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У статті висвітлюються основні етапи здобуття незалежності Індонезії та особливості дипломатії індонезійських лідерів на шляху до незалежності. Аналізується позиція ООН під час війни за незалежність Індонезії, а саме здійснено комплексний аналіз засідань Ради Безпеки ООН на яких розглядалось індонезійське питання. Також аналізується роль представників Української РСР у вирішенні даного питання. А саме, охарактеризовано діяльність Д. З. Мануїльського на засіданнях Ради Безпеки ООН під час обговорення війни в Індонезії. Зроблено висновок про те, що саме за посередництва ООН вдалося припинити війну в Індонезії. ; In the article covers the main stages of gaining independence of Indonesia and the peculiarities of the diplomacy of the Indonesian leaders on the path to independence. The position of the United Nations during the Indonesian Independence War is analyzed, in particular, a comprehensive analysis of the UN Security Council's deliberations on the Indonesian issue was carried out.The main thesis of the article is to determine the position of the United Nations during the Indonesian Independence War and to explore the participation of this international organization in the peaceful settlement of the Indonesian-Dutch conflict.The role of representatives of the Ukrainian SSR in solving this issue is analyzed also. Namely, the characterization of D. Z. Manuilsky at meetings of the UN Security Council during the discussion of the war in Indonesia.The scientific novelty is that the historical aspect of UN involvement in the Indonesia-Netherlands conflict has been explored for the first time, since most of the work is written by lawyers or political scientists who, due to the specifics of their research, did not cover the historical aspects to the full extent.In the course of the research, we came to the conclusion, that as a result of the Second World War, Indonesia is witnessing an increase in the national liberation movement against colonial rule. Indonesia's struggle for independence has become a real challenge for both the United Nations and the international community as a whole. From the first days of the military confrontation, the UN tried to call on both parties to cease fire and peacefully resolve the conflict. During 1946-1949, the Indonesian question became the subject of discussion both at the meetings of the UN Security Council and at the meetings of the UN General Assembly. For detailed information on military operations in Indonesia, the UN Security Council created a Consultative Commission on Good Services, which became the main source of information from the Security Council on the situation in the region. It was through the mediation of the UN managed to put an end to the war in Indonesia. In March 1949, the US Congress freezes aid to the Netherlands for the Marshall Plan, the United States and Britain impose an arms embargo, Australia, New Zealand and India announce a complete boycott of Netherlands goods. Having succumbed to international condemnation and realizing the apparent lack ofprospect of a military campaign under the prevailing conditions, in May 1949, the Government of the Netherlands agreed to peace talks under UN mediation.At the insistence of the United Nations, the Netherlands recognized the independence of this country. On December 27, 1949, the Queen of the Netherlands, Julian, signed the decision to grant sovereignty to the United States of Indonesia, which led Indonesia to become an independent state. The Netherlands-Indonesia Union went into oblivion. On September 28, 1950, Indonesia became a member of the United Nations. As its official foreign policy platform, Indonesia proclaimed a policy of non-joining military blocs.

In Soviet times, cinema for children and adolescents received considerable attention. Already since 1924 began the regular release of children's films. In the 1930s, paintings of various genres appeared on the screen: Torn Shoe, Captain Grant's Children, New Gulliver, Golden Key, Space Flight, Castle Border, Pike Command, and others.Yes, the real heyday of cinema for children and adolescents came during the "Thaw" period. There are various tapes on the screen - modern, historical subjects, fairy tales. At the same time, so-called "problem films" appear. It all began with the infamous "Rose Boys": "In Good Time" (1956), "Noisy Day" (1961).Soviet cinema was filled with new themes, problems, characters, and with it grew up cinematography for children and adolescents. In the 1960s, such iconic, problematic tapes as "Sergiyko", "And if this is love?", "Three Days of Viktor Chernyshov" and others. These were movies about children, but not just for children. Then the family movie comes into play.Movies of the 1970s - 1980s are even more problematic. "Movies of moral concern", so you can define the films "Other People's letters", "Scarecrow", "Plumbum or Dangerous game", "Dear Elena Sergeyevna", "My name is Arlekino" and others. All the nightmare that could only be dreamed up in a horrible dream became the reality and everyday life of our existence. These films can be conditionally defined as "films of moral concern". These works, as a thin barometer, diagnose the spiritual crisis of society, and appear in the cultural space of the country in the face of serious, global social upheavals.At the same time, good, all familiar films appear on the screen: "Teacher of singing", "Car, violin and blotch dog", "Adventures of Pinocchio", "About the Red Riding Hood", "Adventures of Electronics", "Mary Poppins, Goodbye!", "The Adventures of Tom Sawyer and Huckleberry Finn", "The Guest from the Future", "The Adventures of Petrov and Vasechkin .", and many others.After the collapse of theSoviet Union, cinema for children ended. Has the modern generation of children grown so much that they do not want to read books, watch movies intended for them? Could society's coordinates and priorities have changed so much? Or is society itself brushing aside unwanted problems? But most of all, the modern world simply does not know where it is headed, what ideals, directions of development can be offered to humankind, and above all, its youngest part. Art, in particular cinematography, not only reflects the stages, events, problems of the social history of mankind, but also warns, encourages, educates, supports during a difficult hour. And if art retreats, its place is occupied by masculinity - ersatz and palliatives of art. Musculature shapes so to speak a one-dimensional person who lives only in material needs, without noticing spiritual values. Musculature destroys personality, unifies consciousness. Through psychological processing, it imposes political stamps, social myths, household cliches through the media. A variety of shows, heartfelt conversations about the topical, television series and films of dubious quality, like a spider web, entangle a person, turning him into an obedient doll, devoid of personal thought and freedom.The process of dehumanization of art is dangerous for society, especially for its young part, since it leads to emotional and intellectual sterilization. It would not be desirable to speak banal truths, but good films about children, for children and not only for children, could make their contribution, as they said, "to the upbringing of the younger generation". And if in doubt, it's worth turning through our movie history pages. ; Стаття присвячена дискурсу радянського кінематографа для дітей та юнацтва.

Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyetler Birliği'nin 1989 yılında Afganistan'dan çekilmesinin ardından farklı etnik grupların iktidar mücadelesi başlamıştır. Bu mücadeleden sonuç alınamaması üzerine patlak veren iç savaş ve Taliban'ın 1996 yılında Afganistan'ın yaklaşık yüzde 90'ı üzerinde hakimiyet kurmasına kadar devam etmiştir. Ancak bu durum kurumsallaşmış devlet yapısının tam anlamıyla yok olmasına sebebiyet vermiştir. Taliban'ın iktidarda olduğu süreçte ise ülkede modern devlet yapısının varlığından bahsetmek mümkün değildir. Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nin 2001 yılında Afganistan'a yaptığı askeri müdahalesiyle birlikte, ülkede Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyetler Birliği'nin işgalinden beri süren istikrarsızlığı daha da derinleştirmiştir. Bu çalışmada; Afganistan'da devam eden istikrarsızlık, güven açığı, Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nin bölgeye müdahalesi ve etkilerinin analizi yapılmıştır. Afganistan'da yıllardan beri süren istikrarsızlığın derinleşmesine sebebiyet veren faktörlerin neler olduğu sorusunun cevabı aranmaktadır. Afganistan'daki etnik çatışmalar ülkede var olan istikrarsızlığın temelini oluşturuyor. Ülkede Sovyetler'in işgali sonrası başlayan etnik çatışmalar büyük kutuplaşmalara yol açmıştır. Kutuplaşmalar egemen güçlerin müdahale edebilmeleri için bir fırsat olarak değerlendiriliyor. Ayrıca etnik çatışmalar ülkede güçlü bir merkezi devletin egemenolması yönünde ciddi engellere yol açmıştır. Bu nedenle Afganistan'da yolsuzluk veuyuşturucu ticareti yapan örgütlerin güçlenmesi de istikrarı olumsuz etkilemektedir. Afganistan ile Pakistan arasındaki var olan sınır sorunu da Afganistan'daki merkezi etnik grubun, sınır ötesindeki kabileleri kendi soydaşları olarak gördüklerinden dolayı sınır hattında anlaşmazlıklar yaşanıyor. Bu anlaşmazlıklar ülkedeki mevcut sorunu daha da derinleştirmektedir. Geliştirilen argümanlara göre Afganistan'da Federal devlet sisteminin uygulanması, Çokkültürcülük izlenimine giden yolların serbest olması, Pakistan ile sınır sorunun BM ve/veya İslam İşbirliği Teşkilatı gözetiminde çözülmesi ve yabancı aktörlerin ülkeyi terk etmeleri, istikrarsızlığı aşmanın yollarıdır ; A period of power struggles started among various ethnic groups following the withdrawal of the Soviet Union from Afghanistan in 1989. With no gains these power struggles, an internal conflict erupted in the country and continued until the Taliban took control over almost 90 percent of Afghanistan in 1996. However, it led to the total destruction of the institutionalized state structure, and it is impossible to talk about any modern state structure under Taliban control. The instability in the country since the Soviet invasion went even deeper after the United States invaded Afghanistan in 2001, which occurred after the September 11 attacks. This paper analyzes the ongoing instability in Afghanistan, the issue of "credibility gap," as well as the US invasion, its causes and consequences. It searches for an answer to what factors are behind the deepening of the instability in Afghanistan for many years. The ethnic conflicts in the country underlie the ongoing instability. The conflicts thatstarted after the Soviet invasion have led to polarization, which is regarded as an opportunity for the world powers to intervene in a country. Moreover, such ethnic conflicts have been great obstacles to a central government. Other reasons behind the instability include the growing strength of illegal and corrupt organizations that are involved in drug trafficking. The border dispute between Afghanistan and Pakistan also creates problems as the main ethnic groups in Afghanistan accept the tribes living on the other side of the border as belonging to the same kin. All such disputes make the already-existing problems even deeper. Arguments in the field suggest that instability in the country should be overcome with a practice of a federal state system in Afghanistan and by opening the way to multiculturalism, the withdrawal of foreign actors from the country, and finding a solution to the border dispute with Pakistanunder the supervision of the UN or the Organization of Islamic Cooperation.

Settlement and Neigboorhoods Centers (SNC) offer a local reception, animation, activities and social services. Through their history and their partnership affiliations, they are recognized as stakeholders social life animation, family policies and child/youth animation. For the past ten years or so, SNC have also positioned themselves as stakeholders in "well aging" and public health for the elderly population. This thesis proposes a reflection on the place of SNC as local gerontological stakeholders in a context of evolution of social action on ageing illustrated inter alia by the Law on the adaptation of society to ageing (2015), and in the face of the demographic challenge of an ageing population. To do this, it is necessary to question the action of SNC on this public as well as the stakes of its inclusion in the gerontological landscape. Our analysis is built on several scales ranging from the consideration of Well-aging in a SNC to that for SNC, as a federated network. To define the role of SNC as stakeholders of Well-aging in territories, it is also necessary to understand the impact of their actions on populations, as well as the territorial dimension of this impact. To do this, we question, among other things, the notion of "local action". Finally, the role of SNC as stakeholders in the field of Aging is also understood by the way other stakeholder actors in that field view them. The results presented are based on different qualitative and quantitative methods (interviews, questionnaires,observations, etc.) implemented as part of the I-CARE project carried out by the Union Régionale des Centres Sociaux des Pays de la Loire, which encompases this research through a CIFRE system ; Les Centres Sociaux et socioculturel offrent accueil, animation, activités et services à finalité sociale en proximité. Par leur histoire et leurs affiliations partenariales, ils sont des acteurs reconnus de l'animation de la vie sociale, des politiques familiales et de l'animation enfance/jeunesse. Depuis une dizaine d'années, les CSX se positionnent également comme des acteurs du «bien-vieillir» et de santé publique auprès de la population âgée. Cette thèse propose une réflexion autour de la place des Centres Sociaux comme acteurs gérontologiques de proximité dans un contexte d'évolution de l'action sociale sur le vieillissement illustré entre autres par la Loi d'adaptation de la société au vieillissement (2015), et face au défi démographique du vieillissement de la population. Pour cela, il s'agit d'interroger l'action des Centres Sociaux sur ce public ainsi que les enjeux de l'inscription de celle-ci dans le paysage gérontologique. Notre analyse est construite à plusieurs échelles allant de la considération du Bien-vieillir dans un Centre Social à celle dans les Centres Sociaux, en tant que réseau fédéré. Pour définir le rôle des Centres Sociaux comme acteurs du Bien-vieillir dans les territoires, il convient également de comprendre l'impact de leurs actions sur les populations, ainsi que la dimension territoriale de cet impact. Pour cela, nous interrogeons, entre autres, la notion d'«action en proximité». Enfin, le rôle des Centres Sociaux en tant qu'acteur du Bien-vieillir se comprend également par le regard que portent sur eux d'autres acteurs du champ du vieillissement. Les résultats présentés reposent sur l'utilisation de différentes méthodes qualitatives et quantitatives (entretiens, questionnaires, observations…) mises en place dans le cadre du projet I-CARE porté par l'Union Régionale des Centres Sociaux des Pays de la Loire dans lequel s'inscrit cette recherche par un dispositif CIFRE.

