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Loet Leydesdorff on the Triple Helix: How Synergies in University-Industry-Government Relations can Shape Innovation Systems





This is the sixth and last in a series of Talks dedicated to the technopolitics of International Relations, linked to the forthcoming double volume 'The Global Politics of Science and Technology' edited by Maximilian Mayer, Mariana Carpes, and Ruth Knoblich 







The relationship between technological innovation
processes and the nation state remains a challenge for the discipline of
International Relations. Non-linear and multi-directional
characteristics of knowledge production, and the diffusive nature of knowledge
itself, limit the general ability of governments to influence and steer
innovation processes. Loet Leydesdorff advances the framework of the "Triple
Helix" that disaggregates national innovation systems into
evolving university-industry-government eco-systems. In this Talk, amongst others, he shows that these eco-systems can be
expected to generate niches with synergy at all scales, and emphasizes that, though
politics are always involved, synergies develop unintentionally.




Print version of this Talk (pdf)




What is the most relevant aspect
of the dynamics of innovation for the discipline of International Relations?



The
main challenge is to endogenize the notions of technological progress and
technological development into theorizing about political economies and nation states.
The endogenization of technological innovation and technological development
was first placed on the research agenda of economics by evolutionary economists
like Nelson and Winter in the late 1970s and early 1980s. In this context, the
question was how to endogenize the dynamics of knowledge, organized knowledge,
science and technology into economic theorizing. However, one can equally well
formulate the problem of how to reflect on the global (sub)dynamics of
organized knowledge production in political theory and International Relations.



From
a longer-term perspective, one can consider that the nation states – the
national or political economies in Europe – were shaped in the 19th
century, somewhat later for Germany (after 1871), but for most countries it was
during the first half of the 19th century. This was after the French
and American Revolutions and in relation to industrialization. These nation
states were able to develop an institutional framework for organizing the
market as a wealth-generating mechanism, while the institutional framework
permitted them to retain wealth, to regulate market forces, and also to steer
them to a certain extent. However, the market is not only a local dynamics; it
is also a global phenomenon.



Nowadays,
another global dynamics is involved: science and technology add a dynamics different
from that of the market. The market is an equilibrium-seeking mechanism at each
moment of time. The evolutionary dynamics of science and technology nowadays
adds a non-equilibrium-seeking dynamics over time on top of that, and this puts
the nation state in a very different position. Combining an equilibrium-seeking
dynamics at each moment of time with a non-equilibrium seeking one over time
results in a complex adaptive dynamics, or an eco-dynamics, or however you want
to call it – these are different words for approximately the same thing.



For
the nation state, the question arises of how it relates to the global market
dynamics on the one side, and the global dynamics of knowledge and innovation on
the other. Thus, the nation state has to combine two tasks. I illustrated this
model of three subdynamics with a figure in my 2006 book entitled The Knowledge-Based Economy: Modeled,
measured, simulated (see image). The figure shows that first-order interactions
generate a knowledge-based economy as a next-order or global regime on top of
the localized trajectories of nation states and innovative firms. These complex
dynamics have first to be specified and then to be analyzed empirically.



For
example, the knowledge-based dynamics change the relation between government
and the economy; and they consequently change the position of the state in
relation to wealth-retaining mechanisms. How can the nation state be organized
in such a way as to retain wealth from knowledge locally, while knowledge (like
capital) tends to travel beyond boundaries? One can envisage the complex system
dynamics as a kind of cloud – a cloud
that touches the ground at certain places, as Harald Bathelt, for example,
formulated.



How
can national governments shape conditions for the cloud to touch and to remain
on the ground? The Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations can
be considered as an eco-system of bi- and tri-lateral relations. The three
institutions and their interrelations can be expected to form a system carrying
the three functions of (i) novelty production, (ii) wealth generation, and
(iii) normative control. One tends to think of university-industry-government
relations first as neo-corporatist arrangements between these institutional
partners. However, I am interested in the ecosystem shaped through the tri- and
bilateral relationships.



This
ecosystem can be shaped at different levels. It can be a regional ecosystem or
a national ecosystem, for instance. One can ask whether there is a surplus of synergy
between the three (sub-)dynamics of university-industry-government relations
and where that synergy can generate wealth, knowledge, and control; in which
places, and along trajectories for which periods of time – that is, the same
synergy as meant by "a cloud touching the ground".



For
example, when studying Piedmont as a region in Northern Italy, it is
questionable whether the synergy in university-industry-government relations is
optimal at this regional level or should better be examined from a larger perspective
that includes Lombardy. On the one
hand, the administrative borders of nations and regions result from the
construction of political economies in the 19th century; but on the
other hand, the niches of synergy that can be expected in a knowledge-based
economy are bordered also; for example, in terms of metropolitan regions (e.g.,
Milan–Turin–Genoa).



Since
political dynamics are always involved, this has implications for International
Relations as a field of study. But the dynamic analysis is different from
comparative statics (that is, measurement at different moments of time). The
knowledge dynamics can travel and be "footloose" to use the words of Raymond
Vernon, although it leaves footprints behind. Grasping "wealth from knowledge"
(locally or regionally) requires taking a systems perspective. However, the
system is not "given"; the system remains under reconstruction and can thus be
articulated only as a theoretically informed hypothesis.



In
the social sciences, one can use the concept of a hypothesized system
heuristically. For example, when
analyzing the knowledge-based economy in Germany, one can ask whether more synergy
can be explained when looking at the level of the whole country (e.g., in terms
of the East-West or North-South divide) or at the level of Germany's Federal
States? What is the surplus of the nation or at the European level? How can one
provide political decision-making with the required variety to operate as a
control mechanism on the complex dynamics of these eco-systems?



A
complex system can be expected to generate niches with synergy at all scales,
but as unintended consequences. To what extent and for which time span can
these effects be anticipated and then perhaps be facilitated? At this point,
Luhmann's theory comes in because he has this notion of different codifications
of communication, which then, at a next-order level, begin to self-organize
when symbolically generalized.



Codes
are constructed bottom-up, but what is constructed bottom-up may thereafter
begin to control top-down. Thus, one should articulate reflexively the
selection mechanisms that are constructed from the bottom-up variation by
specifying the why as an hypothesis.
What are the selection mechanisms? Observable relations (such as
university-industry relations) are not neutral, but mean different things for
the economy and for the state; and this meaning of the observable relations can
be evaluated in terms of the codes of communication.



Against
Niklas Luhmann's model, I would argue that codes of communication can be
translated into one another since interhuman communications are not
operationally closed, as in the biological model of autopoiesis. One also needs a social-scientific perspective on the
fluidities ("overflows") and translations among functions, as emphasized, for
example, by French scholars such as Michel Callon and Bruno Latour. In
evolutionary economics, one distinguishes between market and non-market
selection environments, but not among selection environments that are
differently codified. Here, Luhmann's theory offers us a heuristic: The complex
system of communications tends to differentiate in terms of the symbolic
generalizations of codes of communication because this differentiation is
functional in allowing the system to process more complexity and thus to be
more innovative. The more orthogonal the codes, the more options for
translations among them. The synergy indicator measures these options as
redundancy. The selection environments, however, have to be specified historically
because these redundancies—other possibilities—are not given but rather constructed
over long periods of time.





How did you arrive where
you currently work on?


I
became interested in the relations between science, technology, and society as
an undergraduate (in biochemistry) which coincided with the time of the student
movement of the late 1960s. We began to study Jürgen Habermas in the framework
of the "critical university," and I decided to continue with a second degree in
philosophy. After the discussions between Luhmann and Habermas (1971), I
recognized the advantages of Luhmann's more empirically oriented systems approach
and I pursued my Ph.D. in the sociology of organization and labour.



In
the meantime, we got the opportunity to organize an interfaculty department for
Science and Technology Dynamics at the University of Amsterdam after a
competition for a large government grant. In the context of this department, I
became interested in methodology: how can one compare across case studies and
make inferences? Actually, my 1995 book The
Challenge of Scientometrics
had a kind of Triple-Helix model on the cover: How do cognitions, texts, and
authors exhibit different dynamics that influence one another?



For
example, when an author publishes a paper in a scholarly journal, this may add
to his reputation as an author, but the knowledge claimed in the text enters a
process of validation which can be much more global and anonymous. These
processes are mediated since they are based on communication. Thus, one can add
to the context of discovery (of authors) and the context of justification (of
knowledge contents) a context of mediation (in texts). The status of a journal,
for example, matters for the communication of the knowledge content in the article.
The contexts operate as selection environments upon one another.



In
evolutionary economics, one is used to distinguishing between market and
non-market selection environments, but not among more selection environments
that are differently codified. At this point, Luhmann's theory offers a new
perspective: The complex system of communications tends to differentiate in
terms of the symbolic generalization of codes of communication because this differentiation
among the codes of communication allows the system to process more complexity
and to be more innovative in terms of possible translations. The different
selection environments for communications, however, are not given but constructed
historically over long periods of time. The modern (standardized) format of the
citation, for example, was constructed at the end of the 19th
century, but it took until the 1950s before the idea of a citation index was
formulated (by Eugene Garfield). The use of citations in evaluative
bibliometrics is even more recent.



In
evolutionary economics, one distinguishes furthermore between (technological)
trajectories and regimes. Trajectories can result from "mutual shaping" between
two selection environments, for example, markets and technologies. Nations and
firms follow trajectories in a landscape. Regimes are global and require the
specification of three (or more) selection environments. When three (or more)
dynamics interact, symmetry can be broken and one can expect feed-forward and
feedback loops. Such a system can begin to flourish auto-catalytically when the
configuration is optimal.



From
such considerations, that is, a confluence of the neo-institutional program of
Henry Etzkowitz and my neo-evolutionary view, our Triple Helix model emerged in
1994: how do institutions and functions interrelate and change one another or,
in other words, provide options for innovation? Under what conditions
can university-industry-government relations lead to wealth generation and
organized knowledge production? The starting point was a workshop about Evolutionary Economics and Chaos Theory: New
directions for technology studies held in Amsterdam in 1993. Henry
suggested thereafter that we could collaborate further on university-industry
relations. I answered that I needed at least three (sub)dynamics from the
perspective of my research program, and then we agreed about "A Triple Helix of
University-Industry-Government Relations". Years later, however, we took our
two lines of research apart again, and in 2002 I began developing a
Triple-Helix indicator of synergy in a series of studies of national systems of
innovation.





What would you give as
advice to students who would like to get into the field of innovation and
global politics?



In
general, I would advise them to be both a specialist and broader than that.
Innovation involves crossing established borders. Learn at least two languages.
If your background is political science, then take a minor in science &
technology studies or in economics. One needs both the specialist profile and
the potential to reach out to other audiences by being aware of the need to
make translations between different frameworks. Learn to be reflexive about the
status of what one can say in one or the other framework.



For
example, I learned to avoid the formulation of grandiose statements such as
"modern economies are knowledge-based economies," and to say instead: "modern
economies can increasingly be considered as knowledge-based economies." The
latter formulation provides room for asking "to what extent," and thus one can
ask for further information, indicators, and results of the measurement.



In
the sociology of science, specialisms and paradigms are sometimes considered as
belief systems. It seems to me that by considering scholarly discourses as
systems of rationalized expectations one can make the distinction between
normative and cognitive learning. Normative learning (that is, in belief
systems) is slower than cognitive learning (in terms of theorized expectations)
because the cognitive mode provides us with more room for experimentation: One
can afford to make mistakes, since one's communication and knowledge claims
remain under discussion, and not one's status as a communicator. The cognitive
mode has advantages; it can be considered as the surplus that is further
developed during higher education. Normative learning is slower; it dominates
in the political sphere.





What
does the "Triple Helix" reveal about the fragmentation of "national innovation
systems"?



In
2003, colleagues from the Department of Economics and Management Studies at the
Erasmus University in Rotterdam offered me firm data from the Netherlands containing
these three dimensions: the economic, the geographical, and the technological dimensions
in data of more than a million Dutch firms. I presented the results at the
Schumpeter Society in Turin in 2004, and asked whether someone in the audience
had similar data for other countries. I expected Swedish or Israeli colleagues
to have this type of statistics, but someone from Germany stepped in, Michael
Fritsch, and so we did the analysis for Germany. These studies were first
published in Research Policy.
Thereafter, we did studies on Hungary, Norway, Sweden, and recently also China
and Russia.



Several
conclusions arise from these studies. Using entropy statistics, the data can be
decomposed along the three different dimensions. One can decompose national
systems geographically into regions, but one can also decompose them in terms
of the technologies involved (e.g., high-tech versus medium-tech). We were
mainly relying on national data. And of course, there are limitations to the
data collections. Actually, we now have international data, but this is
commercial data and therefore more difficult to use reliably than governmental
statistics.



For
the Netherlands, we obtained the picture that would more or less be expected:
Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Eindhoven are the most knowledge-intensive and
knowledge-based regions. This is not surprising, although there was one surprise:
We know that in terms of knowledge bases, Amsterdam is connected to Utrecht and
then the geography goes a bit to the east in the direction of Wageningen. What
we did not know was that the niche also spreads to the north in the direction
of Zwolle. The highways to Amsterdam Airport (Schiphol) are probably the most
important.



In
the case of Germany, when we first analyzed the data at the level of the
"Laender" (Federal States), we could see the East-West divide still prevailing,
but when we repeated the analysis at the lower level of the "Regierungsbezirke"
we no longer found the East-West divide as dominant (using 2004 data). So, the
environment of Dresden for example was more synergetic in Triple-Helix terms
than that of Saarbruecken. And this was nice to see considering my idea that
the knowledge-based economy increasingly prevails since the fall of the Berlin
Wall and the demise of the Soviet Union. The discussion about two different
models for organizing the political economy—communism or liberal democracy—had
become obsolete after 1990.



After
studying Germany, I worked with Balázs Lengyel on Hungarian data. Originally,
we could not find any regularity in the Hungarian data, but then the idea arose
to analyze the Hungarian data as three different innovation systems: one around
Budapest, which is a metropolitan innovation system; one in the west of the
country, which has been incorporated into Western Europe; and one in the east
of the country, which has remained the old innovation system that is state-led
and dependent on subsidies. For the western part, one could say that Hungary
has been "europeanized" by Austria and Germany; it has become part of a
European system.



When
Hungary came into the position to create a national
innovation system, free from Russia and the Comecon, it was too late, as
Europeanization had already stepped in and national boundaries were no longer
as dominant. Accordingly, and this was a very nice result, assessing this
synergy indicator on Hungary as a nation, we did not find additional synergy at
the national (that is, above-regional) level. While we clearly found synergy at
the national level for the Netherlands and also found it in Germany, but at the
level of the Federal States, we could not find synergy at a national level for
Hungary. Hungary has probably developed too late to develop a nationally
controlled system of innovations.



A
similar phenomenon appeared when we studied Norway: my Norwegian colleague
(Øivind Strand) did most of our analysis there. To our surprise, the
knowledge-based economy was not generated where the universities are located (Oslo
and Trondheim), but on the West Coast, where the off-shore, marine and maritime
industries are most dominant. FDI (foreign direct investment) in the marine and
maritime industries leads to knowledge-based synergy in the regions on the West
Shore of Norway. Norway is still a national system, but the Norwegian
universities like Trondheim or Oslo are not so much involved in entrepreneurial
networks. These are traditional universities, which tend to keep their hands
off the economy.



Actually,
when we had discussions about these two cases, Norway and Hungary, which both
show that internationalization had become a major factor, either in the form of
Europeanization in the Hungarian case, or in the form of foreign-driven
investments (off-shore industry and oil companies) in the Norwegian case, I
became uncertain and asked myself whether we did not believe too much in our
indicators? Therefore, I proposed to Øivind to study Sweden, given the availability
of well-organized data of this national system.



We
expected to find synergy concentrated in the three regional systems of
Stockholm, Gothenburg, and Malmö/Lund. Indeed, 48.5 percent of the Swedish
synergy is created in these three regions. This is more than one would expect
on the basis of the literature. Some colleagues were upset, because they had
already started trying to work on new developments of the Triple Helix, for
example, in Linköping. But the Swedish economy is organized and centralized in
this geographical dimension. Perhaps that is why one talks so much about
"regionalization" in policy documents. Sweden is very much a national
innovation system, with additional synergy between the regions.





Can governments alter
historical trajectories of national, regional or local innovation systems?



Let
me mention the empirical results for China in order to illustrate the
implications of empirical conclusions for policy options. We had no Chinese
data set, but we obtained access to the database Orbis of the Bureau van Dijk
(an international company, which is Wall Street oriented, assembling data about
companies) that contains industry indicators such as names, addresses,
NACE-codes, types of technology, the sizes of each enterprise, etc. However,
this data can be very incomplete. Using this incomplete data for China, we said
that we were just going to show how one could do the analysis  if one had full data. We guess that the
National Bureau of Statistics of China has complete data.
I did the analysis with Ping Zhou, Professor at Zhejiang University.



We
analyzed China first at the provincial level, and as expected, the East Coast
emerged as much more knowledge intense than the rest of the country. After
that, we also looked at the next-lower level of the 339 prefectures of China.
From this analysis, four of them popped up as far more synergetic than the
others. These four municipalities were: Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, and
Chongqing.



These
four municipalities became clearly visible as an order of magnitude more
synergetic than other regions. The special characteristic about them is that –as
against the others – these four municipalities are administered by the central
government. Actually, it came out of my data and I did not understand it; but
my Chinese colleague said that this result was very nice and specified this
relationship.



The
Chinese case thus illustrates that government control can make a difference. It
shows – and that is not surprising, as China runs on a different model – that
the government is able to organize the four municipalities in such a way as to
increase synergy. Of course, I do not know what is happening on the ground. We
know that the Chinese system is more complex than these three dimensions
suggest. I guess the government agencies may wish to consider the option of
extending the success of this development model, to Guangdong for example or to
other parts of China. Isn't it worrisome that all the other and less controlled
districts have not been as successful in generating synergy?



Referring
more generally to innovation policies, I would advise as a heuristics that
political discourse is able to signal a problem, but policy questions do not
enable us to analyze the issues. Regional development, for example, is an issue
in Sweden because the system is very centralized, more than in Norway, for
example. But there is nothing in our data that supports the claim that the
Swedish government is successful in decentralizing the knowledge-based economy
beyond the three metropolitan regions. We may be able to reach conclusions like
these serving as policy advice. One develops policies on the basis of intuitive
assumptions which a researcher is sometimes able to test.



As
noted, one can expect a complex system continuously to produce unintended
consequences, and thus it needs monitoring. The dynamics of the system are
different from the sum of the sub-dynamics because of the interaction effects
and feedback loops. Metaphors such as a Triple Helix, Mode-2, or the Risk
Society can be stimulating for the discourse, but these metaphors tend to develop
their own dynamics of proliferating discourses.



The
Triple Helix, for example, can first be considered as a call for collaboration
in networks of institutions. However, in an ecosystem of bi-lateral and
tri-lateral relations, one has a trade-off between local integration
(collaboration) and global differentiation (competition). The markets and the
sciences develop at the global level, above the level of specific relations. A
principal agent such as government may be locked into a suboptimum. Institutional
reform that frees the other two dynamics (markets and sciences) requires
translation of political legitimation into other codes of communication. Translations
among codes of communication provide the innovation engine.





Is there a connection
between infrastructures and the success of innovation processes?



One
of the conclusions, which pervades throughout all advanced economies, is that
knowledge intensive services (KIS) are
not synergetic locally because they can be disconnected – uncoupled – from the
location. For example, if one offers a knowledge-intensive service in Munich
and receives a phone call from Hamburg, the next step is to take a plane to
Hamburg, or to catch a train inside Germany perhaps. Thus, it does not matter
whether one is located in Munich or Hamburg as knowledge-intensive services
uncouple from the local economy. The main point is proximity to an airport or
train station.



This
is also the case for high-tech knowledge-based manufacturing. But it is
different for medium-tech manufacturing, because in this case the dynamics are
more embedded in the other parts of the economy. If one looks at Russia, the
knowledge-intensive services operate differently from the Western European
model, where the phenomenon of uncoupling takes place. In Russia, KIS
contribute to coupling, as knowledge-intensive services are related to state
apparatuses.



In
the Russian case, the knowledge-based economy is heavily concentrated in Moscow
and St. Petersburg. So, if one aims –as the Russian government proclaims – to create
not "wealth from knowledge" but "knowledge from wealth" – that is, oil revenues
–it might be wise to uncouple the knowledge-intensive services from the state
apparatuses. Of course, this is not easy to do in the Russian model because
traditionally, the center (Moscow) has never done this. Uncoupling
knowledge-intensive services, however, might give them a degree of freedom to
move around, from Tomsk to Minsk or vice
versa, steered by economic forces more than they currently are (via institutions
in Moscow).





Final question. What does path-dependency mean in the context of
innovation dynamics?



In
The Challenge of Scientometrics. The development, measurement, and
self-organization of scientific communications (1995), I used Shannon-type information theory to study
scientometric problems, as this methodology combines both static and dynamic
analyses. Connected to this theory I developed a measurement method for
path-dependency and critical transitions.



In
the case of a radio transmission, for example, you have a sender and a
receiver, and in between you may have an auxiliary station. For instance, the
sender is in New York and the receiver is in Bonn and the auxiliary station is
in Iceland. The signal emerges in New York and travels to Bonn, but it may be possible
to improve the reception by assuming the signal is from Iceland instead of
listening to New York. When Iceland provides a better signal, it is possible to
forget the history of the signal before it arrived in Island. It no longer
matters whether Iceland obtained the signal originally from New York or Boston.
One takes the signal from Iceland and the pre-history of the signal does not
matter anymore for a receiver.



