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This article contends that film and other forms of popular culture place enormously sensitive resources for practical reasoning at the disposal of students of politics and society. After an historical exploration of the role of cinematic representations of war and its aftermath in the development of American political culture, the article analyzes an increasingly complex, philosophically disturbing, and ideologically ambiva lent cinematic genre of the past two decades, films concerned with the American war in Vietnam. While Hollywood films about the Vietnam war to date have disclosed the psychological and subjective dimensions and the toll the war took, they have systematically concealed the tougher, more important moral and political lessons that that tragedy has to teach us. As a form of mass entertainment, films may not exist primarily to help teach us such painful lessons; that social science and political theory can show us that they might is one of this article's animating hopes.

Of the Sixth Republic's many policies, the northern policy is most successful. The term, "northern policy" includes all the diplomatic activities and policies to improve relations with the communist countries-the Soviet Union, China, and other East European countries. There are some backgrounds in implementing this policy. In domestic dimension, weak legitimacy of the Sixth Republic and nationalistic desire for reunification of divided nation became a significant background. Economic difficulty-especially the stagnation of exports can not be overlooked as well. From international perspective, Gorbachev's new thinking and change of American Foreign policies are a significant background. As everyone knows, northern policy gives rise to noteworthy achievement in many fields. But there are also various obstacles to implementation of northern policy. South Korea has legal obstacles, such as a security law and various political obstacles. Political and economic situation in socialist countries raises serious problems. International political situation is more or less helpful to implementing northern policy. Drawing upon the above-mentioned obstacles, I would like to suggest how South Korea should approach socialist countries. First, the existing alliance system in Northeast Asia should be taken into account. Second, due attention should be paid to the national interest of all countries concerned. Third, South Korea should not seek isolation of North Korea by pushing nothern policy. There are other ways to approach socialist countries, but I emphasize non-governmental contacts.

One paradox of administrative power holds that while bureaucracies may be criticized for being unaccountable and unresponsive, they, at the same time, provide necessary benefits for modern, democratic society. An examination of the careers of two civil servants - one American and one British - suggests a second paradox that democratic government in complex administrative states may depend on the administrators' own sense of ethical behaviour. Recent reform efforts in both the United States and Britain have failed to assess the impact of proposed reforms on the socialisation process, the process of inculcating appropriate values and attitudes in the civil service. They may make it less likely that administrative power will be held in check by the norms and ethical standards of civil servants.

South Carolina native Robert Henry Best, son of a Protestant minister, obtained journalism credentials at the Columbia University School of Journalism and ended up in Vienna, as did others such as William L. Shirer and Dorothy Thompson in the years between the wars. Working as a stringer, Best became captivated by Vienna, although he never achieved the same fame as a reporter as did others. When World War II broke out, he decided to remain, by then engaged to an Austrian journalist whom he later married. He volunteered to broadcast for the German government, and did, although he denied ever being a Nazi. By shortwave, his broadcasts reached perhaps 150,000 Americans during twice-an-evening broadcasts. Best coined such phrases as "Jewnited States," and even the Nazis found him extreme. Convicted in the United States of treason after the war, Best died in prison in 1952.

A content analysis of 185 articles sampled from Time, Newsweek, and U.S. News and World Report in the 1980 to 1988 period finds that the "terrorist" label is used in two-thirds of the stories. "Gunman," "guerrilla," and "attacker" are among the other terms used, but less frequently. The "terrorist" label is more often used when Americans are caught in events, or when people opposed to American foreign policy are involved in events.

A before-after telephone interview design at the time of the "super Tuesday" primary in March 1988 finds that political interest accounts for 17% of the variance in predicting a primary vote, while reading newspapers predicts a similar amount of variance in the general election vote. A total of 451 randomly-selected voters in the Richmond, Virginia, area were interviewed. Primary election voters tend to have more political interest and education than do voters in a general election; primary voters are an important subset of American voters.

This reanalysis of Roper public opinion data from the 1937–1987 period reflects the answers of approximately 45,000 randomly selected Americans. The study compares the effects of question wording, media availability, and birth year in surveys that ask about preferred media. Between 1937 and 1987 the U.S. public's primary news source shifted from newspapers to radio and then to television, according to Roper data. This analysis finds that a high percentage of the variance can be accounted for by question wording, availability, or birth year. Findings suggest that television has displaced radio more than newspapers, compatible with the idea of a functional equivalence between TV and radio.