This Letter presents the observation and measurement of electroweak production of a same-sign W boson pair in association with two jets using 36.1 fb(-1) of proton-proton collision data recorded at a center-of-mass energy root s = 13 TeV by the ATLAS detector at the Large Hadron Collider. The analysis is performed in the detector fiducial phase-space region, defined by the presence of two same-sign leptons, electron or muon, and at least two jets with a large invariant mass and rapidity difference. A total of 122 candidate events are observed for a background expectation of 69 +/- 7 events, corresponding to an observed signal significance of 6.5 standard deviations. The measured fiducial signal cross section is sigma(f)(id) = 2.89(-0.48)(+0.51)(stat)(-0.28)(+0.29)(syst) fb. ; ANPCyT, ArgentinaANPCyT; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, AustraliaAustralian Research Council; BMWFW Austria; FWF, AustriaAustrian Science Fund (FWF); ANAS, AzerbaijanAzerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS); SSTC, Belarus; CNPq, BrazilNational Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq); FAPESP, BrazilFundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP); NSERC, CanadaNatural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada; CFI, CanadaCanada Foundation for Innovation; CONICYT, ChileComision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT); NSFC, ChinaNational Natural Science Foundation of China; COLCIENCIAS, ColombiaDepartamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnologia e Innovacion Colciencias; MSMT CR, Czech RepublicMinistry of Education, Youth & Sports - Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; MPO CR, Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; VSC CR, Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; DNRF, Denmark; DNSRC, DenmarkDanish Natural Science Research Council; IN2P3-CNRS, FranceCentre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS); BMBF, GermanyFederal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF); MPG, GermanyMax Planck Society; GSRT, GreeceGreek Ministry of Development-GSRT; RGC, Hong Kong SAR, ChinaHong Kong Research Grants Council; I-CORE, Israel; Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, ItalyIstituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare; MEXT, JapanMinistry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT); JSPS, JapanMinistry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT)Japan Society for the Promotion of Science; CNRST, Morocco; RCN, Norway; MNiSW, PolandMinistry of Science and Higher Education, Poland; NCN, Poland; FCT, PortugalFundacao para a Ciencia e a Tecnologia (FCT); MNE/IFA, Romania; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS, SloveniaSlovenian Research Agency - Slovenia; MIZS, Slovenia; MINECO, Spain; SNSF Geneva, Switzerland; MOST, TaiwanMinistry of Science and Technology, Taiwan; TAEK, TurkeyMinistry of Energy & Natural Resources - Turkey; STFC, United KingdomScience & Technology Facilities Council (STFC); DOE, United States of AmericaUnited States Department of Energy (DOE); NSF, United States of AmericaNational Science Foundation (NSF); EU-ESFEuropean Union (EU); Greek NSRFGreek Ministry of Development-GSRT; BSF, Israel; Minerva, Israel; BRF, Norway; CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya, Generalitat Valenciana, SpainGeneralitat Valenciana; Royal Society, United KingdomRoyal Society of London; Leverhulme Trust, United KingdomLeverhulme Trust; NRC, Canada; CERN; CAS, ChinaChinese Academy of Sciences; MOST, ChinaMinistry of Science and Technology, China; CEA-DRF/IRFU, France; SRNSFG, Georgia; HGF, Germany; ISF, IsraelIsrael Science Foundation; NWO, NetherlandsNetherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO)Netherlands Government; MES of Russia; NRC KI, Russian Federation; JINR; DST/NRF, South Africa; SRC Swedish research; Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI, Geneva, Switzerland; Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland; GIF, IsraelGerman-Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research and Development ; Open access article ; This item from the UA Faculty Publications collection is made available by the University of Arizona with support from the University of Arizona Libraries. If you have questions, please contact us at repository@u.library.arizona.edu.