Such
a configuration provides a path-dependency (on Iceland) in
information-theoretical terms, measurable in terms of bits of information. In a
certain sense you get negative bits of information, since the shortest path in
the normal triangle would be from New York to Bonn, and in this case the
shortest path is from New York via Iceland to Bonn. I called this at the time a
critical transition. In a scientific text for instance, a new terminology can
come up and if it overwrites the old terminology to the extent that one does
not have to listen to the old terminology anymore, one has a critical
transition that frees one from the path-dependencies at a previous moment of
time.



Thus,
my example is about radical and knowledge-based changes. As long as one has to
listen to the past, one does not make a critical transition. The knowledge-based
approach is always about creative destruction and about moving ahead,
incorporating possible new options in the future. The hypothesized future
states become more important than the past. The challenge, in my opinion, is to
make the notion of options operational and to bring these ideas into
measurement. The Triple-Helix indicator measures the number of possible options
as additional redundancy. This measurement has the additional advantage that one
becomes sensitive to uncertainty in the prediction.





Loet Leydesdorff is Professor Emeritus at the Amsterdam School of Communications Research (ASCoR) of the University of Amsterdam. He is Honorary Professor of the Science and Technology Policy Research Unit (SPRU) of the University of Sussex, Visiting Professor at the School of Management, Birkbeck, University of London, Visiting Professor of the Institute of Scientific and Technical Information of China (ISTIC) in Beijing, and Guest Professor at Zhejiang University in Hangzhou. He has published extensively in systems theory, social network analysis, scientometrics, and the sociology of innovation (see at http://www.leydesdorff.net/list.htm). With Henry Etzkowitz, he initiated a series of workshops, conferences, and special issues about the Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations. He received the Derek de Solla Price Award for Scientometrics and Informetrics in 2003 and held "The City of Lausanne" Honor Chair at the School of Economics, Université de Lausanne, in 2005. In 2007, he was Vice-President of the 8th International Conference on Computing Anticipatory Systems (CASYS'07, Liège). In 2014, he was listed as a highly-cited author by Thomson Reuters. 





Literature and Related
links:



Science & Technology Dynamics,
University of Amsterdam / Amsterdam School of Communications
Research (ASCoR) 


Leydesdorff,
L. (2006). The Knowledge-Based Economy: Modeled, Measured, Simulated. Universal Publishers, Boca Raton, FL.


Leydesdorff, L. (2001). A Sociological Theory of Communication: The Self-Organization of the
Knowledge-Based Society. Universal Publishers, Boca Raton, FL.


Leydesdorff,
L. (1995). The Challenge of Scientometrics . The development, measurement, and
self-organization of scientific communications. Leiden, DSWO Press, Leiden University.


http://www.leydesdorff.net/





Print version of this Talk (pdf)



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 Because actual history is rarely linear, let alone teleological, I read the repudiation of Hegel before I ever read Hegel. I had read arguments and polemics against Hegel in Althusser, Deleuze, and Foucault long before I had every cracked Hegel's books. A funny thing happened once I started reading, writing, and teaching Hegel, is that I started to warm up to him. It was not the idea of spirit that appealed to me, or even the dialectic as some overarching logic, but the more limited, finite dialectics of the different figures and moments of consciousness. If you need an example of what I am talking about just think of the famous dialectic of master and slave, the hit single of the Phenomenology of Spirit. This passage has been separated from the progression of spirit to take on a life of its own as a way to discuss everything from desire to anti-colonial violence. However, hit singles have a way of overshadowing the whole album. I have often thought that Hegel's Phenomenology and Philosophy of Right offer more than just that famous struggle, the figures of the stoic, sceptic, unhappy conscious, the struggle of culture and alienation, faith and enlightenment, could be liberated from the development of spirit, to become ways of thinking about the current state of spirit, which appears less and less as a culmination of progress than a motley accumulation of everything every believed. It is for this reason that I was delighted to learn of Biko Mandela Gray and Ryan Johnson's Phenomenology of Black Spirit. One aspect of this book is an attempt to put the figures of Hegel's Phenomenology, to work; the master and slave, but also the stoic, sceptic, and unhappy consciousness become critical figures of subjectivity, and not just moments of the development of spirit. It puts these figures to work in relation to figures of black struggle and thought from Frederick Douglass to Angela Davis, reading what could be called "the black radical tradition" as something more than a series of political contestations and positions, to see it as having its own intellectual foundation and development, even as counters the trajectory that Hegel charted. Gray and Johnson sometimes contrast Hegel's figure with the reality and history of black struggle. This can be seen clearly in the contrast between Douglass' struggle for freedom and Hegel's concept of the master/slave struggle. As Gray and Johnson write, "The lord' and the 'bondsman,' then are logical (dis)positions, figures who are both more and less than the historical people who were enslaved and who were exercising domination. 'The slave' had names. 'The master' did, too. And these names make a difference. They make differences." Logic and history connect and part ways. In Hegel's account the bondsman condition begins with fight, a struggle for recognition, and ends in work, work providing a sense of recognition that could not be found in struggle. Douglass' history inverts this order. As Gray and Johnson write,"With American chattel slavery, however, work was not the way out of slavery but the brutal institutions very engine. The more a slave worked, the stronger was the institution...In chattel slavery, work will never set you free. Work reinforces the chains and sharpens the sting of the whip. Douglass worked had and long, and saw himself in the fields, landscapes, ships and other objects into which he put his transforming labor. Yet freedom never came to him from work. The only way for him to set out on the path out of slavery and into freedom was to turn away from the object. on which he worked and face the master in order to fight."Gray and Johnson's analysis here cites and joins Chamayou's discussion of slave hunts, in which the historical inquiry calls into question the conceptual logic. Work cannot function as the basis for recognition in a system based on reducing human beings to their capacity for work. It is only the fight, the struggle that can break this logic. If Douglass deviates from Hegel's figures of subjectivity other historical moments would seem to not only confirm it, but Hegel's thought provides the concept that is otherwise missing. Booker T. Washington's ideas of individual freedom, merit, and self-reliance realizes Hegel's idea of stoicism more than even Hegel. The history does not contradict the concept, but confirms it and makes a case for its relevance. As Gray and Johnson write, "Here is a new form of recognition. It is not the recognition of another self-consciousness, directly in the form of self consciousness, but that of future self-consciousness, a higher form of self, or perhaps the promise of being recognized by a truly fair, just, and impartial form of subjectivity, above and beyond any particular determination of race, gender, age, etc., "No man whose vision is bounded by color can come into contact with what is highest and best" ( Washington, Up from Slavery) The recognition that the stoic seeks is not simply another person's recognition, not just recognition from this white man or Black man, but a general recognition from an ideal person. It is recognition of a hard earned merit that is mine."Reading Washington through Hegel makes it possible to see how the stoic appears not just once, as a figure of progression, but again and again, as a turn inward for recognition when the world becomes unreliable. It also makes it possible to see that Hegel's attachment to work, to work as an ethical ideal is less a matter of his own system, than the grey on grey of a philosopher reflecting the general norms of his time.  It also makes it possible to see in Washington not just a specific figure from one period, but something more of a refrain as stoicism, self-reliance, and merit, appear again and again as a conservative response to racism. The conservative attempt to reduce Martin Luther King Jr. to some future date where people would be judged only by the content of their character, to merit, is really an attempt to turn King into Washington. Speaking of King, it is with respect to King that we can see the real strength of Gray and Johnson's reading. As much as Hegel gives us figures of individual consciousness, stoicism, scepticism, etc., that can be seen not just once in the linear progression of history but appearing again and again, his real goal was to think something other than the individual, to think spirit as universality, sociality, or even transindividuality. In Gray and Johnson's reading of the black radical tradition this problem of collectivity appears again and again as the struggle of the individual, King, Malcolm X, and Angela Davis, to transcend individuality in their very individual struggle. This is what Hegel's unhappy consciousness makes it possible to think. As Gray and Johnson write:"Here is where the trouble lies: sacramental work is, undeniably the individual's work, in this case King's work. Put differently although this working is supposed to deny the self and attribute everything to God, it actually reaffirms the essentiality of the finite self, while God is reduced to a superficial element. At best, sacramental work and desire is done in the name of God. The same failure to to renounce and surrender oneself also applies to labour as a form of gratitude. The 'entire movement,' writes Hegel, 'is reflected not only in the actual desiring, working, and enjoyment, but even in the very giving thanks where the reverse seems to take place in the extreme of individuality' (Phenomenology of Spirit). The reason: we are the ones working on and changing things, while God is just a fictional idea, a fancy name, that contributes nothing to our work. We are the ones working, day in and day out; we finite persons change the world; no one and nothing but us. The individual self tried to overcome itself through work, to act merely as an instrument in God's handmade plan, but it inevitably ends up emboldening itself."Unhappy Consciousness returns from the medieval world of Christianity to become the dialectic of the modern movement and leader. The more the leader devotes him or herself in works, the more that devotion and dedication becomes the work. As Gray and Johnson argue the figures of the sixties and seventies, King, Malcolm X, and Angela Davis eventually give way to collective movements, to the Panthers, and Black Power as a new figure of reason (in Hegel's terminology), or collective consciousness, in ours. I have picked three moments from Gray and Johnson's book to illustrate the different relations between concept and history at work in the book, three different ways that it thinks the relation between its two different topics, Hegel and the black radical tradition. The relation between Hegel and the black radical tradition is sometimes one of negation, as the history of struggle in the case of Douglass negates the concept of struggle in Hegel; sometimes one of affirmation, as the philosophical concepts reveal and illustrate what is at stake in the political position of Washington; and ultimately it is one of transformation, as the dialectic of philosopher and history, contemplation and contestation, individual and community, pushes towards something else, pushes us to think through the limits of the civil rights era with its larger than life figures. As a last word I will cite a line that Gray and Johnson write with respect to Angela Davis' idea of coalition politics, but I think that such an idea can be used to describe the book's own strange coalition of Hegel and politics. "Difference, conjunction, and contradiction generate, rather than impede, political momentum." 

The thesis seeks to demonstrate that during the period between 1986 and 2006, some of the principal cities of the Spanish metropolitan system1, have undergone significant change in terms of their European competitiveness. It is suggested that in the case of Madrid and Barcelona in particular this change has been of such a magnitude to proportion them a much more important place within the European spatial configuration than that which they occupied in the mid-1980s. Empirical evidence is offered to support this conjecture. The thesis lies wholly within the framework of spatial planning at the European territorial scale. It charts the comparative ascent of the Spanish cities from the moment of Spain's entry into the European Union (EU) in 1986 against the background of the development of European spatial policy, increased economic integration across Europe, the increased importance of the 'territorial' dimension of EU cohesion policy and an eventual waning of the applicability of the terminology of 'core' and 'periphery' to describe European geographical location. Part One (Chapter 1) addresses the processes of urbanisation in general from a global perspective and then focuses on metropolitan growth in a number of different historical contexts from the start of the 19th Century. Parts Two (Chapters 2-5) and Three (Chapters 6-9) of the thesis carry out analyses at two contrasting but complementary spatial scales. Part Two examines the metropolitan growth processes in Spain, in the period since 1857, detecting the historical moments in which there were surges in the metropolitan populations of the seven cities of the metropolitan system. The dimensions of the spatial units of analysis corresponding to the seven Spanish metropolitan urban regions are described, based upon a methodology first developed by the Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya (UPC) in the context of a transnational spatial planning project of the INTERREG community initiative2. These seven spatial units form the basis for a socio-economic analysis of the structure of the metropolitan system, drawing upon data principally from the 2001 Census. If by 1930 one of the key characteristics of Spain's urban system was having not just one but two cities (Madrid and Barcelona) belonging to the group of 27 cities across the world with populations in excess of 1 million inhabitants3, this same differentiation between the country's two largest cities and the remainder of the urban system is equally valid today. Spain's urban system remains clearly bicephalous in being dominated by these same two cities in terms of demographic and economic strength. Part Three begins by examining the evolution of European spatial policy against the background of an ever-enlarging European Union and changes with regard to the notion of cohesion - from a concept understood in terms of economic and social factors, to one in which the territorial dimension has become increasingly important. The European urban system is then critically examined through a number of key and influential studies, with particular regard to the rankings and hierarchies of metropolitan urban regions deriving there from and the changes in the placing of the Spanish metropolitan urban regions therein. Taking inspiration from the seminal contribution of Manuel Castells4 in the context of the structural changes resulting from the informational and technological revolution, the thesis seeks to replicate the concept of a 'space of flows'. This is carried out through a 'network analysis' approach drawing upon air passenger flows between some 28 European metropolitan urban regions of the EU15+2 group of countries, enabling the analysis of the interaction between these 28 cities. This methodology enables arriving at a number of descriptive indicators which in turn, through the application of a multi-dimensional scaling mathematical technique, permits comparing the functional and physical distances of each of the metropolitan urban regions from the centre of the 'conceptual space of air passenger flows' and the centre of gravity. The resulting map of the functional positioning of the cities offers a spatial vision of metropolitan Europe quite different to that based upon Cartesian coordinates. Such an approach enables demonstrating that cities such as Barcelona, Madrid, Helsinki, Lisbon and Athens, traditionally considered as physically peripheral to the European core area, appear to be more favourably positioned in functional terms. Furthermore in the case of Spain the results indicate that Barcelona lies closer to the centre of the conceptual 'space of air passenger flows' than Madrid. In light of this empirical evidence, together with the signs of increased economic integration across some parts of Spain, the prospects of Spain forming part of a wider European territorial concentration of flows and activities, and the recognition of the territorial capital of Madrid and Barcelona within recent EU spatial policy declarations, the thesis concludes in Part Four that these two metropolitan regions have undergone a clear consolidation and (re)positioning within the European metropolitan hierarchy. ; La tesis trata de demostrar que durante el período entre 1986 y 2006, unas de las principales ciudades del sistema metropolitano español, han experimentado un cambio significativo en términos de su competitividad europea. Es sugerido que en el caso de Madrid y Barcelona en particular este cambio ha sido de tal magnitud para proporcionarlas un lugar mucho más importante dentro de la configuración territorial espacial europea que dichas ciudades ocuparon en el mediado de los años 80. Se ofrece evidencia empírica para sostener esta conjetura. La tesis se sitúa dentro demarco de la ordenación territorial a la escala europea. Traza la subida relativa de las ciudades españolas desde el momento de la entrada de España en la Unión Europea(UE) en 1986, contra el fondo del desarrollo de la política territorial europea, la integración económica aumentada a través de Europa, la importancia aumentada de la dimensión "territorial" de la política de la cohesión de UE y una eventual disminución de la aplicabilidad de la terminología del "centro" y la "periferia" para describir la ubicación geográfica europea. La Primera Parte (Capítulo 1) está dirigida a evaluar los procesos de la urbanización en general, desde una perspectiva global, y después se centra en examinar el crecimiento metropolitano en varios contextos históricos, a partir del comienzo del siglo XIX. La Segunda (Capítulos 2-5) y Tercera Partes (Capítulos 6-9) de la tesis llevan a cabo unos análisis en dos escalas territoriales contrastantes pero complementarias. La Segunda Parte examina los procesos del crecimiento metropolitano en España, a partir de 1857, discerniendo los momentos históricos en los que había oleadas en las poblaciones 'metropolitanas' de las siete ciudades del sistema metropolitano. Se describe las dimensiones de las unidades espaciales de análisis que corresponden a las siete regiones urbanas metropolitanas españolas, basadas en una metodología desarrollado por el Universidad Politécnica de Cataluña (UPC) en el contexto de un proyecto trasnacional de ordenación territorial de la iniciativa comunitaria INTERREG. Estas siete unidades espaciales forman la base para un análisis socioeconómico de la estructura del sistema metropolitano, utilizando datos principalmente del 2001 Censo. Si en el año 1930 una de las características claves del sistema urbano de España era de tener no sólo una, pero dos ciudades (Madrid y Barcelona) perteneciendo al grupo de 27 ciudades a través del mundo con poblaciones por encima de 1 millón de habitantes, esta misma diferenciación entre las dos ciudades más grandes del país y el resto del sistema urbano es hoy igualmente válida. El sistema urbano de España se queda claramente bicéfalo en ser dominado por estas mismas dos ciudades en términos de fuerza demográfica y económica. La Tercera Parte comienza examinando la evolución de la política territorial europea contra el fondo de una Unión Europea cada vez más grande y los cambios con respecto a la noción de la cohesión – de un concepto entendido en términos de factores económicos y sociales, a uno en que la dimensión territorial ha llegado a ser cada vez más importante. A continuación, se examina de manera crítica el sistema urbano europeo mediante algunos estudios influyentes, con la consideración particular a las clasificaciones y las jerarquías de las regiones urbanas metropolitanas que derivan de estos estudios, y a los cambios en la colocación de las regiones urbanas metropolitanas españolas en dichos estudios. Tomando inspiración de la contribución seminal de Manuel Castells en el contexto de los cambios estructurales que resultan de la revolución de información y tecnológica, la tesis trata de replicar el concepto de un 'espacio de flujos'. Esto es llevado a cabo por un enfoque de "network analysis" que utiliza los flujos de pasajeros aéreos entre unas 28 regiones urbanas metropolitanas europeas del grupo de EU15+2 países, permitiendo el análisis de la interacción entre estas 28 ciudades. Esta metodología permite desarrollar varios indicadores descriptivos que permiten, a su vez, por la aplicación de una técnica matemática de escalamiento multi-dimensional, comparar las distancias funcionales y físicas de cada una de las regiones urbanas metropolitanas del centro del 'espacio conceptual de flujos de pasajeros aéreos' y el centro de la gravedad. El mapa resultante del posicionamiento funcional de las ciudades ofrece una visión espacial de Europa metropolitana bastante diferente a la que se base en los coordinados cartesianos. Tal enfoque permite demostrar que ciudades como Barcelona, Madrid, Helsinki, Lisboa y Atenas, consideradas tradicionalmente como físicamente periféricas al área central de europea, parecen ser posicionadas más favorablemente en términos funcionales. Además, en el caso de España, los resultados indican que Barcelona queda más cerca al centro del conceptual 'espacio de flujos de pasajero aéreos' que Madrid. A la luz de esta evidencia empírica, junto con los signos de la integración económica aumentada a través de algunas partes de España, las perspectivas de que España formará parte una más amplia concentración territorial europea de flujos y actividades y del reconocimiento de la capital territorial de Madrid y Barcelona dentro de las recientes las declaraciones de política territorial de la UE, la tesis concluye, en la Cuarta Parte que estas dos regiones metropolitanas han experimentado una clara consolidación y (re)posicionamiento dentro de la jerarquía metropolitana europea. ; Postprint (published version)

