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"A guiding principle in creating Political Marketing has been to examine the ways in which culture, politics, and society interrelate in the field of political marketing. In the course of the book, the editors and contributors consider 'culture' as a distinctive concept with transformative capacities that need further and deeper development in the engineering of the political marketing process. This may be introduced and, consequently, lead to broad formulation of a 'campaign culture'. Indeed, understanding and adapting a broader 'campaign culture', political marketing models may be seen as sets of pathways of key resources resulting viability in human assets, forms of influence, class stratification, alternative flows of information or networking and intercultural knowledge -- sharing activity. This book consists of 18 chapters which deal with aspects of political marketing and 'campaign culture.' Theoretical chapters are found first, followed by two chapters that deal with theoretical issues which became a subject of research. Next presented are the articles that study aspects of electoral behavior, followed by the papers that analyze aspects of nationalism & national identity. Finally, the book concludes with three case studies on various issues in political marketing."--Publisher's website

In the digital age it is claimed that political parties do not have the capacity to deliver the advanced technical services that modern campaigning demands, and that much of the campaign work is better handled by political consultants. Based on the 'hybridization' view of campaign change, the article explores to what extent ICTs increase the need for campaign professionals, and what type of professional the technology creates a demand for. A typology of four types of campaign professionals is developed and applied to the Norwegian case. The article finds that in-house professionals are involved concerning both technical and strategy assistance, while external campaign professionals are mostly involved concerning technical assistance. The external campaign professional is a generalist specializing in his or her field, not in political communication. The in-house campaign professional seems more of a political specialist, trusted to play a role in developing campaign strategy. Parties approach the increasing prominence of ICTs in campaigning based on these existing practices: expertise is integrated in the party organization while at the same time external professionals are used for technical assistance. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

part Part I The authority of the state and the duties of citizens: the conceptual apparatus -- chapter 1 Political obligations and citizens' duties -- chapter 2 The state and its legitimacy -- chapter 3 Political authority -- chapter 4 Questions of justification -- chapter 5 The scope and limits of justificatory arguments -- part Part II The arguments: ancient and modern, for and against -- chapter 6 The anarchist challenge -- chapter 7 Consent and contract -- chapter 8 Hypothetical contract -- chapter 9 The provision of benefits: Arguments from fairness and gratitude -- chapter 10 Utility, justice and Samaritan duties -- chapter 11 Communities and citizenship -- chapter 12 Conclusion.

The controversy over the depiction of the Prophet Muhammad in cartoons
that swept the globe at the beginning of 2006 was arguably the second
major event after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks that brought
"Muslims" as a group of political actors to the forefront of
international politics. The crisis was sparked in late September 2005, by
the publication of political cartoons, depicting Islamic prophet Muhammad,
in the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten. While the original cause
of controversy was limited to a small country in northern Europe,
political actions spread worldwide, ranging from peaceful protests to
diplomatic sanctions to consumer boycotts, and finally to open violence
against anything symbolizing "the West." The levels of
political action were muddled, and responsibilities as well as the
potential to act were confused. Almost all of the actors involved in the
controversy were left without an appropriate counterpart to address. For
example, the Arab League and Muslim organizations blamed the Danish
government for the publication of the cartoons, and for not taking action
against the independent publisher of Jyllands-Posten. Enraged
Muslim citizens of countries as geographically distant as Lebanon, Sudan,
and Indonesia attacked and ransacked Danish embassies, and threatened
anyone coming from a country belonging to the European Union. The editors
of several newspapers—e.g., in France and Jordan—who had
decided to reprint the cartoons either in an act of journalistic
solidarity with Jyllands-Posten or to inform their Muslim
readership about the cartoons, were fired. And, terrorist group Al Qaeda
put the editor and cartoonists of Jyllands-Posten, as well as all
of Denmark, at the top of its target list. The diplomatic fallout from the
cartoon publication was enormous and has severely shattered relations
between European and Arab countries. Despite the enormity of the event,
the question of how the publication of 12 cartoons in Denmark could lead
to a global crisis that dominated the news and kept diplomats and
politicians on alert for more than three months remains unanswered.

The article considers the dependencies of interval variables–assessments (respondents' attitude to political parties, political leaders, satisfaction with the work of state bodies, attitude to the results of voting) from the nominal parameter "Political activity". To analyze the dependencies of both quantitative and nominal variables a new version of the author's method is applied. It became possible to talk about the dependence of a quantitative parameter on a multi-valued nominal variable and select strong dependencies for further description.

To develop a general theory of leadership we must locate the function of political leadership in a theory of historical causation. One may begin by identifying sources of leadership in the wants and needs, aspirations and expectations, of humankind. In helping to gratify these "motive-bases," leaders move followers "up" the hierarchy of needs and other motivations and thus create new social configurations in which leaders act. As persons–especially children-move "up" through stages of morality, they also create structures of values that both empower and constrain would-be leaders. Leadership over human beings is exercised when would-be leaders, possessing certain motives of their own, mobilize their own psychological, institutional, pohtical, and other resources relevant to potential followers' motive bases in such a way as to satisfy the motives of both leaders and followers. The test of leadership is the achievement of goals of both leaders and followers in a context of open conflict over ends and means, with leaders and followers mutually and freely defining their values and purposes.