Türkiye, II. Dünya Savaşı ve sonrasında dış dünyayla yaşadığı siyasi, sosyal, ekonomik sorunlar neticesinde yalnız kalmıştı. SSCB, II. Dünya Savaşı'nın hemen ardından yayılma politikasına başlamış ve bu politikası gereği yayılma alanı içindeki Türkiye için büyük bir tehdit oluşturmaya başlamıştır. Bu yalnızlık politikasından kurtulmak için güçlü devletlerin yanında yer almak isteyen Türkiye Batı devletleri ve ABD ile birlikte hareket etmeyi istemiştir. Amerika ve İngiltere'nin kendi çıkarları sebebiyle bu iki ülke ile yakın ilişkiler kurmaya başlamıştır. Bu dönemde Türkiye'de yaşanan diğer bir gelişme ise çok partili hayata geçiş için çalışmalar başlatılması olmuştur. CHP'nin içinden çıkan Celal Bayar, Adnan Menderes, Refik Koraltan ve Fuat Köprülü tarafından 7 Ocak 1946 yılında DP kurulmuştur. 14 Mayıs 1950 seçimleri ile Demokrat Parti iktidara gelince iktisadi politikada da değişiklikler yaşanmaya başladı. Demokrat Parti ile birlikte önceki dönemlerde istenilen kalkınmanın sağlanamadığı alanlarda neden başarılı olunamadığını araştırmak ve daha etkili kalkınmayı sağlamak için sosyal ve ekonomik alanlarda dış desteğin alınmasına daha fazla önem verilmeye başlandı. Bu yardımların kökeni 1947'deki Truman Doktrini ve ardından gündeme gelen 1948'deki Marshall Planına dayanmaktadır. 1950'li yıllarında Amerika'dan gönderilen uzmanlar çerçevesinde bir takım düzenlemelere gidilmiştir. Hilts, Thornburg, Barker raporlarında verilen tavsiyeler genel olarak ulaşım, ekonomi, eğitim, sosyal, sağlık, enerji, yeraltı ve yerüstü kaynakları gibi konulardan oluşmaktadır. Türkiye'nin isteği üzerine hazırlanan bu raporlardan Hilts genel içerik bakımından ulaşım alanında tavsiyelerde bulunmuştur. Öte yandan 1950 yılında sunulan Thornburg ve 1951 yılında hazırlanan Barker raporları da daha çok ekonomik ve sosyal alanda olmak üzere iktidarda bulunan Menderes hükümetine sunulmuştur. ; Turkey, II. World War After and lived with the outside world as a result of political, social, economic problems were left alone. The Soviet Union During World War Ii. In the immediate aftermath of II.WW started and the policy for the spread of this policy to create a major threat to Turkey within the span. It is able to get rid of loneliness policy States that Turkey wanted to buy a place beside the Western Nations and the United States wanted to work with. America and Britain because of their own interests, the two countries have started to establish close relationships with. Another development in this period, Turkey is party to have been the launch of the transition. CHP from Celal Bayar, Adnan Menderes, Refik Koraltan and Fuad Köprülü by 7 January 1946 in DP on May 14, 1950, when it comes to power, the Democratic Party with the selections of economics began to experience changes in politics. The Democratic Party, along with the earlier periods can'nt be achieved the desired development cannot be successful in the field to investigate and to ensure more effective development support for the social and economic areas to be given more importance to external. The origin of this assistance in 1947 Truman doctrine and Marshall Plan in 1948, then based on the agenda. sent from America in the 1950 's a number of regulations within the framework of the experts. Hilts, Thornburg, Barker reports on the advice given in general, transportation, economy, education, social, health, energy, underground and above-ground sources like that. This report is prepared at the request of Turkey General advice in the field of transport in terms of content of Hilts. On the other hand, presented in 1950, Thornburg and worse, prepared in 1951 Barker reports including the economic and social area has been presented to the Government in power, Menderes.

The article analyses the challenges and threats to the national interests of Ukraine and the current system that counteracts these threats. It also defines and proposes a future model for the organization of the defence of Ukraine.The main feature of the security environment in the 21st century is the confrontation of states (groups of states, military-political blocs and unions) in four main areas:political, financial, economic and energy spheres ("soft war");information;internal security;military confrontation.Russian aggression against Ukraine is the main cause of changes in the security environment. The strategic leadership of the aggressor state forms four main strategic directions of aggression (confrontation, influence) from all areas of state functioning. The actions of the adversary are clearly planned, closely coordinated, and integrated in the single information environment. Such processes are managed under the centralized strategic leadership of the Kremlin.In Ukraine, however, these hybrid threats are counteracted by the loosely connected actions of public authorities, each of which makes autonomous decisions that only sometimes agree with one another. The current model of the organization of the defence of Ukraine has a number of significant shortcomings that prevent the National Security and Defence Council of Ukraine (NSDC) to respond in a timely manner to changes in the security environment, to develop appropriate proposals to the decisions of the President of Ukraine and to fully fulfil the functions and tasks assigned to it by the Constitution and laws of Ukraine.The model of the organization of the defence of Ukraine can be more effective if its structure is formed in accordance with the directions of the main threats to national interests in the security environment. Effective counteraction to such major areas of threats in the military sphere is possible only when the tasks of the management system is concentrated in four executive bodies (NSDC departments).The problems raised in the article may form the basis of a new concept of total state defence in a hybrid war. The proposed structure of the NSDC may be the basis (option) for strategic management of Ukraine's total defence. ; У статті проведено аналіз викликів та загроз національним інтересам України та діючої системи протидії цим загрозам, дано визначення та запропонована перспективна модель організації оборони України.Основною особливістю безпекового середовища у ХХІ столітті є протистояння держав (груп держав, воєнно-політичних блоків та союзів) за чотирма основними напрямами:у політичній, фінансово-економічній та енергетичній сферах ("м'яка війна");в інформаційній сфері;у сфері внутрішньої безпеки;військове протистояння.Російська агресія проти України є основною причиною змін у безпековому середовищі. Стратегічне керівництво держави-агресора із усіх сфер функціонування держави формує чотири основні стратегічні напрями агресії (протистояння, впливу). Дії противника чітко сплановані, тісно погоджені між собою та об'єднані в єдиному інформаційному полі. Управління такими процесами здійснюється під централізованим стратегічним керівництвом Кремля.В Україні ж протидія цим гібридним загрозам здійснюється розрізненими діями органів державної влади, кожен із яких приймає автономні рішення, які лише інколи погоджуються між собою. Існуюча модель організації оборони України має ряд суттєвих недоліків, які не дають змогу РНБО України своєчасно реагувати на зміни у безпековому середовищі, розробляти відповідні пропозиції до рішень Президента України та у повній мірі виконувати функції та завдання, що покладені на неї Конституцією та законами України.Модель організації оборони України може бути більш ефективною за умови формування її структури відповідно до напрямів основних загроз національним інтересам у безпековому середовищі. Ефективна протидія основним таким напрямам загроз у воєнній сфері можлива лише за умови створення такої структури системи управління, завдання якої концентруватимуться у 4-х виконавчих органах (департаментах РНБО).Проблеми, які розглянуті у статті, можуть стати основою новітньої концепції тотальної оборони держави в умовах гібридної війни. Запропонована структура РНБО України може бути основою (варіантом) стратегічного управління тотальною обороною України.