The thesis seeks to demonstrate that during the period between 1986 and 2006, some of the principal cities of the Spanish metropolitan system1, have undergone significant change in terms of their European competitiveness. It is suggested that in the case of Madrid and Barcelona in particular this change has been of such a magnitude to proportion them a much more important place within the European spatial configuration than that which they occupied in the mid-1980s. Empirical evidence is offered to support this conjecture. The thesis lies wholly within the framework of spatial planning at the European territorial scale. It charts the comparative ascent of the Spanish cities from the moment of Spain's entry into the European Union (EU) in 1986 against the background of the development of European spatial policy, increased economic integration across Europe, the increased importance of the 'territorial' dimension of EU cohesion policy and an eventual waning of the applicability of the terminology of 'core' and 'periphery' to describe European geographical location. Part One (Chapter 1) addresses the processes of urbanisation in general from a global perspective and then focuses on metropolitan growth in a number of different historical contexts from the start of the 19th Century. Parts Two (Chapters 2-5) and Three (Chapters 6-9) of the thesis carry out analyses at two contrasting but complementary spatial scales. Part Two examines the metropolitan growth processes in Spain, in the period since 1857, detecting the historical moments in which there were surges in the metropolitan populations of the seven cities of the metropolitan system. The dimensions of the spatial units of analysis corresponding to the seven Spanish metropolitan urban regions are described, based upon a methodology first developed by the Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya (UPC) in the context of a transnational spatial planning project of the INTERREG community initiative2. These seven spatial units form the basis for a socio-economic analysis of the structure of the metropolitan system, drawing upon data principally from the 2001 Census. If by 1930 one of the key characteristics of Spain's urban system was having not just one but two cities (Madrid and Barcelona) belonging to the group of 27 cities across the world with populations in excess of 1 million inhabitants3, this same differentiation between the country's two largest cities and the remainder of the urban system is equally valid today. Spain's urban system remains clearly bicephalous in being dominated by these same two cities in terms of demographic and economic strength. Part Three begins by examining the evolution of European spatial policy against the background of an ever-enlarging European Union and changes with regard to the notion of cohesion - from a concept understood in terms of economic and social factors, to one in which the territorial dimension has become increasingly important. The European urban system is then critically examined through a number of key and influential studies, with particular regard to the rankings and hierarchies of metropolitan urban regions deriving there from and the changes in the placing of the Spanish metropolitan urban regions therein. Taking inspiration from the seminal contribution of Manuel Castells4 in the context of the structural changes resulting from the informational and technological revolution, the thesis seeks to replicate the concept of a 'space of flows'. This is carried out through a 'network analysis' approach drawing upon air passenger flows between some 28 European metropolitan urban regions of the EU15+2 group of countries, enabling the analysis of the interaction between these 28 cities. This methodology enables arriving at a number of descriptive indicators which in turn, through the application of a multi-dimensional scaling mathematical technique, permits comparing the functional and physical distances of each of the metropolitan urban regions from the centre of the 'conceptual space of air passenger flows' and the centre of gravity. The resulting map of the functional positioning of the cities offers a spatial vision of metropolitan Europe quite different to that based upon Cartesian coordinates. Such an approach enables demonstrating that cities such as Barcelona, Madrid, Helsinki, Lisbon and Athens, traditionally considered as physically peripheral to the European core area, appear to be more favourably positioned in functional terms. Furthermore in the case of Spain the results indicate that Barcelona lies closer to the centre of the conceptual 'space of air passenger flows' than Madrid. In light of this empirical evidence, together with the signs of increased economic integration across some parts of Spain, the prospects of Spain forming part of a wider European territorial concentration of flows and activities, and the recognition of the territorial capital of Madrid and Barcelona within recent EU spatial policy declarations, the thesis concludes in Part Four that these two metropolitan regions have undergone a clear consolidation and (re)positioning within the European metropolitan hierarchy. ; La tesis trata de demostrar que durante el período entre 1986 y 2006, unas de las principales ciudades del sistema metropolitano español, han experimentado un cambio significativo en términos de su competitividad europea. Es sugerido que en el caso de Madrid y Barcelona en particular este cambio ha sido de tal magnitud para proporcionarlas un lugar mucho más importante dentro de la configuración territorial espacial europea que dichas ciudades ocuparon en el mediado de los años 80. Se ofrece evidencia empírica para sostener esta conjetura. La tesis se sitúa dentro demarco de la ordenación territorial a la escala europea. Traza la subida relativa de las ciudades españolas desde el momento de la entrada de España en la Unión Europea(UE) en 1986, contra el fondo del desarrollo de la política territorial europea, la integración económica aumentada a través de Europa, la importancia aumentada de la dimensión "territorial" de la política de la cohesión de UE y una eventual disminución de la aplicabilidad de la terminología del "centro" y la "periferia" para describir la ubicación geográfica europea. La Primera Parte (Capítulo 1) está dirigida a evaluar los procesos de la urbanización en general, desde una perspectiva global, y después se centra en examinar el crecimiento metropolitano en varios contextos históricos, a partir del comienzo del siglo XIX. La Segunda (Capítulos 2-5) y Tercera Partes (Capítulos 6-9) de la tesis llevan a cabo unos análisis en dos escalas territoriales contrastantes pero complementarias. La Segunda Parte examina los procesos del crecimiento metropolitano en España, a partir de 1857, discerniendo los momentos históricos en los que había oleadas en las poblaciones 'metropolitanas' de las siete ciudades del sistema metropolitano. Se describe las dimensiones de las unidades espaciales de análisis que corresponden a las siete regiones urbanas metropolitanas españolas, basadas en una metodología desarrollado por el Universidad Politécnica de Cataluña (UPC) en el contexto de un proyecto trasnacional de ordenación territorial de la iniciativa comunitaria INTERREG. Estas siete unidades espaciales forman la base para un análisis socioeconómico de la estructura del sistema metropolitano, utilizando datos principalmente del 2001 Censo. Si en el año 1930 una de las características claves del sistema urbano de España era de tener no sólo una, pero dos ciudades (Madrid y Barcelona) perteneciendo al grupo de 27 ciudades a través del mundo con poblaciones por encima de 1 millón de habitantes, esta misma diferenciación entre las dos ciudades más grandes del país y el resto del sistema urbano es hoy igualmente válida. El sistema urbano de España se queda claramente bicéfalo en ser dominado por estas mismas dos ciudades en términos de fuerza demográfica y económica. La Tercera Parte comienza examinando la evolución de la política territorial europea contra el fondo de una Unión Europea cada vez más grande y los cambios con respecto a la noción de la cohesión – de un concepto entendido en términos de factores económicos y sociales, a uno en que la dimensión territorial ha llegado a ser cada vez más importante. A continuación, se examina de manera crítica el sistema urbano europeo mediante algunos estudios influyentes, con la consideración particular a las clasificaciones y las jerarquías de las regiones urbanas metropolitanas que derivan de estos estudios, y a los cambios en la colocación de las regiones urbanas metropolitanas españolas en dichos estudios. Tomando inspiración de la contribución seminal de Manuel Castells en el contexto de los cambios estructurales que resultan de la revolución de información y tecnológica, la tesis trata de replicar el concepto de un 'espacio de flujos'. Esto es llevado a cabo por un enfoque de "network analysis" que utiliza los flujos de pasajeros aéreos entre unas 28 regiones urbanas metropolitanas europeas del grupo de EU15+2 países, permitiendo el análisis de la interacción entre estas 28 ciudades. Esta metodología permite desarrollar varios indicadores descriptivos que permiten, a su vez, por la aplicación de una técnica matemática de escalamiento multi-dimensional, comparar las distancias funcionales y físicas de cada una de las regiones urbanas metropolitanas del centro del 'espacio conceptual de flujos de pasajeros aéreos' y el centro de la gravedad. El mapa resultante del posicionamiento funcional de las ciudades ofrece una visión espacial de Europa metropolitana bastante diferente a la que se base en los coordinados cartesianos. Tal enfoque permite demostrar que ciudades como Barcelona, Madrid, Helsinki, Lisboa y Atenas, consideradas tradicionalmente como físicamente periféricas al área central de europea, parecen ser posicionadas más favorablemente en términos funcionales. Además, en el caso de España, los resultados indican que Barcelona queda más cerca al centro del conceptual 'espacio de flujos de pasajero aéreos' que Madrid. A la luz de esta evidencia empírica, junto con los signos de la integración económica aumentada a través de algunas partes de España, las perspectivas de que España formará parte una más amplia concentración territorial europea de flujos y actividades y del reconocimiento de la capital territorial de Madrid y Barcelona dentro de las recientes las declaraciones de política territorial de la UE, la tesis concluye, en la Cuarta Parte que estas dos regiones metropolitanas han experimentado una clara consolidación y (re)posicionamiento dentro de la jerarquía metropolitana europea. ; Postprint (published version)

This study is based on the twin exigencies of introducing the concept of abstract author into the scheme of narrative construction, and distinguishing sharply between this object of analysis and the concepts of concrete author and narrator. In accordance with the definition advanced by Wolf Schmid, whose vision on the issues of narrative instances appears most judicious, the abstract author ('der abstrakte Autor') can be defined as 'the principle that, in a work, determines the articulatory layer, the semantic layer, and the layer of the objectivity deployed, as well as the aesthetic organisation and the hierarchy of these layers in the total structure in one specific way' ('dasjenige Prinzip, das in einem Werk die sprachlautliche Schicht, die Bedeutungsschicht und die Schicht der dargestellten Gegenständlichkeiten sowie die ästhetische Organisation und Hierarchie dieser Schichten in der Gesamtstruktur so und nicht anders beschaffen sein lässt', Schmid 1973. S.24). More succinctly and generally, the abstract author (henceforth: AA) is the principle according to which the meaning of a literary work is constructed. If we wish to switch from phenomenological to structuralist terminology, we can define the AA as the construction principle of the paradigmatic elements of the work. Thus the AA is fundamentally distinguished from both the concrete author and from the narrator in whose name (voice) the story is being told – itself a creation of the AA. This means that the latter is not directly represented in the text, in view of the fact that it is a reconstructed virtual construction. Naturally, this aspect of the AA considerably complicates a study devoted to the reconstruction of various types of AAs as regards concrete literary texts (in our case, great Russian prose forms from the 1920s and 1930s) in view of the fact that it cannot be based on the principle of the reconstruction according to which the AA must be reconstructed. Taking into account that a) no single reconstruction principle could ever be exhaustively explained, and b) various interpretations of facts and motives are possible even within a single analytical doctrine, the final result of this kind of reconstruction will unavoidably contain fairly controversial or debatable aspects. In principle, a certain objectivity could be achieved by blending a large number of different analytical strategies in order to arrive at a reconstruction of the AA, but in view of the fact that this kind of undertaking is not able to be carried out within the framework of a dissertation project, one is obliged to accept a priori a certain sketchiness in the results obtained. As regards methodology, we considered it better to base our undertaking on a structuralistic approach. This does not mean, however, that we regard structuralism as a methodological panacea. Our choice was ultimately determined by the fact that the conclusions reached on the basis of structuralistic analysis are highly illustrative, in the sense that the mechanism of deduction can be represented in the form of logically unambiguous causality. At points where the conclusions of the structuralistic approach appeared to us to be incomplete representations of a work's meaning, we resorted to other approaches. In order to analyse texts from the period in question (the 1920s and 1930s) we applied an analysis model first presented by B. A. Uspensky, and subsequently elaborated by W. Schmid, albeit it with a few specifications, which will be discussed shortly. The Uspensky-Schmid model is based on the division and analysis of the narrative into five levels: spatial, temporal, phraseological, psychological and ideological. It is a rather economic and practical scheme which provides a thorough analysis. Our refinement refers only to the last, ideological, level. We recognize J. Lintvelt's view (Lintvelt 1981) which does not see this as a separate layer, basing his argument on its intertwining with other levels. However, W. Schmid insisted on its retention, indicating that it could also manifest itself independently of the other levels, namely, as a direct, explicit evaluation. In this case the ideological level is then a facultative phenomenon only functional in the narrative scheme of the text when there are explicit ideological utterances. We propose using an old definition of ideology set down by A. J. Greimas and J. Courtés, who, in Sémiotique. Dictionnaire raisonné de la théorie du langue (1979), define ideology as the syntagmatic aspect of the taxonomic concept of axiology. The acceptance of this definition brings with it a number of important consequences: 1) In view of the fact that the narrative text, a product of subjective consciousness, inevitably consists of axiologically meaningful relationships, the axiological level is an immanent element of every narrative text, independent of explicitly manifested ideological rhetoric. 2a) Regardless of its intertwining with the syntagmatics of other narrative levels, there is still the possibility of a paradigmatic reconstruction of the ideology, based on the axiomatics of these narrative levels. 2b) If the analysis of the other four levels is correctly executed, the ideology component will inevitably be the most concise, since it merely summarises all the conclusions that are drawn from analyses of the other levels and brings them into the required equilibrium. After all, to formulate it slightly differently, analysis means the exposure of the axiologically meaningful relationships that have been imposed on the text by the abstract author. Additionally, the mutual hierarchy of the narrative instances must be further determined, a specification one must consistently take into account as one reconstructs the AA. The point at issue here is the more detailed determination of the hierarchical dispositions of instances of abstract author and abstract reader due to Bely's death? Should Moscow be supplemented by the novel Petersburg by the same author because it is apparently symmetrical to Moscow? In that case, should we not also expand the notion of the analysed text to include the novel The silver dove, the first part of an unwritten trilogy of which the novel Petersburg is the second part, etc.? Such questions are allied to the concept of text itself and can arise in infinite shapes and quantities; it is clear that the AA's structure depends on how we respond to them. In our opinion the answers to such questions fall within the competency of the abstract reader who is, par excellence, sensitive to the literary work's nuances in meaning. For this reason we suggest representing the relationship between the abstract author and the abstract reader as an opposition between the principle to be reconstructed and the reconstructing principle, which presupposes a corresponding hierarchical disposition between both. Furthermore, more precision is needed with respect to the analytical methods used in this study. Taking into account the fact that, ideally, the perfectly accurate researcher should concur with the abstract reader, as outlined above, it is useful to call to mind the following aspects: a) the infinitely great competency of the abstract reader with regard to all intertextual connections of a given work and with regard to all meaningful connections, in all their variations, of the work with the extra-literary world – from social-political realia to the psychic circumstances of the concrete author. b) the infinite analytical flexibility of the abstract reader who uses the greatest possible quantity of analytical methods in his interpretative strategy, aiming at the most complete reconstruction of the AA. In view of the fact that, within the framework of a rather restricted study, it is not possible to present a more or less complete description of the AA of even a single work by means of the methodology of even a single analytical approach, it is advisable to limit the analysis to a single feature, albeit one that is shared by the majority of the chosen texts. This means we have mainly confined our efforts to the particular construction which governed the generation of the selected individual texts and which we could provisionally indicate as the abstract meta-author. We believe that the principle of negative anthropology, which – at least regarding Russian literature – was new in the first third of the twentieth century and which contains the denial or explicit 'denigration' of all manifestations of the specifically human, constitutes this kind of integral concept. We must emphasis that this concept – at least in its basic features – is not a twentieth-century invention. However, it does form a sharp contrast with literature of the nineteenth century imbued with humanism. For the analysis of this attitude, large-scale works of prose (novels, short stories) were chosen as the most representative for the 1920s and 1930s. The basis of the selection was the pursuit of maximum diversity with regard to ideology (in the narrowest sense of the word), genre and stylistics, and pragmatics. Taking their fundamental principles into account, the texts were chosen from the following literary movements or paradigms: (post)symbolism (Bely, Moscow), skaz (Klyèkov, Èertuxinskij balakir'), (post)modernism (Nabokov, The Gift), socialist realism (Gaidar, The Tale of the Military Secret). During the course of the analysis it became clear that the following two fundamental constructive principles that nourish the concept of negative anthropology could be identified in the above-mentioned texts. The essence of the matter is that W. Booth (Booth 1961) recognised the usefulness of designing a system of narrative hierarchy within communicative interaction. He defined a receptive side for each of the positions: in his scheme, the concrete author (Flesh-and-Blood Author) was correlated to the concrete reader (Fleshand- Blood Re-Creator), the narrator (or, in his terminology, Teller of This Story) was correlated to the fictive reader (Credulous Listener), and, finally, the abstract author (Implied Author) was correlated to the Postulated Reader, or the 'abstract reader', as Wolf Schmid would refer to him later. In Schmid's view, the abstract reader is the 'ideal recipient of the author', a definition with which we entirely agree. In our opinion, however, this does not apply to the phylogenetic constituent of this concept as Schmid tends to present it. In his view, the picture of the abstract reader seems to be determined in advance by the corresponding structural configurations of the work; in other words, it is a more or less passive communicative duplication of the AA. However, further examination indicates that in the reasoning in question the objectivity of the semantic configurations in the text is implicitly postulated; in other words, there is a presumption that the full (all-embracing) meaning of the work is not only given a priori but is also materially present in the text components themselves. In reality, however, the full meaning (and here we concur with W. Iser) is realised by the reader who fills in, as it were, the gaps in meaning intentionally or unintentionally embedded in the work by the author. In theory, there are an infinitely large number of such gaps and, correspondingly, every time a reader fills in a different number or group of gaps one can speak of a different structure of the total meaning of the work. Only God is capable of filling in all the gaps, making Him the most ideal recipient to figure in all models of narrative instances according to the communicative model. Nonetheless, we must also take into consideration the possibly less obvious fact that the text whose meaning is to be reconstructed in the analysis is not a protoplasmic entity but the product of certain conventions or analytic procedures. Both the conventions and the analytic procedures applied to the text belong to the competencies of the abstract reader. We shall explain this in more detail below. When dealing with, for example, Pushkin's novel Yevgeny Onegin, it is clear that the text itself provides no answer to the question whether this work has been completed. Our decision to regard this work as finished or unfinished affects its significance and, correspondingly, the picture of the AA. In our opinion, the instance of the abstract reader is responsible for the decision concerning the boundaries of the text; in other words, the decision to limit interpretative activity to eight chapters, or ten, or to state, as a matter of principle, that the work has only one boundary – a beginning. In each of these cases, the complete meaning of the work will have a different structure. The same argument can be applied with regard to varying editions of one and the same work. Consider the case of collected stories. How can one correctly determine this text's boundaries? Should we reconstruct each story's AA, so that something like a portrait gallery is created, or is it more sensible to regard a collection of stories as a single text and to reconstruct an integral AA on the basis of all the stories? Or, as in the case of the novel Moscow by Andrei Bely analysed in this dissertation: is it valid to regard the three sections of this work as separate texts – after all, they were published as separate books at different times, and the stylistic variations are evident? Is it valid to speak about an AA as a self-contained concept in view of the fact that the novel actually remained unfinished 1. Space destabilisation In view of the fact that it is only through history that man realises himself as an intrinsic integrity, he is most easily marginalised in the most unequivocal, i.e., most effective, way in a universe in which history in the usual sense of the term is seriously problematised by spatio-temporal ambivalence. The spatio-temporal continuum evaporates in this set-up, which may manifest itself in various ways but essentially involves the same mechanism. In some texts, normally seen as belonging to the modernistic paradigms (in our case, Moscow, Èertuxinskij balakir', The Gift), a destabilisation of the normal world view has occurred and this is more or less evident to the reader: the attributes of a certain point in space can easily belong to a different point, just as the attributes of a certain object can turn out to be the attributes of a different object. One spatial area can be projected upon a different spatial area, and, in such cases, the boundaries between the areas become so transparent that distinction between them is no longer possible. All objects and points in this kind of space enter, as it were, into relationships of mutual equivalence, or if we regard it in semiotic terms, all objects enter into relationships of crosswise reference without having an unambiguously phraseable singular denotation. Another way to destabilise space, however paradoxical it may sound, is by structuring space by means of mythopoetic patterns. We believe that mythopoetic structures occur in every narrative text, which seems largely self-evident. In view of the fact that in narrative texts we deal with subjectivity pur sang, it is perfectly logical that this subjectivity will lend varying axiological colour to the different segments of space. In conjunction with our cognitive schemes, i.e., the structure of our brains, this colour is generated according to the principle of binary opposition. In this way each narrative space has an axiological marking on the basis of duality (high-low, here-there, citycountry, etc.), for which in historical terms the priority lies with the myth as the first (spontaneous) project in human history to be given structure. The issue is merely one concerning the extent to which this mythopoetic – or as one may prefer, quasimythopoetic – scheme becomes manifest, and even the rather confined analysis we have performed demonstrates that this is largely the situation in Russian prose of the 1920s and 1930s. It is understandable that in both cases space destabilisation results in the elimination of the human subject. In the former case, when space is characterised by a high degree of relativity, man adopts in a metonymic way space's capacity to undergo all kinds of metamorphoses whose degree of radicalness can vary: from the possibility of metempsychosis, as in the case of the reincarnated protagonists in Nabokov's The Gift, to the division of protagonists in a synchronous system of look-alikes, of which each one has a role in the distinction of meaning and which only begin to acquire consolidated meaning when they have been conceptually united (cf. the Korobkin brothers, Mandro – Dromarden, Lizaša – Leonora, and Kierko – Titelev in Moscow; Ul'jana – Maria in Èertuxinskij balakir'; the whole herd of doubles in The Gift). In the latter case, when space has been structured according to the myth, for a number of reasons man is also eliminated: a) man, as we know him, necessarily realises himself in history (only God realises himself in infinity), whereas myth knows no linearity and therefore no history. Thus only a certain notion of man or a model of subjectivity can possibly realise itself in myth, but not man as such b) the concept of realisation itself (of man or of other objects that occupy mythical space) is weakened here by virtue of the fact that determinism rules in myth – a genuine paradigmatic formation – which substantially weakens the independence and the responsibility of the protagonists somehow engaged in realising themselves c) which also directly combines points a) and b): myth, which does not recognise the singularity of here and now, does not accommodate the aspect of subjectivity, which is a constitutive element of man (and without this relationship, there can be no subjectivity). 2. Theatricalisation of narrative space An important factor in the construction of the great narrative forms of this period is the theatricalisation of space: in some cases the accent is placed on an analogous segmentation of space (Gaidar) when, for example, the entire adventurous part of the narrative is linked to a concrete topos, while the lyrical part, as a whole, is connected to another area, etc.; in other words, the narrative space, just as in theatre space, is divided into semiologically clearly delineated segments. In other cases the theatricalisation can be achieved by assigning purely dramatic characteristics to the protagonists. In this latter case there is a strikingly varied list of procedures that can be applied to create a 'theatrical text' in which the majority of the protagonists, or even all of them, are assigned a role. The most prominent technique is the construction of a character on the basis of a marionette or automatic dummy (Bely) with the corresponding imitation of its expressiveness and speech which become isomorphous with the discrete, emphatically affected expressiveness of a doll, where the character disintegrates into disassociated sememes and is only held together by the context. In such cases, to emphasise the artificiality a complicated, deviating syntax and an extremely extensive vocabulary of occasionalisms is employed. A less conspicuous strategy (as in Gaidar and also in many social-realist authors of the 1920s and 1930s) consists of a return to the constructive configurations of pre-realistic theatre in which the only possible actors are masks or, to use a more recent term, types, whose dynamics are determined entirely by fable and not by any intrinsic structure or stratification of character. Each of them has an ontologically determined role (of course, this concerns only the ontology of that specific space) and the mode of existence here is such that there are no a priori opportunities to switch roles; this space simply does not enable this kind of transformation. A strictly natural effect of this type of situation is the extremely normative behaviour of the characters in both their actions and their verbal expressions. Another method of desecrating narrative space is rooted in the symbolistic paradigm (or to be more precise, in the paradigm of early Russian symbolism) which is typified by the representation of this world as a close-knit semiotic universe whose characters refer to a supratextual substance that governs this world. A consequence of this worldview is the acceptance of fairly strict definitions of determinism and its unavoidable companion destiny. The concept of destiny assumes a certain marked role for each of the characters; after all, a complete behavioural paradigm (as regards destiny) can be created for a (marked) role, whereas this is impossible for the vital realisation of a person in his existence: in this latter case only the syntagmatic logical coherence can be determined, and that coherence is incomplete by definition. The narrative in The Gift (as in several other of Nabokov's novels) is constructed in this way, i.e., in functional-behavioural terms of destiny. This is also the case in Èertuxinskij balakir' by Klyèkov, in which the centre of the narrative is occupied by a kind of minus type: a character that not only lacks psychology (in as much as this kind of reduction is possible for humans), but also every manifestation of his own will which could testify to even an illusory independence from the functional universe. We must consider that a person's dramatic accessories (e.g., a person on stage) are essentially emancipated from existence and as a result revealingly attest to the nature of the processes that eliminate humans from the prose of the era. The observation of AA structures in 1920s and 1930s Russian prose thus offers the opportunity to bring to light a collection of these texts' implicit features, which manifest themselves in the first third of the twentieth century and which consequently enabled radical qualitative change in the entire structure of Russian prose. If executed with sufficient accuracy, the reconstruction of AAs in works from different periods can offer new insight into the history of literature. In more precise terms, it can open a new history of literature, a history engaged in the diachronous modification of the models according to which creative texts are generated at a certain points in time.

