion from 2014 for ca. 70 countries, three different clusters of authoritarian countries regarding the regulation of religion are identified. Finally, it is argued that capacity and ambition of both the religious groups and the authoritarian regimes are the main determinants of regulation.
In: Routledge Archaeology of the Ancient Americas
In: Journal of church and state: JCS, Band 52, Heft 3, S. 598-601
ISSN: 0021-969X
European legislators must increasingly deal with issues related to fundamental rights. Religion is a frequent topic obliging them to do so. It is not directly part of the EU's competences but is a source of values underlying policy choices and a tricky political object. Relying on the findings of a survey about what Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) believe and what they do with these beliefs, the article analyzes potential tensions created by religion in the implementation of human rights by the EU. A first part shows how and to what extent European law meets religion, and how it leaves ample room for flexibility but also for divergent interpretations. A second part states that MEPs agree largely on the principle of separation between politics and religion, but may be divided when it comes to drawing boundaries between the two domains. The conclusion points out the limits of the rule of law to prevent conflicts and suggests that human rights may inspire support as well as cause resistance to Europeanization. © 2013 Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht. ; SCOPUS: ar.j ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published
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In: South European society & politics, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 237-239
ISSN: 1360-8746
In: Totalitarian movements and political religions, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 79-91
ISSN: 1743-9647
In: Politics, religion & ideology, Band 12, Heft 3, S. 317-333
ISSN: 2156-7697
In: Research in international studies
In: Global and comparative studies series 1
World Affairs Online
In: A journal of church and state: JCS, Band 52, Heft 3, S. 598-600
ISSN: 2040-4867
In: Sociological analysis: SA ; a journal in the sociology of religion, Band 46, Heft 1, S. 85
ISSN: 2325-7873
In: Politikologija religije: Politics and religion = Politologie des religions, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 333-335
ISSN: 1820-659X
In: Politics and religion: official journal of the APSA Organized Section on Religion and Politics, Band 3, Heft 3, S. 580-609
ISSN: 1755-0491
AbstractLiberalism, as a political paradigm, is committed to maintaining a stance of neutrality toward religion(s), along with other comprehensive systems of belief. Multiculturalism is premised on the view that the political policies of internally diverse nations should respect the beliefs and practices of the various cultural, ethnic, and religious groups of which those nations are composed. Sometimes synthesized, sometimes standing in tension, these two political frameworks share a common goal of minimizing conflict while respecting diversity. Although this goal is, in principle, laudable, I argue in this article that the operation of liberal and multiculturalist forms of public reasoning inadvertently diminishes critical reflection and revision in the area of religion, with potentially dangerous consequences both for the health of religion and for social stability. Measures to counter these dangers, I propose, include a relaxation of the restrictive rules that define liberal public reason, and education about religion in schools.