Abstrak Berlakunya Peraturan Pemerintah nomor 78 tahun 2015 tentang Pengupahan (PP Pengupahan) menimbulkan berbagai dampak, salah satunya tentang penggunaan formula dalam penetapan Upah Minimum Kota (UMK) Surabaya sehingga beberapa pihak yang khawatir bahwa PP Pengupahan akan menghilangkan peran dari Dewan Pengupahan Kota Surabaya dalam menentukan UMK Surabaya yang akan merugikan pekerja di Kota Surabaya. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah mengetahui implementasi peran Dewan Pengupahan Kota (Depeko) Surabaya dan Proses penetapan UMK Surabaya setelah berlakunya PP Pengupahan. Penelitian berjenis penelitian yuridis sosiologis, melalui teknik wawancara dan observasi. Informan dari pihak Dewan Pengupahan Kota Surabaya dan juga pihak Serikat Pekerja Kota Surabaya dengan menggunakan metode deskriptif, artinya peneliti akan memberikan sebuah pemaparan secara faktual atas hasil penelitiannya. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa berlakunya PP Pengupahan mempermudah kinerja Depeko Surabaya dalam memberikan usulan UMK Surabaya kepada Walikota Surabaya. Kalau sebelum keluar PP Pengupahan, penentuan UMK Surabaya harus melalui tahapan panjang, setelah keluar PP Pengupahan, proses tersebut dapat dipersingkat melalui survei Komponen Hidup Layak (KHL) yang awalnya 1 tahun sekali menjadi 5 tahun sekali dan menggunakan formula yang telah ditentukan di PP Pengupahan. Proses penetapan UMK Surabaya setelah keluarnya PP Pengupahan tidak berbeda dari Proses sebelum berlakunya PP Pengupahan. Perbedaan hanya ada pada proses penggunaan survei KHL sebagai acuan penetapan UMK Surabaya yang diganti dengan formula pada PP Pengupahan. Kata kunci : Peran Dewan Pengupahan kota Surabaya, Penetapan UMK Surabaya, Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 78 tahun 2015 tentang Pengupahan Abstract The enactment of the Government Regulation number 78 of 2015 concerning Wages have various impacts, one of them is that using of formulas in the determination of the Surabaya minimum wages so that parties are concerned that the Government Regulation number 78 of 2015 Preliminary will eliminate the role of the Surabaya`s City Wage Council in determining Surabaya Minimum Wages. The aims of the study are to Know the Implementation difference of role of the Surabaya city wages council after the enactment of the government regulation number 78 of 2015 concerning wages and to know the process determination Surabaya minimum wages after the enactment of that regulation.This research was using sociological juridical research with the techniques of the interview and observation. The informants of the interview were from the Surabaya City Wage Board and the Surabaya City Workers Union. The results of the interview of the four informants were analyzed by using the descriptive method. That means the researcher give a presentation in factual on the results of his research. The results of the study explained that the Applicability of the Government Regulation number 78 of 2015 concerning Wages made it easier for the Surabaya`s City Wage council to provide Surabaya Minimum wages proposal to the Mayor of Surabaya. Before the regulation, the determination of the Surabaya minimum wages must go through a long stage, after issuing that regulation, the process can be shortened through a survey of Decent Living Components which initially once a year becomes 5 years and uses the formula specified in of the Government Regulation number 78 of 2015 concerning Wages. The process of determining the Minimum wages of Surabaya after the issuance of the of the Government Regulation number 78 of 2015 concerning Wages is not different from the Process before the enactment of the Wages PP. The difference is only in the process of using the Decent Living Components survey as a reference for determining the Surabaya Minimum wages which is replaced with a formula that was placed in the Government Regulation number 78 of 2015 concerning Wages. Keywords : The Role of the Surabaya`s city wages council, Determination of the Surabaya Minimum wages. the Government Regulation number 78 of 2015 concerning Wages.

La inmersión en la sociedad del conocimiento trajo consigo el peligro de restringir el tratamiento de las temáticas tecnocientíficas a un proceso de obtención de consenso entre personas expertas y de alejar a la ciudadanía de la participación política. La necesidad de un mayor diálogo entre ciudadanía lega y expertos fue señalada por la Comisión de la Unión Europea en 2002 en uno de sus programas para la investigación y la innovación, el Science and Society Action Plan. Este artículo constituye un análisis de los procesos que se llevaron a cabo en el Estado español en respuesta a esta exigencia democrática. En coherencia con algunas tesis esgrimidas desde los estudios de la ciencia y la tecnología, discutimos la conveniencia de reformular la nomenclatura que se utiliza para describir y organizar conceptualmente las diferentes experiencias que se han llevado a cabo en España en los últimos años. Para ello, hemos explicitado los interrogantes que se han abierto con relación al tratamiento participativo de temáticas tecnocientíficas, así como las formas en que los mismos han sido atendidos. De este modo, superamos las nominaciones al uso y nos centramos en la aprehensión de las especificidades que se dan en la relación entre ciencia y sociedad, especificidades que se expresan en lo que proponemos llamar modos de hibridación. ; Immersion in the knowledge society brought with it the danger of restricting the treatment of scientific and technical issues to a process of obtaining consensus among experts, while keeping citizens away from political participation. The need for increased dialogue between experts and lay citizens was pointed out by the EU Commission in 2002 in one of its research and innovation programs, the Science and Society Action Plan. This article analyzes the processes that took place in Spain in response to this democratic requirement. Consistent with some premises of Science and Technology Studies, we discuss the convenience of rewording the nomenclature used to describe and organize the different experiences carried out in Spain in recent years. To this end, we have made explicit the questions raised regarding the participatory treatment of technoscientific issues, as well as how they have been addressed. In that vein, we go beyond the common nomenclature to focus on the understanding of the specificities characterizing science and technology relations, which are expressed in what we propose calling "hybridization modes". ; La immersió en la societat del coneixement va comportar el perill de restringir el tractament de les temàtiques tecnocientífiques a un procés d'obtenció de consens entre persones expertes i d'allunyar la ciutadania de la participació política. La necessitat d'un major diàleg entre ciutadania llega i experts va ser assenyalada per la Comissió de la Unió Europea el 2002 en un dels seus programes per a la recerca i la innovació, el Science and Society Action Plan. Aquest article constitueix una anàlisi dels processos que es van dur a terme a l'Estat espanyol en resposta a aquesta exigència democràtica. En coherència amb algunes tesis esgrimides des dels estudis de la ciència i la tecnologia, discutim la conveniència de reformular la nomenclatura que s'utilitza per descriure i organitzar conceptualment les diferents experiències que s'han dut a terme a Espanya en els últims anys. Per fer-ho, hem explicitat els interrogants que s'han obert en relació amb el tractament participatiu de temàtiques tecnocientífiques, així com les formes en què aquests han estat atesos. D'aquesta manera, superem les nominacions en ús i ens centrem en l'aprehensió de les especificitats que es donen en la relació entre ciència i societat, especificitats que s'expressen en el que proposem anomenar modes d'hibridació.