Introduction of new forms of international cooperation, namely, electronic cross-border cooperation, is one of the priority directions of development of the world community. Electronic cross-border co-operation, including the use of cross-border trusted services, needs legislative regulation today. One of the locomotives of the international law-making process in the field of electronic trust services, electronic signatures is the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law, the International Chamber of Commerce and the Economic Commission for Europe (UNCITRAL, Commission). UNCITRAL approved the Model Law on Electronic Commerce and the Model Law on Electronic Signatures with a Guide to Enactment 2001. These legal acts became the classic basis for the creation of normative and legal acts of almost all countries in the field of e-commerce and electronic signature, laid the general principles of cross-border recognition of certificates of electronic digital signature. Starting in 2014, the UNCITRAL Working Group IV on e-Commerce has taken steps to address legal issues related to the management of identity and trust services. UNCITRAL is considering the process of legal recognition of trust services and digital signatures as a requirement for identifying legal requirements and establishing relevant substantive law in any jurisdictional system.However, at the current stage of development of international and national law in the area of using trust services and digital signatures in the cross-border regime, a number of global problems remain unresolved. The problem of terminology. The problem lies in the fact that national laws or international laws contain a set of concepts and definitions that are significantly different and sometimes of an overly technical nature, which complicates the perception of ordinary citizens. The problem of credential as a component of a digital signature and trust services. As you know, the key components of a digital signature are subscriber data, which is considered as digital credentials. To date, no legislative act addresses the issues of cross-border recognition of digital credentials, namely: who should hold such recognition, which party they should be recognized as the purpose of such mutual recognition, which features should be available for mutual recognition, which restrictions may apply during mutual recognition. Also, outside the scope of legal regulation, there is currently a problem of the mutual recognition of identity data of legal entities, digital devices or digital objects. The problem of trust in electronic services and digital signatures. The possibility of introducing technical mechanisms for ensuring the reliability of trust services exists and can be implemented promptly. However, today there are no international legal mechanisms guaranteeing a certain level and standards of trust in digital services of one of the parties exchanging such services. In many national identification systems, including in Ukraine, so-called "levels of security of trust" are defined as in the European Union ("low", "high" and "basic"). While four levels of trust are used in the United States and in some other countries. The problem of cross-border interoperability. States with different legal culture traditionally diverge in the technical and legal assessment of digital signatures. Common Laws (United States, United Kingdom) do not impose specific technical and legal requirements for a digital signature, nor does it require the mandatory provision of a digital signature at the same time by all parties to the trust service or electronic document. In this case, an electronic signature may be created by anyone and by any technology. In Roman-Germanic legal systems (mainly in European countries), where the legal doctrine traditionally played an essential role, another concept of digital signature has developed. In order to address these issues, Working Group IV, the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law, the International Chamber of Commerce and the Economic Commission for Europe, with the participation of many countries of the world, are exploring the prospects for legal regulation of the recognition of cross-border trust services and digital signatures through the development of common, standardized international legal acts. In its activities, UNCITRAL plans to explore the experience of several projects in the field of electronic trust services: – European Commission, Regulation (EC) No. 910/2014 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 23 July 2014 on electronic identification and trusted services for electronic transactions within the internal market and repealing Directive 1999/93/EC; – The Eurasian Economic Union, the Eurasian Economic Union Treaty and the Concept for the use of services and legally significant electronic documents in inter-state information interaction; – Asia-Pacific Region, Pan-Asian Alliance for Electronic Commerce Development. Also, Working Group IV examines the existing international instruments aimed at ensuring the mutual recognition of transnational legal effects in the paper environment, such as the Convention, which abolishes the requirement for legalization of foreign official documents "Convention on Apostille" (The Hague, October 5, 1961) and the Protocol on the Uniform Order acting on behalf of the executing authority (Washington, February 17, 1940), which may include appropriate recommendations for minimum elements for the cross-border mutual recognition of UID and trust services. The issue of legal recognition of cross-border trust services has received sufficient attention from different countries. Thus, the Russian Federation proposed a project "Improving the Identity Management System in the Use of Cross-Border Confidence and Common Trust Infrastructure in the Application of Cross-Border Electronic Commerce Agreements". The project is based on the model defined in the Model Law "On Transborder Information Exchange of Electronic Documents" of November 25, 2016. According to the project, it is proposed to create a large cluster of vertically integrated "cross-border trust", which will have three levels of electronic trust services (basic, medium, high). The cluster can have a single international regulator, regulators of intergovernmental unions and national regulators of digital trust services and digital signatures. It is also envisaged to introduce legal levels of regulation of digital trusted services on one or many domain-based basis with the involvement of a third independent trust party, as well as the unification of international and national regulatory frameworks. Instead, the United States considers it necessary in the near future to consider the issue of legal recognition of identification information that has been authenticated in connection with a commercial transaction, namely, that it is a legal recognition of its purpose, requirements, legal support, etc. The proposals of Austria, Belgium, Italy, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and the European Union concern the possibility of establishing agreed levels of security, which are provided through trust services: the first level – with the use of unskilled trust services. The second level with the use of qualified trusted services. The second level of legal consequences will include assimilation, presumption, transfer of the burden of proof to the opposing side, as well as the principle of mutual cross-border recognition for trusted services with the same level of security. Ukraine, as an active member of the global digitalization process, is taking some steps towards updating the legislation on digital signatures and trust services, namely the introduction of the new Law of Ukraine "On Electronic Trust Services". Ukraine, by amending existing legislation, adapts the regulatory framework in accordance with Regulation (EC) No910/2014 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 23 July 2014 on electronic identification and trusted services for electronic transactions within the internal market and repealing Directive 1999/93/EU. Today, there are many national and regional concepts and initiatives in the field of trust services, which have already been well developed. They can identify the relevant issues and can serve as a basis for developing an appropriate legal framework at the international level that could be transferred to various existing legal systems. The UNCITRAL Working Group IV on e-Commerce is implementing measures aimed at achieving the following objectives: – promotion of the development of international trade law and the satisfaction of the needs of economic actors in instruments that provide legal certainty for electronic transactions committed by them; – facilitating the harmonization of new legal aspects of projects, within which these issues are currently being resolved at the national or international level, to the more specific and functional content of the general requirements formulated in the current texts of UNCITRAL; – establishing a common legal framework for trust services and digital signatures, including relevant provisions aimed at developing international cross-border operational cooperation in the legal and technical fields. It is expedient for law-makers of Ukraine to take into account the world experience in developing normative legal acts regulating the sphere of trust services and digital signatures, including in the cross-border regime. ; В статье проанализирован законодательный опыт правового регулирования общественных отношений в сфере цифровой подписи и электронных доверительных услуг Комиссии ООН по международному торговому праву Международной торговой палаты и Европейской экономической комиссии UNCITRAL. Изучаются перспективы правового регулирования признания трансграничных доверительных услуг цифровых подписей путем разработки общих, стандартизированных международных правовых актов Рабочей группой IV Комиссии, а также при участии многих стран мира. На сегодня в ЮНСИТРАЛ формируется общее представление решения проблемы трансграничного признания иностранных цифровых подписей и электронных доверительных услуг на основе условия применения хотя бы одного из доктринальных толкований и наличия двух уровней безопасности. Изучено предложение Российской Федерации о введении проекта «Совершенствование системы управления идентификационными данными при использовании трансграничного пространства доверия и общей инфраструктуры доверия в применении к трансграничным электронным коммерческих сделкам». Изучены предложения Австрии, Бельгии, Италии, Соединенного Королевства Великобритании и Европейского Союза относительно возможности установления согласованных уровней безопасности, которые обеспечиваются с помощью доверительных услуг и уровней правовых последствий. Также рассмотрены предложения по применению принципов взаимного трансграничного признания для доверительных услуг, имеющих одинаковый уровень безопасности, и применению правового режима ответственности для квалифицированных поставщиков доверительных услуг. Осуществлен обзор проблемы трансграничного использования цифровых подписей и электронных доверительных услуг, присущих странам с разной юрисдикцией. Исследованы перспективные направления межгосударственного урегулирования сферы цифровых подписей и электронных доверительных услуг на основе примеров и предложений отдельных стран. ; У статті проаналізовано законодавчий досвід правового регулювання суспільних відносин у сфері цифрового підпису й електронних довірчих послуг Комісії ООН із міжнародного торговельного права Міжнародної торгової палати і Європейської економічної комісії UNCITRAL. Вивчаються перспективи правового регулювання визнання транскордонних довірчих послуг і цифрових підписів шляхом розроблення загальних, стандартизованих міжнародних правових актів Робочою групою IV Комісії, а також за участі багатьох країн світу. Сьогодні в ЮНСІТРАЛ формується загальне уявлення вирішення проблеми транскордонного визнання іноземних цифрових підписів та електронних довірчих послуг на основі умови застосування хоча б одного з доктринальних тлумачень і наявності двох рівнів безпеки. Опрацьовано пропозицію Російської Федерації щодо запровадження проекту «Вдосконалення системи управління ідентифікаційними даними під час використання транскордонного простору довіри й загальної інфраструктури довіри в застосуванні до транскордонних електронних комерційних угод». Вивчено пропозиції Австрії, Бельгії, Італії, Сполученого Королівства Великобританії та Європейського Союзу стосовно можливості встановлення узгоджених рівнів безпеки, які забезпечуються за допомогою довірчих послуг, і рівнів правових наслідків. Також розглянуто пропозиції щодо застосування принципів взаємного транскордонного визнання для довірчих послуг, що мають однаковий рівень безпеки, і застосування правового режиму відповідальності для кваліфікованих постачальників довірчих послуг. Узагальнено проблеми транскордонного використання цифрових підписів та електронних довірчих послуг, притаманні країнам із різною юрисдикцією. Досліджені перспективні напрями міждержавного врегулювання сфери цифрових підписів та електронних довірчих послуг на основі прикладів і пропозицій окремих країн.

Abstract ; The main intellectual and translation center in the Iberian Peninsula in the twelfth and thirteenth century, without a doubt, was the School of Toledo, or also called School of Translators of Toledo. Jourdain was one of the first to realize the importance of it, and he gave an account in the preliminary results of his research in 1819. Since then, references to the Toledo School, and, especially, disputes over its significance, existence and importance have not ceased, and so, there are no agreements on certain basic aspects, due above all to a mixture of intellectual, political, social and identity interests. Naturally, in this work I do not intend to solve these controversies, but only to offer some historical and semantic precisions regarding the meaning of the School of Toledo notion. So, first, I will contextualize the origin of the denomination School of Translators of Toledo; for this, I will analyze the germinal contributions of Jourdain and Rose; then, I will describe the reception of these notions in Renan and Menéndez Pelayo, and finally, I will offer some notes for the understanding of the notion of Toledo School, which will be focused on examining: (1) the importance of Toledo; (2) the existence of a formal school; and (3) the activity carried out in Toledo. ; Other ; {"references": ["Daniel de Morley (ca. 1175/1839). \u00abPrefatio ad librum de Naturis inferiorum et superiorum. Bib. Arundel. Mus. Brit. 377. Philosophia magistri Danielis de Merlai ad Iohannem Norwicensem episcopum\u00bb. En: Rara Mathematica; or, A Collection of Treatises on the Mathematics and Subjects Connected with Them, from ancient inedited manuscripts, editado por James Orchard Halliwell. Londres: J. 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Europe requires significant transmission grid expansions to foster the integration of electricity markets, enhance security of supply and integrate renewable energies. However, next to lengthy authorization processes, transmission system operators (TSOs) in Europe are currently facing extreme public opposition in their transmission line projects leading to significant project delays. These delays imply significant additional costs for TSOs as well as society as a whole and put the transformation of the European energy system at risk. Existing scientific literature currently lacks comprehensive studies that have tried to identify generalizable success factors to overcome public opposition in transmission line projects. The goal of work at hand was to close this research gap. Potential success factors were collected through extensive literature review and interviews throughout Europe with respective stakeholders such as citizen action groups, NGOs or energy experts. Experiences from analogue large infrastructure projects like wind parks, carbon capture and storage facilities, hydro dams, nuclear waste repositories, etc. were also used to form hypotheses. The findings were transformed into a structural equation model and tested through a questionnaire answered by almost all European TSOs. Results revealed that people's trust in the TSO is of utmost importance for less public opposition. It can be regarded as the critical success factor per se. TSOs can create trust through stakeholder participation, sufficient communication, proper organizational readiness and liaison with stakeholders. Furthermore, appropriate technical planning can help to reduce public opposition in transmission line projects. In total 18 concrete and actionable success factors were identified for TSO management to facilitate the establishment of these aforementioned aspects. They will help European TSOs to reduce public opposition and thus accelerate the implementation of new transmission lines. Interestingly, economic benefits for people did not turn out to be a Significant success factor in reducing their opposition against new transmission lines.:Contents I List of tables VIII List of figures IX List of abbreviations XI List of symbols XV List of country codes XVI 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Problem statement 1 1.2 Thematic classification and research gap 2 1.3 Objective, research questions and scop e of work 3 1.4 Methodology and structure of work 5 2 Fundamentals of electricity transmission line planning 7 2.1 History of the European electricity transmission network 7 2.2 Transmission technologies 9 2.2.1 High-voltage alternating current (HVAC) 9 2.2.1.1 High - voltage alternating current overhead lines (HVAC OHL) 9 2.2.1.2 High - voltage alternating underground cables (HVAC UGC) 10 2.2.2 High - voltage direct current (HVDC) 12 2.2.2.1 High - voltage direct current overhead lines (HVDC OHL) 12 2.2.2.2 High - voltage direct current underground cables (HVDC UGC) 13 2.2.3 Gas - insulated lines (GIL) 14 2.3 Major players 15 2.3.1 European Transmission System Operators (TSOs) and related associations 15 2.3.1.1 National Transmission System Operators (TSOs) 15 2.3.1.2 ENTSO - E 16 2.3.2 Energy regulators and related associations 18 2.3.2.1 National regulatory authorities (NRA) 18 2.3.2.2 European associations of energy regulators 19 2.4 Development of new transmission lines 20 2.4.1 Planning objectives 20 2.4.2 Planning process 21 2.4.2.1 Identification of needs 22 2.4.2.2 Feasibility study 23 2.4.2.3 Spatial planning 24 2.4.2.4 Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) 25 2.4.2.5 Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) 26 2.4.2.6 Permitting procedure 28 2.4.2.7 Securing land rights and way - leaves 28 2.4.2.8 Construction, commissioning and operation 29 2.5 Project delays and obstacles 31 2.5.1 Project delays 31 2.5.2 Rationales for delay 33 2.5.2.1 Minor obstacles 34 2.5.2.2 Public opposition 35 2.5.2.3 Insufficient authorization procedures 36 2.5.3 Excursus: Recent governmental measures to overcome delays 38 2.5.3.1 Austria 38 2.5.3.2 Denmark 38 2.5.3.3 Germany 39 2.5.3.4 Great Britain 41 2.5.3.5 Netherlands 42 2.5.3.6 European Union 43 2.5.3.7 Further recommendations 48 2.6 Interim conclusion on the fundamentals of transmission line planning 49 3 Fundamentals of social acceptance 51 3.1 Definition and classification 51 3.2 Contextual factors that influence stakeholders' attitudes 54 3.2.1 Proximity of stakeholders to a facility 54 3.2.2 Risk perception of individuals 55 3.2.3 Individual knowledge base 56 3.2.4 Existing and marginal exposure 56 3.2.5 Land valuation and heritage 57 3.2.6 Trust in project developer 58 3.2.7 Energy system development level 59 3.3 The history of social movement against infrastructure facilities 60 3.4 Forms of public opposition 61 3.5 Interim conclusion on the fundamentals of social acceptance 63 4 Fundamentals and methodology of success factor research 64 4.1 The goal of success factor research 64 4.2 Defining success factor terminology 64 4.2.1 Success 64 4.2.2 Success factors 65 4.3 Success factor research history and current state 67 4.4 Classification of success factor studies 67 4.4.1 Specificity 68 4.4.2 Causality 69 4.5 Success factor identification approaches 70 4.5.1 Systematization of success factor identification approaches 70 4.5.2 Approach assessment 72 4.6 Criti cism to success factor research 73 4.7 Interim conclusion on the fundamentals of success factor research 75 5 Success factor res earch on social acceptance in transmission line planning – a combination of research streams 77 5.1 State of research 77 5.1.1 Social acceptance in electricity transmission line planning (A) 77 5.1.2 Success factor research on social acceptance (B) 83 5.1.3 Success factor research in transmission line planning (C) 89 5.2 Value add and classification of this work 89 5.3 Research design 90 5.3.1 Identification of potential success factors through a direct, qualitative - explorative approach 92 5.3.1.1 Overview of methodologies 92 5.3.1.2 Survey 93 5.3.2 Quantitative - confirmatory approach to validate potential success factors 95 5.3.2.1 Overview of statistical methodologies 95 5.3.2.2 Structural equation modeling (SEM) 96 5.3.2.2.1 Path analysis 97 5.3.2.2.2 Structure of SEM 99 5.3.2.2.3 Methods for SEM estimation 102 5.3.2.2.4 PLS algorithm 106 6 Identification of reasons for public opposition and derivation of potential success factors 112 6.1 Conducted interviews 112 6.1.1 Selection of interviewees 112 6.1.2 Preparation, conduction and documentation of interviews 115 6.2 Reasons for public opposition 117 6.2.1 Health and safety issues 118 6.2.1.1 Electric and magnetic fields (EMF) 118 6.2.1.2 Falling ice 124 6.2.1.3 Toppled pylons and ruptured conductors 125 6.2.1.4 Flashover 125 6.2.2 Reduced quality of living 126 6.2.2.1 Visual impact 126 6.2.2.2 Noise 128 6.2.3 Economic unfairness 130 6.2.3.1 Devaluation of property and insufficient compensation 130 6.2.3.2 Expropriation 131 6.2.3.3 Negative impact on tourism 132 6.2.3.4 Lack of direct benefits and distributional unfairness 132 6.2.3.5 Agricultural disadvantages 133 6.2.4 Lack of transparency and communication 135 6.2.4.1 Insufficient justification of line need 135 6.2.4.2 Insufficient, inaccurate and late information 137 6.2.4.3 Intransparent decision making 138 6.2.4.4 Inappropriate appearance 138 6.2.4.5 Expert dilemma 139 6.2.5 Lack of public participation 140 6.2.5.1 Lack of involvement 140 6.2.5.2 One - way communication 141 6.2.5.3 Lack of bindingness 141 6.2.5.4 Inflexibility 142 6.2.6 Environmental impact 142 6.2.6.1 Flora 143 6.2.6.2 Fauna 145 6.2.7 Distrust 146 6.3 Potential success factors to reduce public opposition 147 6.3.1 Communication 149 6.3.1.1 Communication strategy 149 6.3.1.2 Early communication 150 6.3.1.3 Line justification 150 6.3.1.4 Direct personal conversation 151 6.3.1.5 Appropriate communication mix 153 6.3.1.6 Comprehensibility 156 6.3.1.7 Sufficient and honest information 157 6.3.1.8 Stakeholder education 158 6.3.1.9 Post - communication 159 6.3.2 Participation 160 6.3.2.1 Pre - polls 160 6.3.2.2 Participation possibilities 161 6.3.2.3 Participation information 164 6.3.2.4 Macro - planning involvement 165 6.3.2.5 Pre - application involvement 166 6.3.2.6 Neutral moderation/mediation 166 6.3.2.7 Joint fact finding 169 6.3.2.8 Flexibility, openness and respect 170 6.3.2.9 Commitment and bindingness 171 6.3.2.10 Transparent decision making 172 6.3.3 Economic benefits 173 6.3.3.1 Local benefits 173 6.3.3.2 Individual compensations 174 6.3.3.3 Muni cipality compensations 176 6.3.3.4 Socio - economic benefits 177 6.3.3.5 Excursus: Social cost - benefit analysis of a new HVDC line between France and Spain 177 6.3.4 Organizational readiness 182 6.3.4.1 Stakeholder analysis and management 182 6.3.4.2 Qualification and development 184 6.3.4.3 Sufficient resources 186 6.3.4.4 Internal coordination 187 6.3.4.5 Cultural change 187 6.3.4.6 Top - management support 188 6.3.4.7 Best practice exchange 188 6.3.5 Stakeholder liaison 189 6.3.5.1 Stakeholder cooperation 189 6.3.5.2 Supporters / Multiplicators 190 6.3.5.3 Local empowerment 191 6.3.6 Technical planning 191 6.3.6.1 Line avoidance options 191 6.3.6.2 Route alternatives 194 6.3.6.3 Transmission technology options 194 6.3.6.4 Piloting of innovations 198 6.3.6.5 Excursus: Exemplary transmission line innovations 198 6.3.6.6 Avoidance of sensitive areas 206 6.3.6.7 Bundling of infrastructure 206 6.3.6.8 Line deconstruction 207 6.3.6.9 Regulatory overachievement 208 7. Development of research model 209 7.1 Procedure 209 7.2 Development of hypotheses on causal relationships 209 7.2.1 Stakeholder liaison 209 7.2.2 Participation 210 7.2.3 Communication 210 7.2.4 Organizational readiness 211 7.2.5 Economic benefits 212 7.2.6 Technical planning 212 7.2.7 Trust 213 7.2.8 Summary of hypotheses 213 7.3 Development of path diagram and model specification 214 7.3.1 Structural model 214 7.3.2 Measurement model 215 7.3.2.1 Formative measurements 215 7.3.2.2 Reflective measurements 2 7.4 Identifiability of model structure 217 8 Empirical validation of potential success factors 219 8.1 Data acqu isition 219 8.1.1 Concept of using questionnaires for data acquisition 219 8.1.2 Target group and sample size 220 8.1.3 Questionnaire design 222 8.1.3.1 Form and structure 222 8.1.3.2 Operatio nalization 224 8.1.3.2.1 Operationalization of potential success factors 224 8.1.3.2.2 Operationalization of construct TRUST 225 8.1.3.2.3 Operationalization of construct REDUCED PUBLIC OPPOSITION 226 8.1.3.2.4 Operationalization of control variables 226 8.1.3.3 Bias 227 8.1.3.3.1 Common method bias 227 8.1.3.3.2 Key i nformation bias 229 8.1.3.3.3 Hypothetical bias 229 8.1.4 Pretest 230 8.1.5 Questionnaire return and data preparation 231 8.2 Model estimation 236 8.2.1 Software selection for modeling 236 8.2.2 Estimation results 237 8.3 Model evaluation 239 8.3.1 Evaluat ion of reflective measurement models 240 8.3.1.1 Content validity 240 8.3.1.2 Indicator reliability 243 8.3.1.3 Construct validity 245 8.3.1.3.1 Convergent validity 245 8.3.1.3.1.1 Average var iance extracted (AVE) 245 8.3.1.3.1.2 Construct reliability 245 8.3.1.3.2 Discriminant validity 247 8.3.1.3.2.1 Fornell/Larcker criterion 247 8.3.1.3.2.2 Cross loadings 248 8.3.2 Evaluation of formative measurement models 250 8.3.2.1 Content validity 250 8.3.2.2 Indicator reliability / relevance 250 8.3.2.2.1 Indicator weights and significance 250 8.3.2.2.2 Multicollinearity 254 8.3.2.3 Construct validity 256 8.3.3 Evaluation of structural model 256 8.3.3.1 Multicollinearity 256 8.3.3.2 Explanatory power 257 8.3.3.3 Predictive relevance 259 8.3.4 Evaluation of total model 260 8.4 Verification of hypotheses and discussion of results 260 8.5 Success factors for reducing public opposition in transmission line planning: Recommendations for TSO management 264 8.5.1 Measures to create stakeholder trust 266 8.5.1.1 Sufficient stakeholder participation 266 8.5.1.2 Proper stakeholder communication 267 8.5.1.3 TSO's organizational readiness for stakeholder management 267 8.5.1.4 Creating liaison with stakeholders 268 8.5.2 Important aspects in technical planning 268 8.5.3 Consolidated overview 269 9 Concluding remarks 270 9.1 Summary of results 270 9.2 Contribution, limitations, and directions for further research 272 10 Appendix 276