The reported degree of professional ethics in public relations jobs is strongly related to personal ethics, this study shows, regardless of how long one has been in the public relations profession. This mail survey of 198 members of the Public Relations Society of America (a 66% response rate) indicates that a strong predictor of professional ethical standards is the degree of reported personal ethics while there also are relationships—but somewhat weaker—between age and experience and professional ethics, as measured by this study which employed Likert scales.

A telephone survey of 165 Korean residents of Seattle examined newspaper use as a function of psychological orientation to Korea, the United States, both or neither. The study found main effects of orientation on newspaper use as well as a series of significant interaction effects between Korean-community and American-community orientations in predicting subscription, readership and attention to certain types of content. The paper concludes with implications for editorial decisionmakers in host and ethnic newspapers.

Trust is at the core of all relationships. We spend a lifetime building a trust relationship with our friends and families, but we spend thirty minutes in an orientation session with our new employees and expect to have a successful and productive employee. "For employees to trust the management, they must know that the management shares the basic goals in the long run…and each will behave in ways that are not harmful to the other." (Ouchi — 1982). It has been reported that more than 78% of American workers are suspicious of management and develop an "as-against-them" syndrome that interferes with their performance. (Wall Street, February 1987).

The Sino-Japanese relationship is among the central factors in East Asian international politics, but it remains a derivative rather than primary strategic pattern. Leaders in Beijing, long preoccupied by the Soviet-American military competition in East Asia and the more immediate Soviet challenge to China's security, have only begun to assess the potential effects of Japanese power on Chinese political and security interests. Japan's predominant concern has been the maintenance of its political and security alignment with the United States, reinforced by decades of Soviet rigidity toward Tokyo.

Journalists did not begin to use the word "objective" to describe their work until the 1920s. The term originally represented a rigorous reporting procedure growing out of the broader cultural movement of scientific naturalism. Rather than serve as a vehicle of neutrality, the objective method was seen as an antidote to the emotionalism and jingoism of the conservative American press.

This essay explores the links among intellectual history, social history and cultural history. It suggests that the recent turn in American historiography to cultural history is vitally important for communication studies because communication has now been thrust to center stage in virtually every subfield of history. But it warns that communication historians should not rashly and heedlessly jump into cultural history before an adequate foundation has been laid in the economic and institutional social history of mass media.

AbstractThis study measures the effects of macroeconomic conditions upon the popularity of the incumbent party in Canadian federal general elections from 1945 to 1988. In so doing it uses a model similar to the retrospective voting models used in electoral studies in the United States. The results suggest that for the elections from 1945 to 1972, bad economic conditions preceding the election benefited the incumbent party. For the elections from 1974 to 1988, these effects were diminished or reversed. Such results have precedents in separate studies that use Canadian poll data. However, they contradict the general conclusion of American studies that bad conditions hurt the incumbent. This contradiction suggests that the model's assumptions about voting behaviour, which appear to be verified by the American studies, do not apply universally.

Excellence in developing networks that are able to detect and appropriate the new best-practice methodologies in manufacturing capabilities will determine the survival of national manufacturing industries (Abernathy et al., 1983; Hayes & Wheelwright, 1984). The numberof boundary spanners (Tushman & Scanlan, 1981) within a firm who are active in professional/technical/ scientific networks should therefore strengthen the external integration of an organization so that it gains in the amount of outside information available to it. The firm should therefore be earlier and more successful in appropriating technological innovations that help it to maintain its competitive advantage (Hage, 1980). Professional associations are an important element in this context, their aim being to create networks of professionals through which information about innovations in a particular field are disseminated to those working in industry/service. This article reports on a study of one particular professional association in the U.S. and U.K, the American Production and Inventory Control Society and its U.K. licensed equivalent British Production and Inventory Control Society and uses the data to compare the extent of organizational external integration in the U.K, compared to that in the U.S. This analysis suggests that an important reason why many British firms have been found to be less than fully successful in appropriating relevant technological innovations is that they lack direct access to these impor tant extra-organizational networks. In Britain these knowledge networks are often accessed through the mediating role of consultants. The limitations of not having knowledge possessed internally are illustrated by data showing a relationship between professional society involvement and innovativeness.