Radical Right parties are not a new subject for research scientists. Analysis of such parties" successful or unsuccessful performance in political arena during the last decades raises a lot of unanswered questions among political scientists. One of the main concerns is to indicate what the causes for Radical Right parties" growth are. Answers to such dilemmas are hidden in separate state cases, because to explain such a phenomenon as the growth of Radical Right parties is more like a complex study and in different states it may vary. Ordinary explanations, such as: disappointment of the current government, increased flow of immigrants, - are not necessarily common components which can explain the causation even in similar states. In this thesis the case of Italy is analyzed by answering how the Radical Right parties gain more and more importance in governing the country and how it is supported by the populism these parties use in their rhetoric. The government of Italy has been formed in 2018 from populists "Five Stars Movement" (Cinque Stelle) and anti-immigrant party "Northern League" (Lega Nord) which is building an evident confrontation with the EU institutions and Italy"s ruling class. Both, Radical Right position and populist rhetoric are counted as harmful elements for further democratic and political processes. What is more, it is a threat for the stability and security of the EU. Being the third economy in the EU, Italy could misbalance all the union, by choosing the wrong path towards instability zone. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the case of Italy by answering in what ways and depending on what circumstances the right wing in gaining more power and how populism is supporting it. In order to explain it, the main focus is put on the economical globalization, which is used as theoretical background. The thesis analyzes how neoliberalism intensifies instability and insecurity. The failure of the Welfare State is also a substantial factor in explaining the rise of Radical Right. Such context is understood as a favorable setting for analyzed parties. The spectrum of political right and left is also explained in this work: what are the differences between these two parts, how both wings emerge and act, and how the blurring distinguishing line between left and right causes the rise of Radical Right populist parties. This works also reveals the concept of Radical Right, focusing on previous research works in political science. A considerable notice is also marked on the phenomenon of populism. A clear access and conception of Radical Right and populism is based on the interpretation of the pathology of democracy. The complex link between the Radical Right flange, populism and stable democratic state is analyzed. Before analyzing a particular case, the criteria for defining the characteristics of Radical Right parties and populism dispersion are described. An individual research model is created, which marks most common characteristics of radical right found in scientific literature. Analysis is conducted by answering how such parties use populism and what are the circumstances and specific conditions which determine the successful performance of radical right wing. Eventually, the negative impact is evaluated. In the study case descriptive and content analyses methods are being used. In conclusion, main questions of the analysis are answered. Research shows, which ideologies of Radical Right are the most significant in explaining the growth of Radical Right parties in Italy. The most significant expressions of populism are also picked out, in the case of Italy.

Radical Right parties are not a new subject for research scientists. Analysis of such parties" successful or unsuccessful performance in political arena during the last decades raises a lot of unanswered questions among political scientists. One of the main concerns is to indicate what the causes for Radical Right parties" growth are. Answers to such dilemmas are hidden in separate state cases, because to explain such a phenomenon as the growth of Radical Right parties is more like a complex study and in different states it may vary. Ordinary explanations, such as: disappointment of the current government, increased flow of immigrants, - are not necessarily common components which can explain the causation even in similar states. In this thesis the case of Italy is analyzed by answering how the Radical Right parties gain more and more importance in governing the country and how it is supported by the populism these parties use in their rhetoric. The government of Italy has been formed in 2018 from populists "Five Stars Movement" (Cinque Stelle) and anti-immigrant party "Northern League" (Lega Nord) which is building an evident confrontation with the EU institutions and Italy"s ruling class. Both, Radical Right position and populist rhetoric are counted as harmful elements for further democratic and political processes. What is more, it is a threat for the stability and security of the EU. Being the third economy in the EU, Italy could misbalance all the union, by choosing the wrong path towards instability zone. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the case of Italy by answering in what ways and depending on what circumstances the right wing in gaining more power and how populism is supporting it. In order to explain it, the main focus is put on the economical globalization, which is used as theoretical background. The thesis analyzes how neoliberalism intensifies instability and insecurity. The failure of the Welfare State is also a substantial factor in explaining the rise of Radical Right. Such context is understood as a favorable setting for analyzed parties. The spectrum of political right and left is also explained in this work: what are the differences between these two parts, how both wings emerge and act, and how the blurring distinguishing line between left and right causes the rise of Radical Right populist parties. This works also reveals the concept of Radical Right, focusing on previous research works in political science. A considerable notice is also marked on the phenomenon of populism. A clear access and conception of Radical Right and populism is based on the interpretation of the pathology of democracy. The complex link between the Radical Right flange, populism and stable democratic state is analyzed. Before analyzing a particular case, the criteria for defining the characteristics of Radical Right parties and populism dispersion are described. An individual research model is created, which marks most common characteristics of radical right found in scientific literature. Analysis is conducted by answering how such parties use populism and what are the circumstances and specific conditions which determine the successful performance of radical right wing. Eventually, the negative impact is evaluated. In the study case descriptive and content analyses methods are being used. In conclusion, main questions of the analysis are answered. Research shows, which ideologies of Radical Right are the most significant in explaining the growth of Radical Right parties in Italy. The most significant expressions of populism are also picked out, in the case of Italy.