Temporary or permanent, local or international, voluntary or forced, legal or illegal, registered or unregistered migrations of individuals, whole communities or individual groups are an important factor in constructing and modifying (modern) societies. The extent of international migrations is truly immense. At the time of the preparation of this publication more than 200 million people have been involved in migrations in a single year according to the United Nations. Furthermore, three times more wish to migrate, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa towards some of the most economically developed areas of the world according to the estimates by the Gallup Institute (Esipova, 2011). Some authors, although aware that it is not a new phenomenon, talk about the era of migration (Castles, Miller, 2009) or the globalization of migration (Friedman, 2004). The global dimensions of migration are definitely influenced also by the increasingly visible features of modern societies like constantly changing conditions, instability, fluidity, uncertainty etc. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).The extent, direction, type of migrations and their consequences are affected by many social and natural factors in the areas of emigration and immigration. In addition, researchers from many scientific disciplines who study migrations have raised a wide range of research questions (Boyle, 2009, 96), use a variety of methodological approaches and look for different interpretations in various spatial, temporal and contextual frameworks. The migrations are a complex, multi-layered, variable, contextual process that takes place at several levels. Because of this, research on migrations has become an increasingly interdisciplinary field, since the topics and problems are so complex that they cannot be grasped solely and exclusively from the perspective of a single discipline or theory. Therefore, we are witnessing a profusion of different "faces of migration", which is reflected and at the same time also contributed to by this thematic issue of the journal Ars & Humanitas.While mobility or migration are not new phenomena, as people have moved and migrated throughout the history of mankind, only recently, in the last few decades, has theoretical and research focus on them intensified considerably. In the last two decades a number of research projects, university programs and courses, research institutes, scientific conferences, seminars, magazines, books and other publications, involving research, academia as well as politics and various civil society organizations have emerged. This shows the recent exceptional interest in the issue of migration, both in terms of knowledge of the processes involved, their mapping in the history of mankind, as well as the theoretical development of migration studies and daily management of this politically sensitive issue.Migration affects many entities on many different levels: the individuals, their families and entire communities at the local level in the emigrant societies as well as in the receiving societies. The migration is changing not only the lives of individuals but whole communities and societies, as well as social relations; it is also shifting the cultural patterns and bringing important social transformations (Castles 2010). This of course raises a number of questions, problems and issues ranging from human rights violations to literary achievements. Some of these are addressed by the authors in this thematic issue.The title "Many faces of migration", connecting contributions in this special issue, is borrowed from the already mentioned Gallup Institute's report on global migration (Esipova, 2011). The guiding principle in the selection of the contributions has been their diversity, reflected also in the list of disciplines represented by the authors: sociology, geography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, history, art history, modern Mediterranean studies, gender studies and media studies. Such an approach necessarily leads not only to a diverse, but at least seemingly also incompatible, perhaps even opposing views "on a given topic. However, we did not want to silence the voices of "other" disciplines, but within the reviewing procedures actually invited scientists from the fields represented by the contributors to this volume. The wealth of the selected contributions lies therefore not only in their coherence and complementarity, but also in the diversity of views, stories and interpretations.The paper of Zora Žbontar deals with the attitudes towards foreigners in ancient Greece, where the hospitality to strangers was considered so worthy a virtue that everyone was expected to "demonstrate hospitality and protection to any foreigner who has knocked on their door". The contrast between the hospitality of ancient Greece and the modern emergence of xenophobia and ways of dealing with migration issues in economically developed countries is especially challenging. "In an open gesture of hospitality to strangers the ancient Greeks showed their civilization".Although the aforementioned research by the United Nations and Gallup Institute support some traditional stereotypes of the main global flows of migrants, and the areas about which the potential migrants "dream", Bojan Baskar stresses the coexistence of different migratory desires, migration flows and their interpretations. In his paper he specifically focuses on overcoming and relativising stereotypes as well as theories of immobile and non-enterprising (Alpine) mountain populations and migrations.The different strategies of the crossing borders adopted by migrant women are studied by Mirjana Morokvasic. She marks them as true social innovators, inventing different ways of transnational life resulting in a bottom-up contribution to the integrative processes across Europe. Some of their innovations go as far as to shift diverse real and symbolic boundaries of belonging to a nation, gender, profession.Elaine Burroughs and Zoë O'Reilly highlight the close relations between the otherwise well-established terminology used in statistics and science to label immigrants in Ireland and elsewhere in EU, and the negative representations of certain types of migrants in politics and the public. The discussion focusses particularly on asylum seekers and illegal immigrants who come from outside the EU. The use of language can quickly become a political means of exclusion, therefore the authors propose the development and use of more considerate and balanced migration terminology.Damir Josipovič proposes a change of the focal point for identifying and interpreting the well-studied migrations in the former Yugoslavia. The author suggests changing the dualistic view of these migrations to an integrated, holistic view. Instead of a simplified understanding of these migrations as either international or domestic, voluntary or forced, he proposes a concept of pseudo-voluntary migrations.Maja Korać-Sanderson's contribution highlights an interesting phenomenon in the shift in the traditional patterns of gender roles. The conclusions are derived from the study of the family life of Chinese traders in transitional Serbia. While many studies suggest that child care in recent decades in immigrant societies is generally performed by immigrants, her study reveals that in Serbia, the Chinese merchants entrust the care of their children mostly to local middle class women. The author finds this switch of roles in the "division of labour" in the child care favourable for both parties involved.Francesco Della Puppa focuses on a specific part of the mosaic of contemporary migrations in the Mediterranean: the Bangladeshi immigrant community in the highly industrialized North East of Italy. The results of his in-depth qualitative study reveal the factors that shape this segment of the Bangladeshi diaspora, the experiences of migrants and the effects of migration on their social and biographical trajectories.John A. Schembri and Maria Attard present a snippet of a more typical Mediterranean migration process - immigration to Malta. The authors highlight the reduction in migration between Malta and the United Kingdom, while there is an increase in immigration to Malta from the rest of Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Amongst the various impacts of immigration to Malta the extraordinary concentration of immigrant populations is emphasized, since the population density of Malta far exceeds that of nearly all other European countries.Miha Kozorog studies the link between migration and constructing their places of their origin. On the basis of Ardener's theory the author expresses "remoteness" of the emigratory Slavia Friulana in terms of topology, in relation to other places, rather than in topography. "Remoteness" is formed in relation to the "outside world", to those who speak of "remote areas" from the privileged centres. The example of an artistic event, which organizers aim "to open a place like this to the outside world", "to encourage the production of more cosmopolitan place", shows only the temporary effect of such event on the reduction of the "remoteness".Jani Kozina presents a study of the basic temporal and spatial characteristics of migration "of people in creative occupations" in Slovenia. The definition of this specific segment of the population and approach to study its migrations are principally based on the work of Richard Florida. The author observes that people with creative occupations in Slovenia are very immobile and in this respect quite similar to other professional groups in Slovenia, but also to the people in creative professions in the Southern and Eastern Europe, which are considered to be among the least mobile in Europe. Detailed analyses show that the people in creative occupations from the more developed regions generally migrate more intensely and are also more willing to relocate.Mojca Pajnik and Veronika Bajt study the experiences of migrant women with the access to the labour market in Slovenia. Existing laws and policies push the migrants into a position where, if they want to get to work, have to accept less demanding work. In doing so, the migrant women are targets of stereotyped reactions and practices of discrimination on the basis of sex, age, attributed ethnic and religious affiliation, or some other circumstances, particularly the fact of being migrants. At the same time the latter results in the absence of any protection from the state.Migration studies often assume that the target countries are "modern" and countries of origin "traditional". Anıl Al- Rebholz argues that such a dichotomous conceptualization of modern and traditional further promotes stereotypical, essentialist and homogenizing images of Muslim women in the "western world". On the basis of biographical narratives of young Kurdish and Moroccan women as well as the relationships between mothers and daughters, the author illustrates a variety of strategies of empowerment of young women in the context of transnational migration.A specific face of migration is highlighted in the text of Svenka Savić, namely the face of artistic migration between Slovenia and Serbia after the Second World War. The author explains how more than thirty artists from Slovenia, with their pioneering work in three ensembles (opera, ballet and theatre), significantly contributed to the development of the performing arts in the Serbian National Theatre in Novi Sad.We believe that in the present thematic issue we have succeeded in capturing an important part of the modern European research dynamic in the field of migration. In addition to well-known scholars in this field several young authors at the beginning their research careers have been shortlisted for the publication. We are glad of their success as it bodes a vibrancy of this research area in the future. At the same time, we were pleased to receive responses to the invitation from representatives of so many disciplines, and that the number of papers received significantly exceeded the maximum volume of the journal. Recognising and understanding of the many faces of migration are important steps towards the comprehensive knowledge needed to successfully meet the challenges of migration issues today and even more so in the future. It is therefore of utmost importance that researchers find ways of transferring their academic knowledge into practice – to all levels of education, the media, the wider public and, of course, the decision makers in local, national and international institutions. The call also applies to all authors in this issue of the journal.

Temporary or permanent, local or international, voluntary or forced, legal or illegal, registered or unregistered migrations of individuals, whole communities or individual groups are an important factor in constructing and modifying (modern) societies. The extent of international migrations is truly immense. At the time of the preparation of this publication more than 200 million people have been involved in migrations in a single year according to the United Nations. Furthermore, three times more wish to migrate, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa towards some of the most economically developed areas of the world according to the estimates by the Gallup Institute (Esipova, 2011). Some authors, although aware that it is not a new phenomenon, talk about the era of migration (Castles, Miller, 2009) or the globalization of migration (Friedman, 2004). The global dimensions of migration are definitely influenced also by the increasingly visible features of modern societies like constantly changing conditions, instability, fluidity, uncertainty etc. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).The extent, direction, type of migrations and their consequences are affected by many social and natural factors in the areas of emigration and immigration. In addition, researchers from many scientific disciplines who study migrations have raised a wide range of research questions (Boyle, 2009, 96), use a variety of methodological approaches and look for different interpretations in various spatial, temporal and contextual frameworks. The migrations are a complex, multi-layered, variable, contextual process that takes place at several levels. Because of this, research on migrations has become an increasingly interdisciplinary field, since the topics and problems are so complex that they cannot be grasped solely and exclusively from the perspective of a single discipline or theory. Therefore, we are witnessing a profusion of different "faces of migration", which is reflected and at the same time also contributed to by this thematic issue of the journal Ars & Humanitas.While mobility or migration are not new phenomena, as people have moved and migrated throughout the history of mankind, only recently, in the last few decades, has theoretical and research focus on them intensified considerably. In the last two decades a number of research projects, university programs and courses, research institutes, scientific conferences, seminars, magazines, books and other publications, involving research, academia as well as politics and various civil society organizations have emerged. This shows the recent exceptional interest in the issue of migration, both in terms of knowledge of the processes involved, their mapping in the history of mankind, as well as the theoretical development of migration studies and daily management of this politically sensitive issue.Migration affects many entities on many different levels: the individuals, their families and entire communities at the local level in the emigrant societies as well as in the receiving societies. The migration is changing not only the lives of individuals but whole communities and societies, as well as social relations; it is also shifting the cultural patterns and bringing important social transformations (Castles 2010). This of course raises a number of questions, problems and issues ranging from human rights violations to literary achievements. Some of these are addressed by the authors in this thematic issue.The title "Many faces of migration", connecting contributions in this special issue, is borrowed from the already mentioned Gallup Institute's report on global migration (Esipova, 2011). The guiding principle in the selection of the contributions has been their diversity, reflected also in the list of disciplines represented by the authors: sociology, geography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, history, art history, modern Mediterranean studies, gender studies and media studies. Such an approach necessarily leads not only to a diverse, but at least seemingly also incompatible, perhaps even opposing views "on a given topic. However, we did not want to silence the voices of "other" disciplines, but within the reviewing procedures actually invited scientists from the fields represented by the contributors to this volume. The wealth of the selected contributions lies therefore not only in their coherence and complementarity, but also in the diversity of views, stories and interpretations.The paper of Zora Žbontar deals with the attitudes towards foreigners in ancient Greece, where the hospitality to strangers was considered so worthy a virtue that everyone was expected to "demonstrate hospitality and protection to any foreigner who has knocked on their door". The contrast between the hospitality of ancient Greece and the modern emergence of xenophobia and ways of dealing with migration issues in economically developed countries is especially challenging. "In an open gesture of hospitality to strangers the ancient Greeks showed their civilization".Although the aforementioned research by the United Nations and Gallup Institute support some traditional stereotypes of the main global flows of migrants, and the areas about which the potential migrants "dream", Bojan Baskar stresses the coexistence of different migratory desires, migration flows and their interpretations. In his paper he specifically focuses on overcoming and relativising stereotypes as well as theories of immobile and non-enterprising (Alpine) mountain populations and migrations.The different strategies of the crossing borders adopted by migrant women are studied by Mirjana Morokvasic. She marks them as true social innovators, inventing different ways of transnational life resulting in a bottom-up contribution to the integrative processes across Europe. Some of their innovations go as far as to shift diverse real and symbolic boundaries of belonging to a nation, gender, profession.Elaine Burroughs and Zoë O'Reilly highlight the close relations between the otherwise well-established terminology used in statistics and science to label immigrants in Ireland and elsewhere in EU, and the negative representations of certain types of migrants in politics and the public. The discussion focusses particularly on asylum seekers and illegal immigrants who come from outside the EU. The use of language can quickly become a political means of exclusion, therefore the authors propose the development and use of more considerate and balanced migration terminology.Damir Josipovič proposes a change of the focal point for identifying and interpreting the well-studied migrations in the former Yugoslavia. The author suggests changing the dualistic view of these migrations to an integrated, holistic view. Instead of a simplified understanding of these migrations as either international or domestic, voluntary or forced, he proposes a concept of pseudo-voluntary migrations.Maja Korać-Sanderson's contribution highlights an interesting phenomenon in the shift in the traditional patterns of gender roles. The conclusions are derived from the study of the family life of Chinese traders in transitional Serbia. While many studies suggest that child care in recent decades in immigrant societies is generally performed by immigrants, her study reveals that in Serbia, the Chinese merchants entrust the care of their children mostly to local middle class women. The author finds this switch of roles in the "division of labour" in the child care favourable for both parties involved.Francesco Della Puppa focuses on a specific part of the mosaic of contemporary migrations in the Mediterranean: the Bangladeshi immigrant community in the highly industrialized North East of Italy. The results of his in-depth qualitative study reveal the factors that shape this segment of the Bangladeshi diaspora, the experiences of migrants and the effects of migration on their social and biographical trajectories.John A. Schembri and Maria Attard present a snippet of a more typical Mediterranean migration process - immigration to Malta. The authors highlight the reduction in migration between Malta and the United Kingdom, while there is an increase in immigration to Malta from the rest of Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Amongst the various impacts of immigration to Malta the extraordinary concentration of immigrant populations is emphasized, since the population density of Malta far exceeds that of nearly all other European countries.Miha Kozorog studies the link between migration and constructing their places of their origin. On the basis of Ardener's theory the author expresses "remoteness" of the emigratory Slavia Friulana in terms of topology, in relation to other places, rather than in topography. "Remoteness" is formed in relation to the "outside world", to those who speak of "remote areas" from the privileged centres. The example of an artistic event, which organizers aim "to open a place like this to the outside world", "to encourage the production of more cosmopolitan place", shows only the temporary effect of such event on the reduction of the "remoteness".Jani Kozina presents a study of the basic temporal and spatial characteristics of migration "of people in creative occupations" in Slovenia. The definition of this specific segment of the population and approach to study its migrations are principally based on the work of Richard Florida. The author observes that people with creative occupations in Slovenia are very immobile and in this respect quite similar to other professional groups in Slovenia, but also to the people in creative professions in the Southern and Eastern Europe, which are considered to be among the least mobile in Europe. Detailed analyses show that the people in creative occupations from the more developed regions generally migrate more intensely and are also more willing to relocate.Mojca Pajnik and Veronika Bajt study the experiences of migrant women with the access to the labour market in Slovenia. Existing laws and policies push the migrants into a position where, if they want to get to work, have to accept less demanding work. In doing so, the migrant women are targets of stereotyped reactions and practices of discrimination on the basis of sex, age, attributed ethnic and religious affiliation, or some other circumstances, particularly the fact of being migrants. At the same time the latter results in the absence of any protection from the state.Migration studies often assume that the target countries are "modern" and countries of origin "traditional". Anıl Al- Rebholz argues that such a dichotomous conceptualization of modern and traditional further promotes stereotypical, essentialist and homogenizing images of Muslim women in the "western world". On the basis of biographical narratives of young Kurdish and Moroccan women as well as the relationships between mothers and daughters, the author illustrates a variety of strategies of empowerment of young women in the context of transnational migration.A specific face of migration is highlighted in the text of Svenka Savić, namely the face of artistic migration between Slovenia and Serbia after the Second World War. The author explains how more than thirty artists from Slovenia, with their pioneering work in three ensembles (opera, ballet and theatre), significantly contributed to the development of the performing arts in the Serbian National Theatre in Novi Sad.We believe that in the present thematic issue we have succeeded in capturing an important part of the modern European research dynamic in the field of migration. In addition to well-known scholars in this field several young authors at the beginning their research careers have been shortlisted for the publication. We are glad of their success as it bodes a vibrancy of this research area in the future. At the same time, we were pleased to receive responses to the invitation from representatives of so many disciplines, and that the number of papers received significantly exceeded the maximum volume of the journal. Recognising and understanding of the many faces of migration are important steps towards the comprehensive knowledge needed to successfully meet the challenges of migration issues today and even more so in the future. It is therefore of utmost importance that researchers find ways of transferring their academic knowledge into practice – to all levels of education, the media, the wider public and, of course, the decision makers in local, national and international institutions. The call also applies to all authors in this issue of the journal.

435 p. ; Tabl as, Gráficos, ; Libro Electrónico ; Over the last decade, worldwide initiatives from the private sector have turned the legal and regulatory environment for food businesses upside down. Litigation is no longer solely framed by legislative requirements, but ever more by private standards such as GlobalGAP, BRC, IFS, SQF and ISO. Private standards incorporate public law requirements, thus embedding them in contractual relations and exporting them beyond the jurisdiction of public legislators. Private standards are used to remedy shortcomings in legislation, to reach higher levels of consumer protection than the ones chosen by the EU legislature, to impose new obligations on contracting parties, to manage risks and liability beyond the traditional limits of food businesses and inally to give substance to corporate social responsibility. Private standards also play a role in deining speciic markets of growing importance and in self-regulating the commercial communication/advertising for foods and beverages. Organic standards have found an interesting symbioses with public law. Halal standards express the demands of some two billion consumers worldwide. Food businesses are inspected more often by private auditors than by public inspectors. Effects in terms of receiving or being denied certiication often far outweigh public law sanctions. In short, based on private law, an entire legal infrastructure for the food sector emerges, in parallel to, and sometimes complementing, the public law regulatory infrastructure. ; Durante la última década, las iniciativas a nivel mundial en el sector privado se han convertido el entorno jurídico y reglamentario para las empresas de alimentos al revés. Litigio ya no es el único enmarcado por los requisitos legales, pero cada vez más por las normas privadas como GlobalGAP, BRC, IFS, SQF y la ISO. Las normas privadas incorporar los requisitos de derecho público, lo que les inserción en las relaciones contractuales y su exportación fuera de la jurisdicción de los legisladores públicos. Las normas privadas se utilizan para corregir las deficiencias en la legislación, para alcanzar mayores niveles de protección al consumidor que los elegidos por el poder legislativo de la UE, a imponer nuevas obligaciones a las partes contratantes, para gestionar los riesgos y responsabilidades más allá de los límites tradicionales de las empresas alimentarias y inalmente dar a sustancia a la responsabilidad social corporativa. Las normas privadas también juegan un papel importante en los mercados Deining speciic de creciente importancia y en la auto-regulación de la comunicación comercial / publicidad de alimentos y bebidas. Los estándares orgánicos han encontrado una simbiosis interesante con el derecho público. Las normas Halal expresar las demandas de unos dos mil millones de consumidores en todo el mundo. Las empresas alimentarias son inspeccionados con mayor frecuencia por los auditores privados que por los inspectores públicos. Efectos en términos de recibir o ser certiication les negaba a menudo son muy superiores a las sanciones de derecho público. En resumen, basado en el derecho privado, toda una infraestructura legal para el sector de la alimentación surge, de forma paralela a, y algunas veces complementar, la infraestructura de ley de regulación pública. ; About the authors 15 Foreword 21 Abbreviations 23 1. Private food law 29 The emergence of a concept Bernd van der Meulen 1.1 The irst book on private food law 29 1.2 Private food law 30 1.3 Cover 32 1.4 Food law 32 1.5 Classiications in private food law 37 1.6 Topics covered in this book 38 1.7 Law and governance 48 1.8 Last but not least 49 Acknowledgements 49 References 50 2. Quasi-states? The unexpected rise of private food law 51 Lawrence Busch 2.1 Introduction 51 2.2 Building neoliberalism 51 2.3 Transformation of the global economy 55 2.4 Rise of the Tripartite Standards Regime (TSR) 59 2.5 Can governance be plural? Legitimacy and markets revisited 62 2.6 Conclusions 68 Acknowledgements 70 References 70 3. The anatomy of private food law 75 Bernd van der Meulen 3.1 Introduction 75 3.2 The history of private standards 77 3.3 Chain orchestration 78 3.4 Owning a standard 78 3.5 Enforcement 79 3.6 Adjudication 79 8 Private food law Table of contents 3.7 Audits 79 3.8 Certiication mark 80 3.9 Accreditation 80 3.10 Beyond accreditation 82 3.11 Standard setting 83 3.12 Structure of private food law 83 3.13 Interconnected private schemes 84 3.14 Public – private interconnections 85 3.15 Motives 88 3.16 Examples 89 3.17 Underlying concepts 92 3.18 EurepGAP/GlobalGAP 93 3.19 BRC 97 3.20 IFS 98 3.21 SQF 99 3.22 FS22000 102 3.23 GFSI 103 3.24 Public law on private food law 105 3.25 WTO 106 3.26 Conclusions 108 References 109 4. Inventory of private food law 113 Theo Appelhof and Ronald van den Heuvel 4.1 Introduction 113 4.2 Controlling food safety by quality management system/standard 119 4.3 Description of commonly used Standards 124 4.4 To conclude 147 References 147 5. Codex Alimentarius and private standards 149 Spencer Henson and John Humphrey 5.1 Background 149 5.2 Nature of private food safety standards 151 5.3 Trends in the development and functions of private food safety standards 157 5.4 Role of Codex in the context of private standards 162 5.5 Do private standards jeopardise the work of Codex? 165 5.6 Challenges and opportunities for Codex 168 5.7 Conclusions 170 References 171 Private food law 9 Table of contents 6. Private retail standards and the law of the World Trade Organisation 175 Marinus Huige 6.1 Introduction 175 6.2 What are private standards? 176 6.3 Private standards, what drives them? 177 6.4 Private standards and the WTO SPS Committee 178 6.5 The current discussion on applicability of the SPS Agreement 181 6.6 Food for thought 184 References 185 7. Private law making at the round table on sustainable palm oil 187 Otto Hospes 7.1 Introduction 187 7.2 The normative content of the RSPO 189 7.3 Principle(d) actors 192 7.4 Compliance and complaints 195 7.5 How voluntary are the RSPO principles and criteria? 196 7.6 Governments as consultative cheerleaders or competitive law makers 198 7.7 Conclusion 199 References 201 8. GlobalGAP smallholder group certiication 203 Challenge and opportunity for smallholder inclusion into global value chains Margret Will 8.1 Challenge or opportunity? An introduction to GlobalGAP option 2 smallholder certiication 203 8.2 Challenge and opportunity! The GlobalGAP smallholder pilot project 208 8.3 Turning challenges into opportunities: conclusions from the GlobalGAP smallholder pilot project 213 8.4 GlobalGAP: challenge and opportunity! Conclusions and recommendations 221 References 226 9. Towards the self-regulation code on beer advertising in Italy 229 Steps on the long lasting path of competition/co-operation of public and private food law Ferdinando Albisinni 9.1 The peculiar relation between innovation and food law 229 9.2 Private regulatory law 230 9.3 The IAP – Institute of self-regulation in Marketing Communication (1963) 231 9.4 Legislative reforms in the 1990's: cooperative competition between public and private law 233 9.5 The Beer Advertising Code: private regulation as tool to expand and anticipate consumer protection 236 9.6 Some open questions 238 References 239 10. Self-regulation code on beer advertising 241 Alessandro Artom 10.1 Introduction 241 10.2 Underlying principles 242 10.3 The Code 246 10.4 The Code as Private Food Law 253 References 254 11. Franchising strengthens the use of private food standards 255 Esther Brons-Stikkelbroeck 11.1 Introduction 255 11.2 Private food standards 255 11.3 Vertical agreements and franchising 257 11.4 Conclusion 264 References 264 12. On the borderline between state law and religious law 265 Regulatory arrangements connected to kosher and halal foods in the Netherlands and the United States Tetty Havinga 12.1 The developing supply of halal foods 265 12.2 Regulating halal and kosher food 266 12.3 Kosher certiication in the Netherlands 269 12.4 Halal certiication in the Netherlands 270 Private food law 11 Table of contents 12.5 Religious slaughter in the Netherlands 271 12.6 Regulation of kosher food in the United States 273 12.7 Religious slaughter in the United States 276 12.8 Comparative conclusions 277 12.9 Explaining the different position of the government 282 References 285 13. Organic food 289 A private concept's take-over by government and the continued leading role of the private sector Hanspeter Schmidt 13.1 Introduction 289 13.2 'Bio' and 'Eco' and 'Regular'? 289 13.3 Comprehensive protection of organic terminology 290 13.4 The friendly take-over by government in the 1990s 290 13.5 Contaminants 291 13.6 2011: still the same concept 291 13.7 Positive lists for farming and processing 292 13.8 The friendliness of the take-over 293 13.9 Take-over of norms, but not of controls 293 13.10 Toxins from non-regulated sources 295 13.11 BNN orientation values 295 13.12 Pesticide traces as misleading labelling 297 13.13 The statutory role of doubt 298 13.14 Conclusion on the role of private organic food regulation 298 References 299 14. Food online 301 Reconnaissance into a consumer protection no-man's land between food law and the Civil Code Lomme van der Veer 14.1 Introduction 301 14.2 The distance contract, buying food online 302 14.3 Information and expectations about the product 308 14.4 Conformity 309 14.5 Conformity requirement and distance contracts 313 14.6 Conclusions 317 References 318 12 Private food law Table of contents 15. National public sector and private standards 319 Cases in the Netherlands Irene Scholten-Verheijen 15.1 Public law and private standards 319 15.2 Public procurement and private standards 323 15.3 Public enforcement and private standards 326 15.4 Conclusions 328 Postscript 328 References 329 16. The outside of private food law 331 The case of braided private regulation in Dutch dairy viewed in the light of competition law Maria Litjens, Bernd van der Meulen and Harry Bremmers 16.1 Introduction 331 16.2 Background 332 16.3 Private regulation structured in the food chain 336 16.4 The big picture 342 16.5 Developments in competition law 345 16.6 Conclusions and discussion 349 Acknowledgements 351 References 351 17. The limit of private food law 353 Competition law in the food sector Fabian Stancke 17.1 Introduction 353 17.2 The requirements of competition law compliance 354 17.3 Addressees of competition law in the food sector 354 17.4 The restrictions on anticompetitive conduct 355 17.5 The restrictions on non-collusive / unilateral conduct by market dominant companies 357 17.6 Groups of cases relevant under competition law in the food sector 358 17.7 Concluding remarks 376 References 377 18. EU 'new approach' also for food law? 381 Nicole Coutrelis 18.1 What is the 'new approach' 381 18.2 Is the 'new approach' unknown in EU Food Law? 383 Private food law 13 Table of contents 18.3 Public/private – regulation/standards: present situation and questions 384 18.4 Is the 'new approach' now possible/desirable in EU Food Law? 386 References 388 Appendix 1. Commission Communication – EU best practice guidelines for voluntary certiication schemes for agricultural products and foodstuffs 391 Appendix 2. Communication from the Commission to the Council, the European Parliament and the European Economic and Social Committee 401 Keyword index 423

The theme set for this thesis is composed by several important phases which allow to clearly identifying the way this research has been done in order to achieve the objectives and purposes established. So, once the diagnosis is known, the problem identified is the lack of a management policy in line with Ministerial agreement N° 004-10 which promotes the implementation of kiosk at high schools under a process of a sanitarian and nutritional control of food. This problem has obviously affected on the academic performance of students at the Instituto Superior Guaranda. The Chapter 1, presents the concepts and definitions of terminology used through this research, as well as, the scientific information required to clarify and strengthen the variables that take part of the problem through of a hypothetic- deductive study. That is why, its order contains references relating to the management which is defined as the discipline that guides and integrates the processes of planning, attract, dynamize, organize human talent and manage resources always focusing on the project and the achievement of goals, within a deadline and taking into consideration defined costs. Also explains the monitoring phases of the management policy regarding the scientific criteria of illustrious researchers in the field, such as: Menguzzato, Anthony R., Amat J., M. Gonzalez, F. Taylor, H. Gantt, Gilbreth, F., Farol, H., M. Weber, among others, who think that the administrative process is the outcome achieved from the interaction of its elements such as: planning, organization, execution and control. Finally shows issues related to nutrition, feeding, sanitarian control and school performance among other aspects. The chapter II, presents the methodology and its different types of intellectual research like methods, techniques, processes and procedures used for the development of this scientific inquiry. Also shows the population of the institution used as the universe investigated and the application of research tools. From the problematic identified during the phase of diagnosis, strategies and actions has been set out in order to solve inconsistencies regarding the deficient infrastructure of kiosk, indifference of authorities, intellectual deficiency of students, wrong eating habits, lack of hygiene of the staff in charge of the service, inefficient administration, lack of nutritional studies, political intransigence towards the implementation of non- customary measures at kiosk, and lack of sanitarian and nutritional knowledge of people responsible for the sale of food. It also includes the recognition of the Ministerial Agreement 004 -10, and a variety of nutritional products with food and ancient meals that displays a list of nutrients and indicators of excess, which allows to show the methods of food preservation and the right products for consumption. The Chapter III, presents the analysis and interpretation of results, beginning by a survey focused on teachers from the high school. This process demonstrates that 100% of teachers agree that the products sold at the kiosk does not have labels of quality or sanitarian standards, therefore, a high number of students suffers from obesity, acne and fatigue. These factors have directly affected the students learning process and consequently their academic performance. Moreover, the survey shows that teachers from this high school are aware that the products sold in the kiosk don´t have nutritional compounds and also recognize that are harmful for the health of students. That´s the reason they strongly believe it is necessary to promote a massive campaign in order to change the eating habits of students, replacing organic food instead of junk foods, typical from the region, rich in vitamins and proteins and other substances which are important for an appropriate physical and mental development of students. Concerning the students surveyed, the results reveal that 100% of them know that the products they consume are not nutritious and that damage their health. Also express their disagreement regarding the kind of food sold at high school because they consider it, as one of the factors that could cause multiple health disorders due to the poor nutrition they receive. That´s why they think that the high school authorities must promote health and nutrition measures focused on the construction of a healthy feeding culture and on the intellectual growth of students whose results could be reflected in their scholar performance. On the other hand, it is regrettable to realize that the owners of the kiosk are totally unaware of the rules and policies of management, regulation, measurement and control of their activities. The lack of knowledge with regard to the administrative and management standards of hygiene, health and quality of food preparation and its subsequent organization for sale, once further evidences the need to organize courses, seminars and workshops to train students, kiosk administrators and authorities about the importance of a proper nutrition during the educational process. Meanwhile, the authorities from the Instituto Superior Guaranda agree that it is fundamental take appropriate action to reduce the risks caused by the kiosk in schools. Similarly, the need to eradicate the problem arose once again, through the direct intervention of all those involved in the educational community in order to improve the infrastructure, implement standards of hygiene and the selection of the right food that must be sold at high school. ; El tema expuesto para esta tesis está revestido de varias fases muy importantes que permiten identificar con claridad la manera como se ha realizado la investigación para el logro de los objetivos y propósitos descritos. Es así que una vez establecido el diagnóstico, el problema identificado es la inexistencia de una política de gestión conforme con el acuerdo Ministerial 004-10, el cual promueve la implementación de bares bajo un proceso de control sanitario-nutricional de los alimentos. Este problema ha afectado el rendimiento escolar de los alumnos y alumnas del Instituto Superior Guaranda. En el capítulo I partimos por conocer los conceptos y definiciones de la terminología usada en esta investigación; así como la información científica que se requiere para aclarar y fortalecer las variables que permitan efectuar un estudio intelectivo. Por consiguiente, en su orden consta referencias relacionadas la gerencia o administración definida como la disciplina que guía e integra los procesos de planificar, captar, dinamizar, organizar talentos y administrar recursos con el fin de desarrollar el proyecto y cumplir con los objetivos propuestos, dentro de un tiempo y costo establecidos. También, se puntualizan las fases de control de las políticas de gestión, tomando en cuenta los criterios efectivos de destacados investigadores del área, como: Menguzzato, A. (1998), Amat, J (2002), González, M., Taylor, F., Gantt, H., Gilbreth, F., Fayol, H., Weber M., entre otros; quienes aseguran que el proceso administrativo es el resultado de la interacción de sus elementos tales como: planeación, organización, ejecución y control; se hace mención a temas relacionados con la nutrición, alimentación, control sanitario y rendimiento escolar entre otros aspectos importantes. En el capítulo II, figura la Metodología con los diferentes tipos de investigación intelectiva, los métodos, técnicas, procesos y procedimientos utilizados en el desarrollo de la presente indagación científica. Se presenta la población universo de la institución indagada y la aplicación de los instrumentos de investigación utilizados. A partir de la problemática identificada durante la fase de diagnóstico, se plantean las estrategias y acciones a tomar que permitan dar solución a inconsistencias relacionadas a la deficiente infraestructura de los bares, indiferencia de autoridades, deficiencia intelectiva de estudiantes, malos hábitos alimenticios, falta de higiene del personal que brinda el servicio, exigua administración, inexistencia de estudios nutricionales, intransigencia ante las políticas de implementación de medidas no costumbristas en los bares y desconocimiento de medidas sanitarias y nutricionales por parte de los responsables de la venta de alimentos. Nos muestra también el reconocimiento del Acuerdo Ministerial 004-10, e incluye una variedad de productos nutricionales con alimentos y comidas ancestrales mostrando una lista de nutrientes e indicadores de exceso, lo que permite exponer los métodos de conservación de alimentos y los productos adecuados para el consumo. En el capítulo III, se realiza el análisis e interpretación de resultados, iniciando con una encuesta enfocada en los maestros del establecimiento educativo. Este proceso nos demuestra que el 100% de los profesores está de acuerdo en que los productos vendidos en el bar no poseen sellos de calidad, ni mucho menos estándares de salubridad; por lo tanto, un alto número de estudiantes sufre de obesidad, acné y fatiga. Estos factores han afectado directamente el proceso de aprendizaje de los estudiantes y consecuentemente su rendimiento académico. Por otra parte, la encuesta realizada demuestra que los maestros de esta institución educativa conocen perfectamente que los productos que se venden en el bar no tienen compuestos nutritivos y que son dañinos para la salud de los estudiantes; por lo tanto manifiestan que es necesario promover una campaña masiva en los planteles educativos con el fin de cambiar los hábitos alimenticios de los estudiantes, reemplazando la comida chatarra por alimentos de origen orgánico, autóctonos de la zona, ricos en vitaminas y proteínas y otras sustancias indispensables para el adecuado desarrollo físico y mental de los estudiantes. Con respecto a los estudiantes encuestados, los resultados obtenidos revelan que el 100% de ellos conocen la situación de insalubridad que caracteriza a los espacios de expendio de los alimentos, señala -que conocen- que los productos que consumen no son nutritivos y que deterioran su salud, además su inconformidad con respecto a los productos que se venden ya que consideran que es uno de los factores que puede ocasionar múltiples trastornos en su salud, debido a la deficiente alimentación que reciben. Consideran necesario que las autoridades de la institución educativa promuevan normas sanitarias y de nutrición encaminadas al desarrollo de una cultura sana de alimentación y al crecimiento intelectual de los estudiantes, cuyos resultados se vean reflejados en el rendimiento escolar. Por su parte, es lamentable manifestar que los administradores de los bares desconocen totalmente las normas y políticas de gestión, regulación, medición y control de sus actividades. El desconocimiento de los elementos del proceso administrativo, así como del manejo de estándares de salubridad, higiene y calidad en la preparación de alimentos y su posterior organización para la venta, evidencia una vez más la necesidad de organizar cursos, seminarios y talleres que permitan capacitar a los estudiantes, administradores de bares y autoridades acerca de la importancia de un adecuada nutrición durante el proceso educativo. De igual manera, las autoridades del Insttituto Superior Guaranda, coinciden en que es fudamental tomar las acciones pertinentes que ayuden a reducir los riesgos desencadenados por las falencias de los bares de los colegios. De igual manera, manifiestan la necesidad de erradicar el problema, a través de la intervención directa de todos quienes forman parte de la comunidad educativa con el propósito de mejorar la infraestructura, implementar estandares de higiene y una adecuada selección de los alimentos que deben ser expendidos por los administradores de los bares.