Submitted on 05 May, 2019. Accepted on 21 August, 2019. ; Поступила в редакцию 05.05.2019. Принята к печати 21.08.2019. ; В статье описывается система номинаций в текстах советских конституций, отражающая переосмысление положений внутренней политики на протяжении шестидесяти лет существования СССР. Анализируются конституции 1918, 1924, 1936 и 1977 гг. Рассматриваются несколько тематических групп лексики: 1) система номинаций субъектов права, выраженных существительными: государство, гражданин, личность, народ, общество, совет, трудящийся, человек, член; 2) представление о структуре общества в номинациях социальных групп и страт: трудящийся, рабочий класс, крестьянство; 3) номинации инструментов управления и экономические термины: власть, выборы, партия, собственность; 4) словосочетание иметь право; 5) употребление прилагательного свободный и существительного свобода; 6) специфика средств характеризации: государственный, народный, общественный, советский и др. Авторы конституций предпочитают номинацию гражданин, которая вытесняет субстантивированное причастие трудящийся. В конституции 1918 г. социальная структура не представлена исчерпывающе полно. В конституциях 1924 г., 1936 г., 1977 г. не встречаются термины, которыми оперируют авторы первой конституции: паразитические слои и беднота. Анализ словоупотребления позволил выявить три механизма идеологического камуфлирования: а) замену идеологизированной номинации, при которой выбирается новое нейтральное название при тождественном денотате: словосочетание советская власть заменяется конструкцией государственная власть; б) включение единицы в официальное название страны, института или органа власти — Совет министров, в) аббревиацию Союз ССР, СССР (включение в оним и аббревиатуру сопровождается десемантизацией слова). ; This article describes the system of nominations in the texts of the Soviet constitutions reflecting the reconsideration of the provisions of internal policy over the course of sixty years of the existence of the USSR. The author analyses the constitutions of 1918, 1924, 1936, and 1977 considering several thematic groups of vocabulary: 1) a system of nominations of subjects of law expressed by nouns: государство, гражданин, личность, народ, общество, совет, трудящийся, человек, член (Eng. state, citizen, personality, people, society, union, worker, person, member); 2) the idea of the structure of society in the nominations of social groups and strata: трудящийся, рабочий класс, крестьянство (Eng. worker, working class, peasantry); 3) nominations of management tools and economic terms: власть, выборы, партия, собственность (Eng. power, election, party, property); 4) the phrase иметь право (Eng. have a right to); 5) the use of the adjective свободный (Eng. free) and noun свобода (Eng. freedom); 6) the peculiarities of characterisation means: государственный, народный, общественный, советский (Eng. state, people, public, Soviet, etc.). The authors of the constitutions prefer the nomination гражданин (Eng. citizen), which supersedes the substantivised participle трудящийся (Eng. working [person]). In the constitution of 1918, the social structure is not exhaustively represented. In the constitutions of 1924, 1936, 1977, there are no terms used by the authors of the first constitution: паразитические слои (Eng. parasitic strata) and беднота (Eng. the poor). An analysis of the word usage makes it possible to identify three mechanisms of ideological camouflage: a) the replacement of an ideological nomination in which a new neutral name is chosen with the same denotation: the phrase советская власть (Eng. Soviet power) is replaced by the construction государственная власть (Eng. state power); b) the inclusion of the unit in the official name of the country, institution or authority Совет министров (Eng. Council of Ministers); c) abbreviation of the Советский союз to Союз ССР, СССР (Eng. USSR) (the inclusion into the onym and abbreviation is accompanied by a desemantisation of the word). ; This work is supported by the Grant of Russian Foundation for Basic Research 17-29-09158 "Creation of a Corpus of Official Business Texts of the Russian Language (ODKRYA)". ; Работа выполнена при поддержке РФФИ, проект 17-29-09158 «Создание корпуса официально-деловых текстов русского языка (ОДКРЯ)».

The paper sets out to explain the ways and means open to the Poor when it comes to setting uphouse in the Buenos Aires Metropolitan Area —AMBA— , special attention being here given to the suburbantownships of the capital as these represent in themselves many of the ups and downs of the nation's recenthistory with its succeeding civil and military regimes, its multiplicity of economic crises and its present dayall time employment and poverty low for the nation as a whole but the AMBA in particular where 37% ofthe overall population lives. The township is seen to embody all the conflicts to be borne, clientelism, cooptation,real estate hikes, internal segregation. In the same wise, their history reflects a population changefrom the pre-70s productive working population with its union card carrying majority to the casual labouringor unemployed sort who now live in them and so well reflect the social and economic situation that AMBAis going through. All this is seen as no more than the upshot of the economic policies pursued by the nationover recent decades, this taking a pernicious downturn from the seventies onwards. The paper opens witha setting out of the general characteristics of the AMBA and an attempt at quantifying its population in termsof how they casually manage to live there. The second studies the 'villas' of the city from a historical standpointand the changes they have undergone be it quantitatively or in terms of the quality of life in the wake of thatpolitical, economic and social change that has shaken Argentina and specially Buenas Aires. The workfinishes with an attempt to make some sense of the process previously described. ; Este artículo tiene por objetivo mostrar las formas que posee la población más pobre de poder habitaren el Área Metropolitana de Buenos Aires —AMBA— y especialmente, el proceso histórico de las villasde la ciudad capital, que resume parte de la historia del país: los vaivenes políticos y la sucesión de gobiernosciviles y militares; la multiplicación de las crisis económicas hasta llegar al actual momento de mayor desempleoy pobreza de la Argentina en general y del AMBA en particular —donde vive aproximadamente el 37%de la población del país—. Todos los conflictos de la sociedad se encuentran al interior de la villa: los procesosclientelares, las políticas de cooptación, el negocio inmobiliario, la segregación interna.También en su vida, lasvillas han pasado de ser pobladas, hasta los años setenta, por una parte importante de trabajadores del sectorproductivo, gran cantidad de ellos sindicalizados, a ser habitadas mayormente por ocupados en sectores informaleso desocupados, reflejando la situación socioeconómica por la que atraviesa el AMBA. Ello, obviamente,se relaciona con las políticas a nivel económico que se implementa en el país desde hace varias décadas, peroque se agudizan a partir de mediados de los años setenta. El trabajo presenta, en una primera parte, las característicasgenerales del AMBA y una aproximación a la cuantificación de la población que habita diferentesmaneras de informalidad. La segunda parte aborda las «villas» de la ciudad de Buenos Aires, desde unaperspectiva histórica y las transformaciones en cualidad y cantidad a través de las últimas décadas, vinculadasa los procesos políticos, económicos y sociales de la Argentina, y en particular de Buenos Aires. En la terceraparte —las notas finales— se colocan algunas aproximaciones a la explicación del fenómeno.