Welche Variablen sollten berücksichtigt werden, um die Wirtschaft der bronzezeitlichen Gesellschaften zu erfassen? Die Mittel der Archäologie erlauben verschiedene Analyseniveaus. Das Gros des Fundmaterials, insbesondere, wenn dieses aus Präventivgrabungen resultiert, dokumentiert die alltäglichen Aktivitäten. Siedlungen, Speicherstrukturen, Abfallgruben. dokumentieren die Grundlagen der Subsistenzwirtschaft. Auf den ersten Blick vollzieht sich die Entwicklung von Ackerbau und Viehzucht nur sehr langsam; den schnellen Veränderungen, die andere technische Systeme wie zum Beispiel die Metallurgie betreffen, ist sie nur wenig ausgesetzt. Umreißt diese scheinbare Starrheit eine neolithische Wirtschaft, deren Strukturen sich mit Neuerungen schwer tun? Die Beobachtungen auf der Ebene einer archäologischen Fundstätte oder kleiner Territorien lassen eine komplexere Situation erkennen. Die landwirtschaftlichen Einrichtungen weisen, je nach Region und Stufe der Bronzezeit, eine recht große Variabilität auf und zeugen von einer Mikroökonomie, deren Infrastrukturen sich den Veränderungen der Größenordnungen bezüglich der Produktivität anpassen zu scheinen. Die landwirtschaftliche Orientierung mancher um Speichergruben oder oberirdische Speicherbauten gruppierter Gehöfte kontrastiert mit vergänglicheren Siedlungsstrukturen, die einer anderen territorialen Bindung entsprechen. Während die Besiedlung und Bodenbewirtschaftung der großen Ebenen und der Plateaus unbeständig ist, bewirken andere Territorien – zum Beispiel die Bergregionen – entgegengesetzte symmetrische Dynamiken. Die Beweidung der Mittelgebirge, zum Beispiel des Pyrenäenmassivs, während der Mittelbronzezeit, steht ganz offensichtlich in Zusammenhang mit spezialisierten Orientierungen der Produktionswirtschaft. Die Veränderungen im Bereich von Ackerbau und Viehzucht begleiten die bedeutenden Veränderungen, die sich in der bronzezeitlichen Gesellschaft vollziehen. Dieser Prozess führt zu Beginn des ersten Jahrtausends unserer Zeitrechnung zur Herausbildung von Territorien, in denen bestimmte Siedlungsformen eine polarisierende Rolle spielen. Durch die wirtschaftlichen Umstände bedingt, geben manche befestigte oder durch ihre geografische Lage natürlich geschützte Siedlungen am Ende der Spätbronzezeit den Ackerbau und die Viehzucht auf; sie zeugen von einer "handwerklichen Kleinproduktion" (Karl Marx). Die in den Abfallgruben dieser Siedlungen nachgewiesenen Reste, die man bei Ackerbau oder Viehzucht betreibenden Gemeinschaften nicht vermutet, zeugen von der Schlüsselposition dieser Siedlungen im Transfer der Rohstoffe und bestimmter handwerklicher Erzeugnisse. Die in den Höhensiedlungen durchgeführten Grabungen zeigen deutlich, dass diese Orte am Übergang von der Bronze- zur Eisenzeit sowohl in sozialer als auch in wirtschaftlicher Hinsicht eine bedeutende Rolle spielen. Stellt dieser Prozess deshalb den Höhepunkt eines Mechanismus' dar, der zu Beginn des zweiten Jahrtausends vor unserer Zeit in Gang gekommen war? Die Produktion von Rohstoffen – und insbesondere der Abbau von Metallen, wie Kupfer, Zinn und Blei – erfährt damals auf dem Gebiet des heutigen Frankreich bezüglich der Techniken und der Austauschnetze Veränderungen, die nur erfasst werden können, wenn man eine andere Ebene als die des besagten Gebietes betrachtet. In Südfrankreich entwickelt sich die am Ende des 4. Jahrtausends vor unserer Zeit einsetzende Kupfermetallurgie nach einem multipolaren Modell, welches die Vielfalt der Ressourcen valorisiert, die am Südhang des Zentralmassivs belegt sind. Dieses Produktionsschema, bei dem sich der Absatz auf einen begrenzten Raum beschränkt, ruht während der ganzen Bronzezeit, während die Vorkommen in den Alpen, auf den britischen Inseln und der iberischen Halbinsel intensiv abgebaut werden. Einige regionale Gruppen werden aufhören die Kupferlager auszubeuten, über die sie verfügen, um den Erwerb der Rohstoffe durch Tausch zu privilegieren. Das in Form von Barren, Stangen, Rohlingen (.) transportierte Metall ist Teil einer Warenwirtschaft, die die Unterhaltung von regionalen und überregionalen Handelsnetzen erfordert. Gleichwohl ist der Metallkonsum räumlich und zeitlich nicht gleichmäßig verteilt. So ist er in einigen Kulturräumen, wie zum Beispiel an der Atlantikküste, auffallend hoch. Südfrankreich steht dagegen am Rande dieses Prozesses. In noch höherem Masse werden durch die über eine lange Periode bestehenden Handelsnetze territoriale Organisationen fassbar, die insbesondere an der Verbreitung seltener Waren, so genannter "Prestigegüter" mit hohem technologischem Wert erkennbar sind. Der Vertrieb dieser Waren, die nur von wenigen Individuen der bronzezeitlichen Gesellschaft konsumiert werden, beschreibt eine in die makrohistorischen Netze des Typus économie-monde gehörende Wirtschaft. Durch diese Darstellung zeichnen sich einige bedeutende Tendenzen ab und insbesondere die Frage nach den Zeitlichkeiten: In welchem Rhythmus und zu welchem Zeitpunkt vollzieht sich der Wandel in jeder dieser Sphären, auf die wir hingewiesen haben? Der Handel mit Prestigegütern wird oft angeführt, um den wirtschaftlichen Rhythmus und die Schaffung eines in fortwährender Expansion befindlichen Systems, sowohl in geographischer als auch in quantitativer Hinsicht, zu beschreiben, er wird mehr oder weniger objektiv als ein evolutives Prinzip, Produkt eines Wachstums angesehen. Dieser Argumentation zufolge, ließen sich die Etappen des Wandels von den technologischen Neuerungen und der geschichtlichen Abfolge ihres Auftauchens in benachbarten kulturellen Kulturräumen herleiten. Der Mechanismus des Austauschs und der Verbreitung der Neuerungen sei als deren treibende Kraft anzusehen. Er würde auf Dauer und unvermeidlich zu einer Regulation der Wirtschaft führen, bei der die Politik eine herausragende Rolle spielt. Diesem Modell zufolge, würde dem Beitrag der langwierigen Konstruktion der wirtschaftlichen Struktur sowie den im Bereich der Subsistenzwirtschaft auftretenden Änderungen nur eine Nebenrolle zukommen. Wir können diesem Modell zahlreiche Argumente entgegenhalten und die Zeitlichkeiten umkehren, indem wir annehmen, dass die Änderungen, selbst die unscheinbarsten, die Struktur der Wirtschaft dokumentieren. Die Definition und Quantifizierung von Ackerbau und Viehzucht liefert eine wichtige Dokumentation, die vor allem eine Auf- und Ab-Bewegung mit ihrem vor Augen führt, bei der sich Phasen intensiver Produktion mit solchen der Rezession abwechseln. Die Rohstoffproduktion, insbesondere die der Metalle, spiegelt die unterschiedlichen Ebenen der Konsequenzen wieder, die sie zur Folge hat, je nachdem, ob man Metall produziert oder nicht. Die Betreuung eines – die Pflege sozialer Beziehungen erfordernden – "Marktes" muss als eine freie Entscheidung und nicht als ein deterministischer Zwang angesehen werden. So entstehen Verbindungen zwischen dem Bereich der Subsistenzwirtschaft und dem der Rohstoffwirtschaft. Wenn man diesem Schema folgt, dann können die kulturellen Einheiten als kohärente Räume angesehen werden, innerhalb derer die Waren und die Ideen zirkulieren und so Teil des Tauschgeschäfts sind. Die Grenzen und die Zeitlichkeiten dieser Einheiten lassen die Rhythmen ihres Wandels erkennen, indem sie Krisen, Beschleunigungen beschreiben . Dieses in der Spätbronzezeit klar erkennbare Modell weist der Diffusion der Neuerungen eine zentrale Rolle zu; der Prozess, der sich vollzieht, kann nicht nur dadurch erklärt werden, dass ausschließlich die "Eliten" daran teilhaben. Schließlich stellt sich die Schwierigkeit, diese unterschiedlichen Analyseergebnisse miteinander in Einklang zu bringen, um einen kohärenten Diskurs vorzuschlagen. Wir können einige Hauptideen herausarbeiten: - Die kulturellen Einheiten – Gruppen und technische Komplexe - bilden kohärente, die Organisation der Wirtschaft strukturierende Entitäten; - Der arrhythmische, asynchrone und multipolare Aspekt der treibenden Kräfte des Wandels ist das Ergebnis der Wahrung komplexer auf der Ebene der kulturellen Einheiten ausgeübter Gleichgewichte; - Die Subsistenzwirtschaft beschreibt ein nicht lineares System und zeugt von Zeiten des Wachstums und des wirtschaftlichen Rückgangs. Diese Systeme sind unbeständig und Krisen ausgesetzt, die sich größtenteils durch die Spannungen zwischen den sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Strukturen ergeben. ; Which among the many different variables can we interrogate to understand the economy of Bronze Age societies? The tools that archaeology has at its disposal, enables us to reach different levels of analysis. The majority of our documentation, especially when it results from preventive digs, describes the daily activities. Habitats, conservation structures, domestic dumpsters. describe the basis of the subsistence economy. Firstly, agro-pastoral's history stretches over a long period of time, and is only slightly exposed to rapid change, which seems to affect other technical systems, such as metallurgy. Does this apparent opposition to progress depict the outlines of a Neolithic economy of which structures had great difficulty in renewing themselves? The observations conducted on the scale of an archaeological site or enlarged to small territories describe a more complex situation. According to the regions and to the different periods of the Bronze Age, the agricultural structures show a great variability and are witness of a micro-economy of which infra-structures seemingly adapt to the change of scale. The agricultural orientation of certain settlements, formed around buried or aerial storage structures contrasts with more temporary structures, related to a different type of territorial anchorage. Whereas the wide plains and the plateaus know variations in their occupation and in the exploitation of the agricultural fields, other areas, such as mountain ranges, engender opposed symmetric dynamics. The pastoral exploitation in areas of average mountain height, such as the Pyrenean range during the Middle Bronze Age, is obviously related to a specialized economy of production. The complete change affecting the sphere of the agro-pastoral economy was followed by heavy mutations in the Bronze Age society. This process leads, at the dawn of the first millennium B.C., to the elaboration of territories in which certain settlements play a polarizing role. Related to the economic climate of that time, certain fortified or naturally protected sites at the very end of the Bronze Age, lose their traditional agro-pastoral role; they are the witness «to small merchant productions» to quote the terminology of Karl Marx. Occupying a key position in the transfer of raw materials and certain manufactured goods, the dumpsters of these settlements indicate a consumption going far beyond the norm of agricultural and pastoral human units. The excavations carried out on hill-fort type settlements undoubtedly show that these sites play at the same time an essential social and economic role. Does this mean that this process constitutes a peak of a mechanism engaged at the beginning of the second millennium B.C.? The production of raw materials – particularly metallic resources such as copper, tin and lead – undergoes on France's current territory a change in the techniques as well as in the distribution networks which can only be apprehended on a different scale than the one affected by these mutations. In the south of France, the production of the first copper objects which takes place at the very end of the 4th millennium BC develops according to a multipolar model which increases the diversity of the types of resources known on the southern slope of the Massif Central. This system of production, which is in keeping with a model of poor spatial diffusion, is interrupted during the entire Bronze Age whereas the alpine sphere, the British islands, and the Iberian Peninsula will be an area of intensive production. In an indebted position, certain regional groups will cease the exploitation of their copper resources to privilege the acquisition of raw materials through trade. Transported in the shape of ingots, bars or rough outlines, metal partakes of an economy of goods requiring the maintenance of trade networks on a regional and even wider scale. Nevertheless, metal consumption doesn't invest a homogenous aspect in time and space. Thus, certain cultural areas, such as the Atlantic coast, consume openly metallic goods. Southern France on the other hand remains out of these processes. To an even higher degree, the long-term trade networks enable us to access wider territorial organisations, notably revealed by the distribution of rare products, known as « prestige » goods, invested with a strong technological value. The distribution of these goods, only consumed by a handful of people making up the Bronze Age society, depicts an economy inscribed in macro-historical networks, belonging to the "économie-monde" type (F. Braudel). Some important tendencies can be deduced from the above statements; firstly the question of temporality. One wonders what was the rhythm and at which moment these changes took place in the different spheres mentioned? Whereas the economy of prestige goods is frequently put forward to describe the economic pulse and the development of a system constantly expanding geographically and quantitatively. This economy is considered more or less objectively as an evolutionary principle, resulting from economic growth. According to this reasoning, the stages of change follow the technological innovations and also the history of their appearance in contiguous cultural areas. The mechanism of these exchanges and the diffusion of the innovations would therefore constitute the driving force. This would lead with time, ineluctably to the appearance of a regulation of the economy, where the political sphere would play an overwhelming role. According to these models, the part played by the long period of time to the construction of the economical structure as well as the changes intervening in the sphere of the subsistence economy can be considered as indirect factors. Many arguments can oppose this model and reverse the temporalities by considering the changes, even the most discreet, as describing the structure of the economy. The definition and the quantification of the agro-pastoral activities provide an essential documentation which recounts even more an oscillatory movement, demonstrated by the establishment of intensive production structures. The economy linked to the production of raw materials, notably metal, is indicative of the different levels of implication according to a producing or non-producing position. This « market » guardianship, requiring the upkeep of social relations, should be as a choice and not as a determinating constraint. Structuring takes place between the sphere of subsistence and the sphere of the raw material economy. Following this scheme, the cultural entities can be considered as coherent spaces in which goods and ideas circulate (.) attributed to the exchange market. The outlines and the temporalities of these entities give us a glimpse of their rhythms and their modifications, describing crisis and accelerations. Clearly asserted during the end of the Bronze Age, this model confers to the spreading of the innovations a central role; the fact that only the « elite » gain from this is not a sufficient explanation for the process being established. In fine, the main difficulty is to make these different layers coincide in order to propose a consistent discourse. Some strong ideas can be identified: - cultural entities – groups and technical complexes - constitute coherent units which structure the economic organization; - the non rhythmical, non synchronic and multipolar aspect of the dynamics of change results from the maintenance of the complex balances which manifest at the scale of cultural entities; - subsistence economy describes a non-linear system and shows episodes of growth and withdrawal. These systems are fragile and exposed to crisis, which result, for a large part, from the inadequacy between the social and the economic structures

Welche Variablen sollten berücksichtigt werden, um die Wirtschaft der bronzezeitlichen Gesellschaften zu erfassen? Die Mittel der Archäologie erlauben verschiedene Analyseniveaus. Das Gros des Fundmaterials, insbesondere, wenn dieses aus Präventivgrabungen resultiert, dokumentiert die alltäglichen Aktivitäten. Siedlungen, Speicherstrukturen, Abfallgruben. dokumentieren die Grundlagen der Subsistenzwirtschaft. Auf den ersten Blick vollzieht sich die Entwicklung von Ackerbau und Viehzucht nur sehr langsam; den schnellen Veränderungen, die andere technische Systeme wie zum Beispiel die Metallurgie betreffen, ist sie nur wenig ausgesetzt. Umreißt diese scheinbare Starrheit eine neolithische Wirtschaft, deren Strukturen sich mit Neuerungen schwer tun? Die Beobachtungen auf der Ebene einer archäologischen Fundstätte oder kleiner Territorien lassen eine komplexere Situation erkennen. Die landwirtschaftlichen Einrichtungen weisen, je nach Region und Stufe der Bronzezeit, eine recht große Variabilität auf und zeugen von einer Mikroökonomie, deren Infrastrukturen sich den Veränderungen der Größenordnungen bezüglich der Produktivität anpassen zu scheinen. Die landwirtschaftliche Orientierung mancher um Speichergruben oder oberirdische Speicherbauten gruppierter Gehöfte kontrastiert mit vergänglicheren Siedlungsstrukturen, die einer anderen territorialen Bindung entsprechen. Während die Besiedlung und Bodenbewirtschaftung der großen Ebenen und der Plateaus unbeständig ist, bewirken andere Territorien – zum Beispiel die Bergregionen – entgegengesetzte symmetrische Dynamiken. Die Beweidung der Mittelgebirge, zum Beispiel des Pyrenäenmassivs, während der Mittelbronzezeit, steht ganz offensichtlich in Zusammenhang mit spezialisierten Orientierungen der Produktionswirtschaft. Die Veränderungen im Bereich von Ackerbau und Viehzucht begleiten die bedeutenden Veränderungen, die sich in der bronzezeitlichen Gesellschaft vollziehen. Dieser Prozess führt zu Beginn des ersten Jahrtausends unserer Zeitrechnung zur Herausbildung von Territorien, in denen bestimmte Siedlungsformen eine polarisierende Rolle spielen. Durch die wirtschaftlichen Umstände bedingt, geben manche befestigte oder durch ihre geografische Lage natürlich geschützte Siedlungen am Ende der Spätbronzezeit den Ackerbau und die Viehzucht auf; sie zeugen von einer "handwerklichen Kleinproduktion" (Karl Marx). Die in den Abfallgruben dieser Siedlungen nachgewiesenen Reste, die man bei Ackerbau oder Viehzucht betreibenden Gemeinschaften nicht vermutet, zeugen von der Schlüsselposition dieser Siedlungen im Transfer der Rohstoffe und bestimmter handwerklicher Erzeugnisse. Die in den Höhensiedlungen durchgeführten Grabungen zeigen deutlich, dass diese Orte am Übergang von der Bronze- zur Eisenzeit sowohl in sozialer als auch in wirtschaftlicher Hinsicht eine bedeutende Rolle spielen. Stellt dieser Prozess deshalb den Höhepunkt eines Mechanismus' dar, der zu Beginn des zweiten Jahrtausends vor unserer Zeit in Gang gekommen war? Die Produktion von Rohstoffen – und insbesondere der Abbau von Metallen, wie Kupfer, Zinn und Blei – erfährt damals auf dem Gebiet des heutigen Frankreich bezüglich der Techniken und der Austauschnetze Veränderungen, die nur erfasst werden können, wenn man eine andere Ebene als die des besagten Gebietes betrachtet. In Südfrankreich entwickelt sich die am Ende des 4. Jahrtausends vor unserer Zeit einsetzende Kupfermetallurgie nach einem multipolaren Modell, welches die Vielfalt der Ressourcen valorisiert, die am Südhang des Zentralmassivs belegt sind. Dieses Produktionsschema, bei dem sich der Absatz auf einen begrenzten Raum beschränkt, ruht während der ganzen Bronzezeit, während die Vorkommen in den Alpen, auf den britischen Inseln und der iberischen Halbinsel intensiv abgebaut werden. Einige regionale Gruppen werden aufhören die Kupferlager auszubeuten, über die sie verfügen, um den Erwerb der Rohstoffe durch Tausch zu privilegieren. Das in Form von Barren, Stangen, Rohlingen (.) transportierte Metall ist Teil einer Warenwirtschaft, die die Unterhaltung von regionalen und überregionalen Handelsnetzen erfordert. Gleichwohl ist der Metallkonsum räumlich und zeitlich nicht gleichmäßig verteilt. So ist er in einigen Kulturräumen, wie zum Beispiel an der Atlantikküste, auffallend hoch. Südfrankreich steht dagegen am Rande dieses Prozesses. In noch höherem Masse werden durch die über eine lange Periode bestehenden Handelsnetze territoriale Organisationen fassbar, die insbesondere an der Verbreitung seltener Waren, so genannter "Prestigegüter" mit hohem technologischem Wert erkennbar sind. Der Vertrieb dieser Waren, die nur von wenigen Individuen der bronzezeitlichen Gesellschaft konsumiert werden, beschreibt eine in die makrohistorischen Netze des Typus économie-monde gehörende Wirtschaft. Durch diese Darstellung zeichnen sich einige bedeutende Tendenzen ab und insbesondere die Frage nach den Zeitlichkeiten: In welchem Rhythmus und zu welchem Zeitpunkt vollzieht sich der Wandel in jeder dieser Sphären, auf die wir hingewiesen haben? Der Handel mit Prestigegütern wird oft angeführt, um den wirtschaftlichen Rhythmus und die Schaffung eines in fortwährender Expansion befindlichen Systems, sowohl in geographischer als auch in quantitativer Hinsicht, zu beschreiben, er wird mehr oder weniger objektiv als ein evolutives Prinzip, Produkt eines Wachstums angesehen. Dieser Argumentation zufolge, ließen sich die Etappen des Wandels von den technologischen Neuerungen und der geschichtlichen Abfolge ihres Auftauchens in benachbarten kulturellen Kulturräumen herleiten. Der Mechanismus des Austauschs und der Verbreitung der Neuerungen sei als deren treibende Kraft anzusehen. Er würde auf Dauer und unvermeidlich zu einer Regulation der Wirtschaft führen, bei der die Politik eine herausragende Rolle spielt. Diesem Modell zufolge, würde dem Beitrag der langwierigen Konstruktion der wirtschaftlichen Struktur sowie den im Bereich der Subsistenzwirtschaft auftretenden Änderungen nur eine Nebenrolle zukommen. Wir können diesem Modell zahlreiche Argumente entgegenhalten und die Zeitlichkeiten umkehren, indem wir annehmen, dass die Änderungen, selbst die unscheinbarsten, die Struktur der Wirtschaft dokumentieren. Die Definition und Quantifizierung von Ackerbau und Viehzucht liefert eine wichtige Dokumentation, die vor allem eine Auf- und Ab-Bewegung mit ihrem vor Augen führt, bei der sich Phasen intensiver Produktion mit solchen der Rezession abwechseln. Die Rohstoffproduktion, insbesondere die der Metalle, spiegelt die unterschiedlichen Ebenen der Konsequenzen wieder, die sie zur Folge hat, je nachdem, ob man Metall produziert oder nicht. Die Betreuung eines – die Pflege sozialer Beziehungen erfordernden – "Marktes" muss als eine freie Entscheidung und nicht als ein deterministischer Zwang angesehen werden. So entstehen Verbindungen zwischen dem Bereich der Subsistenzwirtschaft und dem der Rohstoffwirtschaft. Wenn man diesem Schema folgt, dann können die kulturellen Einheiten als kohärente Räume angesehen werden, innerhalb derer die Waren und die Ideen zirkulieren und so Teil des Tauschgeschäfts sind. Die Grenzen und die Zeitlichkeiten dieser Einheiten lassen die Rhythmen ihres Wandels erkennen, indem sie Krisen, Beschleunigungen beschreiben . Dieses in der Spätbronzezeit klar erkennbare Modell weist der Diffusion der Neuerungen eine zentrale Rolle zu; der Prozess, der sich vollzieht, kann nicht nur dadurch erklärt werden, dass ausschließlich die "Eliten" daran teilhaben. Schließlich stellt sich die Schwierigkeit, diese unterschiedlichen Analyseergebnisse miteinander in Einklang zu bringen, um einen kohärenten Diskurs vorzuschlagen. Wir können einige Hauptideen herausarbeiten: - Die kulturellen Einheiten – Gruppen und technische Komplexe - bilden kohärente, die Organisation der Wirtschaft strukturierende Entitäten; - Der arrhythmische, asynchrone und multipolare Aspekt der treibenden Kräfte des Wandels ist das Ergebnis der Wahrung komplexer auf der Ebene der kulturellen Einheiten ausgeübter Gleichgewichte; - Die Subsistenzwirtschaft beschreibt ein nicht lineares System und zeugt von Zeiten des Wachstums und des wirtschaftlichen Rückgangs. Diese Systeme sind unbeständig und Krisen ausgesetzt, die sich größtenteils durch die Spannungen zwischen den sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Strukturen ergeben. ; Which among the many different variables can we interrogate to understand the economy of Bronze Age societies? The tools that archaeology has at its disposal, enables us to reach different levels of analysis. The majority of our documentation, especially when it results from preventive digs, describes the daily activities. Habitats, conservation structures, domestic dumpsters. describe the basis of the subsistence economy. Firstly, agro-pastoral's history stretches over a long period of time, and is only slightly exposed to rapid change, which seems to affect other technical systems, such as metallurgy. Does this apparent opposition to progress depict the outlines of a Neolithic economy of which structures had great difficulty in renewing themselves? The observations conducted on the scale of an archaeological site or enlarged to small territories describe a more complex situation. According to the regions and to the different periods of the Bronze Age, the agricultural structures show a great variability and are witness of a micro-economy of which infra-structures seemingly adapt to the change of scale. The agricultural orientation of certain settlements, formed around buried or aerial storage structures contrasts with more temporary structures, related to a different type of territorial anchorage. Whereas the wide plains and the plateaus know variations in their occupation and in the exploitation of the agricultural fields, other areas, such as mountain ranges, engender opposed symmetric dynamics. The pastoral exploitation in areas of average mountain height, such as the Pyrenean range during the Middle Bronze Age, is obviously related to a specialized economy of production. The complete change affecting the sphere of the agro-pastoral economy was followed by heavy mutations in the Bronze Age society. This process leads, at the dawn of the first millennium B.C., to the elaboration of territories in which certain settlements play a polarizing role. Related to the economic climate of that time, certain fortified or naturally protected sites at the very end of the Bronze Age, lose their traditional agro-pastoral role; they are the witness «to small merchant productions» to quote the terminology of Karl Marx. Occupying a key position in the transfer of raw materials and certain manufactured goods, the dumpsters of these settlements indicate a consumption going far beyond the norm of agricultural and pastoral human units. The excavations carried out on hill-fort type settlements undoubtedly show that these sites play at the same time an essential social and economic role. Does this mean that this process constitutes a peak of a mechanism engaged at the beginning of the second millennium B.C.? The production of raw materials – particularly metallic resources such as copper, tin and lead – undergoes on France's current territory a change in the techniques as well as in the distribution networks which can only be apprehended on a different scale than the one affected by these mutations. In the south of France, the production of the first copper objects which takes place at the very end of the 4th millennium BC develops according to a multipolar model which increases the diversity of the types of resources known on the southern slope of the Massif Central. This system of production, which is in keeping with a model of poor spatial diffusion, is interrupted during the entire Bronze Age whereas the alpine sphere, the British islands, and the Iberian Peninsula will be an area of intensive production. In an indebted position, certain regional groups will cease the exploitation of their copper resources to privilege the acquisition of raw materials through trade. Transported in the shape of ingots, bars or rough outlines, metal partakes of an economy of goods requiring the maintenance of trade networks on a regional and even wider scale. Nevertheless, metal consumption doesn't invest a homogenous aspect in time and space. Thus, certain cultural areas, such as the Atlantic coast, consume openly metallic goods. Southern France on the other hand remains out of these processes. To an even higher degree, the long-term trade networks enable us to access wider territorial organisations, notably revealed by the distribution of rare products, known as « prestige » goods, invested with a strong technological value. The distribution of these goods, only consumed by a handful of people making up the Bronze Age society, depicts an economy inscribed in macro-historical networks, belonging to the "économie-monde" type (F. Braudel). Some important tendencies can be deduced from the above statements; firstly the question of temporality. One wonders what was the rhythm and at which moment these changes took place in the different spheres mentioned? Whereas the economy of prestige goods is frequently put forward to describe the economic pulse and the development of a system constantly expanding geographically and quantitatively. This economy is considered more or less objectively as an evolutionary principle, resulting from economic growth. According to this reasoning, the stages of change follow the technological innovations and also the history of their appearance in contiguous cultural areas. The mechanism of these exchanges and the diffusion of the innovations would therefore constitute the driving force. This would lead with time, ineluctably to the appearance of a regulation of the economy, where the political sphere would play an overwhelming role. According to these models, the part played by the long period of time to the construction of the economical structure as well as the changes intervening in the sphere of the subsistence economy can be considered as indirect factors. Many arguments can oppose this model and reverse the temporalities by considering the changes, even the most discreet, as describing the structure of the economy. The definition and the quantification of the agro-pastoral activities provide an essential documentation which recounts even more an oscillatory movement, demonstrated by the establishment of intensive production structures. The economy linked to the production of raw materials, notably metal, is indicative of the different levels of implication according to a producing or non-producing position. This « market » guardianship, requiring the upkeep of social relations, should be as a choice and not as a determinating constraint. Structuring takes place between the sphere of subsistence and the sphere of the raw material economy. Following this scheme, the cultural entities can be considered as coherent spaces in which goods and ideas circulate (.) attributed to the exchange market. The outlines and the temporalities of these entities give us a glimpse of their rhythms and their modifications, describing crisis and accelerations. Clearly asserted during the end of the Bronze Age, this model confers to the spreading of the innovations a central role; the fact that only the « elite » gain from this is not a sufficient explanation for the process being established. In fine, the main difficulty is to make these different layers coincide in order to propose a consistent discourse. Some strong ideas can be identified: - cultural entities – groups and technical complexes - constitute coherent units which structure the economic organization; - the non rhythmical, non synchronic and multipolar aspect of the dynamics of change results from the maintenance of the complex balances which manifest at the scale of cultural entities; - subsistence economy describes a non-linear system and shows episodes of growth and withdrawal. These systems are fragile and exposed to crisis, which result, for a large part, from the inadequacy between the social and the economic structures

Welche Variablen sollten berücksichtigt werden, um die Wirtschaft der bronzezeitlichen Gesellschaften zu erfassen? Die Mittel der Archäologie erlauben verschiedene Analyseniveaus. Das Gros des Fundmaterials, insbesondere, wenn dieses aus Präventivgrabungen resultiert, dokumentiert die alltäglichen Aktivitäten. Siedlungen, Speicherstrukturen, Abfallgruben. dokumentieren die Grundlagen der Subsistenzwirtschaft. Auf den ersten Blick vollzieht sich die Entwicklung von Ackerbau und Viehzucht nur sehr langsam; den schnellen Veränderungen, die andere technische Systeme wie zum Beispiel die Metallurgie betreffen, ist sie nur wenig ausgesetzt. Umreißt diese scheinbare Starrheit eine neolithische Wirtschaft, deren Strukturen sich mit Neuerungen schwer tun? Die Beobachtungen auf der Ebene einer archäologischen Fundstätte oder kleiner Territorien lassen eine komplexere Situation erkennen. Die landwirtschaftlichen Einrichtungen weisen, je nach Region und Stufe der Bronzezeit, eine recht große Variabilität auf und zeugen von einer Mikroökonomie, deren Infrastrukturen sich den Veränderungen der Größenordnungen bezüglich der Produktivität anpassen zu scheinen. Die landwirtschaftliche Orientierung mancher um Speichergruben oder oberirdische Speicherbauten gruppierter Gehöfte kontrastiert mit vergänglicheren Siedlungsstrukturen, die einer anderen territorialen Bindung entsprechen. Während die Besiedlung und Bodenbewirtschaftung der großen Ebenen und der Plateaus unbeständig ist, bewirken andere Territorien – zum Beispiel die Bergregionen – entgegengesetzte symmetrische Dynamiken. Die Beweidung der Mittelgebirge, zum Beispiel des Pyrenäenmassivs, während der Mittelbronzezeit, steht ganz offensichtlich in Zusammenhang mit spezialisierten Orientierungen der Produktionswirtschaft. Die Veränderungen im Bereich von Ackerbau und Viehzucht begleiten die bedeutenden Veränderungen, die sich in der bronzezeitlichen Gesellschaft vollziehen. Dieser Prozess führt zu Beginn des ersten Jahrtausends unserer Zeitrechnung zur Herausbildung von Territorien, in denen bestimmte Siedlungsformen eine polarisierende Rolle spielen. Durch die wirtschaftlichen Umstände bedingt, geben manche befestigte oder durch ihre geografische Lage natürlich geschützte Siedlungen am Ende der Spätbronzezeit den Ackerbau und die Viehzucht auf; sie zeugen von einer "handwerklichen Kleinproduktion" (Karl Marx). Die in den Abfallgruben dieser Siedlungen nachgewiesenen Reste, die man bei Ackerbau oder Viehzucht betreibenden Gemeinschaften nicht vermutet, zeugen von der Schlüsselposition dieser Siedlungen im Transfer der Rohstoffe und bestimmter handwerklicher Erzeugnisse. Die in den Höhensiedlungen durchgeführten Grabungen zeigen deutlich, dass diese Orte am Übergang von der Bronze- zur Eisenzeit sowohl in sozialer als auch in wirtschaftlicher Hinsicht eine bedeutende Rolle spielen. Stellt dieser Prozess deshalb den Höhepunkt eines Mechanismus' dar, der zu Beginn des zweiten Jahrtausends vor unserer Zeit in Gang gekommen war? Die Produktion von Rohstoffen – und insbesondere der Abbau von Metallen, wie Kupfer, Zinn und Blei – erfährt damals auf dem Gebiet des heutigen Frankreich bezüglich der Techniken und der Austauschnetze Veränderungen, die nur erfasst werden können, wenn man eine andere Ebene als die des besagten Gebietes betrachtet. In Südfrankreich entwickelt sich die am Ende des 4. Jahrtausends vor unserer Zeit einsetzende Kupfermetallurgie nach einem multipolaren Modell, welches die Vielfalt der Ressourcen valorisiert, die am Südhang des Zentralmassivs belegt sind. Dieses Produktionsschema, bei dem sich der Absatz auf einen begrenzten Raum beschränkt, ruht während der ganzen Bronzezeit, während die Vorkommen in den Alpen, auf den britischen Inseln und der iberischen Halbinsel intensiv abgebaut werden. Einige regionale Gruppen werden aufhören die Kupferlager auszubeuten, über die sie verfügen, um den Erwerb der Rohstoffe durch Tausch zu privilegieren. Das in Form von Barren, Stangen, Rohlingen (.) transportierte Metall ist Teil einer Warenwirtschaft, die die Unterhaltung von regionalen und überregionalen Handelsnetzen erfordert. Gleichwohl ist der Metallkonsum räumlich und zeitlich nicht gleichmäßig verteilt. So ist er in einigen Kulturräumen, wie zum Beispiel an der Atlantikküste, auffallend hoch. Südfrankreich steht dagegen am Rande dieses Prozesses. In noch höherem Masse werden durch die über eine lange Periode bestehenden Handelsnetze territoriale Organisationen fassbar, die insbesondere an der Verbreitung seltener Waren, so genannter "Prestigegüter" mit hohem technologischem Wert erkennbar sind. Der Vertrieb dieser Waren, die nur von wenigen Individuen der bronzezeitlichen Gesellschaft konsumiert werden, beschreibt eine in die makrohistorischen Netze des Typus économie-monde gehörende Wirtschaft. Durch diese Darstellung zeichnen sich einige bedeutende Tendenzen ab und insbesondere die Frage nach den Zeitlichkeiten: In welchem Rhythmus und zu welchem Zeitpunkt vollzieht sich der Wandel in jeder dieser Sphären, auf die wir hingewiesen haben? Der Handel mit Prestigegütern wird oft angeführt, um den wirtschaftlichen Rhythmus und die Schaffung eines in fortwährender Expansion befindlichen Systems, sowohl in geographischer als auch in quantitativer Hinsicht, zu beschreiben, er wird mehr oder weniger objektiv als ein evolutives Prinzip, Produkt eines Wachstums angesehen. Dieser Argumentation zufolge, ließen sich die Etappen des Wandels von den technologischen Neuerungen und der geschichtlichen Abfolge ihres Auftauchens in benachbarten kulturellen Kulturräumen herleiten. Der Mechanismus des Austauschs und der Verbreitung der Neuerungen sei als deren treibende Kraft anzusehen. Er würde auf Dauer und unvermeidlich zu einer Regulation der Wirtschaft führen, bei der die Politik eine herausragende Rolle spielt. Diesem Modell zufolge, würde dem Beitrag der langwierigen Konstruktion der wirtschaftlichen Struktur sowie den im Bereich der Subsistenzwirtschaft auftretenden Änderungen nur eine Nebenrolle zukommen. Wir können diesem Modell zahlreiche Argumente entgegenhalten und die Zeitlichkeiten umkehren, indem wir annehmen, dass die Änderungen, selbst die unscheinbarsten, die Struktur der Wirtschaft dokumentieren. Die Definition und Quantifizierung von Ackerbau und Viehzucht liefert eine wichtige Dokumentation, die vor allem eine Auf- und Ab-Bewegung mit ihrem vor Augen führt, bei der sich Phasen intensiver Produktion mit solchen der Rezession abwechseln. Die Rohstoffproduktion, insbesondere die der Metalle, spiegelt die unterschiedlichen Ebenen der Konsequenzen wieder, die sie zur Folge hat, je nachdem, ob man Metall produziert oder nicht. Die Betreuung eines – die Pflege sozialer Beziehungen erfordernden – "Marktes" muss als eine freie Entscheidung und nicht als ein deterministischer Zwang angesehen werden. So entstehen Verbindungen zwischen dem Bereich der Subsistenzwirtschaft und dem der Rohstoffwirtschaft. Wenn man diesem Schema folgt, dann können die kulturellen Einheiten als kohärente Räume angesehen werden, innerhalb derer die Waren und die Ideen zirkulieren und so Teil des Tauschgeschäfts sind. Die Grenzen und die Zeitlichkeiten dieser Einheiten lassen die Rhythmen ihres Wandels erkennen, indem sie Krisen, Beschleunigungen beschreiben . Dieses in der Spätbronzezeit klar erkennbare Modell weist der Diffusion der Neuerungen eine zentrale Rolle zu; der Prozess, der sich vollzieht, kann nicht nur dadurch erklärt werden, dass ausschließlich die "Eliten" daran teilhaben. Schließlich stellt sich die Schwierigkeit, diese unterschiedlichen Analyseergebnisse miteinander in Einklang zu bringen, um einen kohärenten Diskurs vorzuschlagen. Wir können einige Hauptideen herausarbeiten: - Die kulturellen Einheiten – Gruppen und technische Komplexe - bilden kohärente, die Organisation der Wirtschaft strukturierende Entitäten; - Der arrhythmische, asynchrone und multipolare Aspekt der treibenden Kräfte des Wandels ist das Ergebnis der Wahrung komplexer auf der Ebene der kulturellen Einheiten ausgeübter Gleichgewichte; - Die Subsistenzwirtschaft beschreibt ein nicht lineares System und zeugt von Zeiten des Wachstums und des wirtschaftlichen Rückgangs. Diese Systeme sind unbeständig und Krisen ausgesetzt, die sich größtenteils durch die Spannungen zwischen den sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Strukturen ergeben. ; Which among the many different variables can we interrogate to understand the economy of Bronze Age societies? The tools that archaeology has at its disposal, enables us to reach different levels of analysis. The majority of our documentation, especially when it results from preventive digs, describes the daily activities. Habitats, conservation structures, domestic dumpsters. describe the basis of the subsistence economy. Firstly, agro-pastoral's history stretches over a long period of time, and is only slightly exposed to rapid change, which seems to affect other technical systems, such as metallurgy. Does this apparent opposition to progress depict the outlines of a Neolithic economy of which structures had great difficulty in renewing themselves? The observations conducted on the scale of an archaeological site or enlarged to small territories describe a more complex situation. According to the regions and to the different periods of the Bronze Age, the agricultural structures show a great variability and are witness of a micro-economy of which infra-structures seemingly adapt to the change of scale. The agricultural orientation of certain settlements, formed around buried or aerial storage structures contrasts with more temporary structures, related to a different type of territorial anchorage. Whereas the wide plains and the plateaus know variations in their occupation and in the exploitation of the agricultural fields, other areas, such as mountain ranges, engender opposed symmetric dynamics. The pastoral exploitation in areas of average mountain height, such as the Pyrenean range during the Middle Bronze Age, is obviously related to a specialized economy of production. The complete change affecting the sphere of the agro-pastoral economy was followed by heavy mutations in the Bronze Age society. This process leads, at the dawn of the first millennium B.C., to the elaboration of territories in which certain settlements play a polarizing role. Related to the economic climate of that time, certain fortified or naturally protected sites at the very end of the Bronze Age, lose their traditional agro-pastoral role; they are the witness «to small merchant productions» to quote the terminology of Karl Marx. Occupying a key position in the transfer of raw materials and certain manufactured goods, the dumpsters of these settlements indicate a consumption going far beyond the norm of agricultural and pastoral human units. The excavations carried out on hill-fort type settlements undoubtedly show that these sites play at the same time an essential social and economic role. Does this mean that this process constitutes a peak of a mechanism engaged at the beginning of the second millennium B.C.? The production of raw materials – particularly metallic resources such as copper, tin and lead – undergoes on France's current territory a change in the techniques as well as in the distribution networks which can only be apprehended on a different scale than the one affected by these mutations. In the south of France, the production of the first copper objects which takes place at the very end of the 4th millennium BC develops according to a multipolar model which increases the diversity of the types of resources known on the southern slope of the Massif Central. This system of production, which is in keeping with a model of poor spatial diffusion, is interrupted during the entire Bronze Age whereas the alpine sphere, the British islands, and the Iberian Peninsula will be an area of intensive production. In an indebted position, certain regional groups will cease the exploitation of their copper resources to privilege the acquisition of raw materials through trade. Transported in the shape of ingots, bars or rough outlines, metal partakes of an economy of goods requiring the maintenance of trade networks on a regional and even wider scale. Nevertheless, metal consumption doesn't invest a homogenous aspect in time and space. Thus, certain cultural areas, such as the Atlantic coast, consume openly metallic goods. Southern France on the other hand remains out of these processes. To an even higher degree, the long-term trade networks enable us to access wider territorial organisations, notably revealed by the distribution of rare products, known as « prestige » goods, invested with a strong technological value. The distribution of these goods, only consumed by a handful of people making up the Bronze Age society, depicts an economy inscribed in macro-historical networks, belonging to the "économie-monde" type (F. Braudel). Some important tendencies can be deduced from the above statements; firstly the question of temporality. One wonders what was the rhythm and at which moment these changes took place in the different spheres mentioned? Whereas the economy of prestige goods is frequently put forward to describe the economic pulse and the development of a system constantly expanding geographically and quantitatively. This economy is considered more or less objectively as an evolutionary principle, resulting from economic growth. According to this reasoning, the stages of change follow the technological innovations and also the history of their appearance in contiguous cultural areas. The mechanism of these exchanges and the diffusion of the innovations would therefore constitute the driving force. This would lead with time, ineluctably to the appearance of a regulation of the economy, where the political sphere would play an overwhelming role. According to these models, the part played by the long period of time to the construction of the economical structure as well as the changes intervening in the sphere of the subsistence economy can be considered as indirect factors. Many arguments can oppose this model and reverse the temporalities by considering the changes, even the most discreet, as describing the structure of the economy. The definition and the quantification of the agro-pastoral activities provide an essential documentation which recounts even more an oscillatory movement, demonstrated by the establishment of intensive production structures. The economy linked to the production of raw materials, notably metal, is indicative of the different levels of implication according to a producing or non-producing position. This « market » guardianship, requiring the upkeep of social relations, should be as a choice and not as a determinating constraint. Structuring takes place between the sphere of subsistence and the sphere of the raw material economy. Following this scheme, the cultural entities can be considered as coherent spaces in which goods and ideas circulate (.) attributed to the exchange market. The outlines and the temporalities of these entities give us a glimpse of their rhythms and their modifications, describing crisis and accelerations. Clearly asserted during the end of the Bronze Age, this model confers to the spreading of the innovations a central role; the fact that only the « elite » gain from this is not a sufficient explanation for the process being established. In fine, the main difficulty is to make these different layers coincide in order to propose a consistent discourse. Some strong ideas can be identified: - cultural entities – groups and technical complexes - constitute coherent units which structure the economic organization; - the non rhythmical, non synchronic and multipolar aspect of the dynamics of change results from the maintenance of the complex balances which manifest at the scale of cultural entities; - subsistence economy describes a non-linear system and shows episodes of growth and withdrawal. These systems are fragile and exposed to crisis, which result, for a large part, from the inadequacy between the social and the economic structures