Settlement and Neigboorhoods Centers (SNC) offer a local reception, animation, activities and social services. Through their history and their partnership affiliations, they are recognized as stakeholders social life animation, family policies and child/youth animation. For the past ten years or so, SNC have also positioned themselves as stakeholders in "well aging" and public health for the elderly population. This thesis proposes a reflection on the place of SNC as local gerontological stakeholders in a context of evolution of social action on ageing illustrated inter alia by the Law on the adaptation of society to ageing (2015), and in the face of the demographic challenge of an ageing population. To do this, it is necessary to question the action of SNC on this public as well as the stakes of its inclusion in the gerontological landscape. Our analysis is built on several scales ranging from the consideration of Well-aging in a SNC to that for SNC, as a federated network. To define the role of SNC as stakeholders of Well-aging in territories, it is also necessary to understand the impact of their actions on populations, as well as the territorial dimension of this impact. To do this, we question, among other things, the notion of "local action". Finally, the role of SNC as stakeholders in the field of Aging is also understood by the way other stakeholder actors in that field view them. The results presented are based on different qualitative and quantitative methods (interviews, questionnaires,observations, etc.) implemented as part of the I-CARE project carried out by the Union Régionale des Centres Sociaux des Pays de la Loire, which encompases this research through a CIFRE system ; Les Centres Sociaux et socioculturel offrent accueil, animation, activités et services à finalité sociale en proximité. Par leur histoire et leurs affiliations partenariales, ils sont des acteurs reconnus de l'animation de la vie sociale, des politiques familiales et de l'animation enfance/jeunesse. Depuis une dizaine d'années, les CSX se positionnent également comme des acteurs du «bien-vieillir» et de santé publique auprès de la population âgée. Cette thèse propose une réflexion autour de la place des Centres Sociaux comme acteurs gérontologiques de proximité dans un contexte d'évolution de l'action sociale sur le vieillissement illustré entre autres par la Loi d'adaptation de la société au vieillissement (2015), et face au défi démographique du vieillissement de la population. Pour cela, il s'agit d'interroger l'action des Centres Sociaux sur ce public ainsi que les enjeux de l'inscription de celle-ci dans le paysage gérontologique. Notre analyse est construite à plusieurs échelles allant de la considération du Bien-vieillir dans un Centre Social à celle dans les Centres Sociaux, en tant que réseau fédéré. Pour définir le rôle des Centres Sociaux comme acteurs du Bien-vieillir dans les territoires, il convient également de comprendre l'impact de leurs actions sur les populations, ainsi que la dimension territoriale de cet impact. Pour cela, nous interrogeons, entre autres, la notion d'«action en proximité». Enfin, le rôle des Centres Sociaux en tant qu'acteur du Bien-vieillir se comprend également par le regard que portent sur eux d'autres acteurs du champ du vieillissement. Les résultats présentés reposent sur l'utilisation de différentes méthodes qualitatives et quantitatives (entretiens, questionnaires, observations…) mises en place dans le cadre du projet I-CARE porté par l'Union Régionale des Centres Sociaux des Pays de la Loire dans lequel s'inscrit cette recherche par un dispositif CIFRE.

El tema d'aquesta tesi és el règim jurídic del patrimoni cultural bibliogràfic i documental, tant en la legislació espanyola com en la legislació internacional. L'objectiu principal d'aquest estudi és determinar si, en tots dos àmbits legislatius, s'ha aconseguit una protecció jurídica real, específica i eficaç a l'hora de vetllar per la seva protecció i conservació. En primer lloc, en relació al Dret internacional, s'ha analitzat la protecció d'aquest tipus de patrimoni en els instruments internacionals que li són aplicables (tractats, convencions, directives i recomanacions, entre d'altres), destacant els de la UNESCO, Unió Europea, UNIDROIT i el Consell d'Europa. S'ha diferenciat entre els que es refereixen a la protecció dels béns culturals durant els conflictes armats i aquells que ho fan en temps de pau, fent especial esment als instruments sobre tràfic il·lícit de béns culturals. En segon lloc, i en relació al Dret espanyol, s'ha fet un estudi del patrimoni cultural en general, i del patrimoni bibliogràfic i documental en particular, en la història del constitucionalisme. A continuació, s'ha revisat la legislació estatal aplicable, començant per la Llei 16/1985, de 25 de juny de Patrimoni Històric Espanyol, que dedica el títol VII al patrimoni objecte d'aquesta tesi. Pel que fa a la legislació autonòmica, s'han examinat totes aquelles lleis de les disset comunitats autònomes i les ciutats autonòmiques de Ceuta i Melilla, les disposicions de les quals són aplicables al patrimoni bibliogràfic i al documental. Finalment, s'ha analitzat la protecció d'aquest patrimoni en el vigent Codi Penal, amb l'objectiu de determinar si l'actual normativa és efectiva a l'hora de lluitar contra els delictes comesos sobre el mateix. ; El tema de esta tesis es el régimen jurídico del patrimonio cultural bibliográfico y documental, tanto en la legislación española como en la legislación internacional. El objetivo principal de este estudio es determinar si en ambos ámbitos legislativos se ha conseguido una protección jurídica real, específica y eficaz a la hora de velar por su protección y conservación. En primer lugar, en relación al Derecho internacional, se ha analizado la protección de este tipo de patrimonio en los instrumentos internacionales que le son aplicables (tratados, convenciones, directivas y recomendaciones, entre otros), destacando los de la UNESCO, Unión Europea, UNIDROIT y el Consejo de Europa. Se ha diferenciado entre los que se refieren a la protección de los bienes culturales durante los conflictos armados y aquellos que lo hacen en tiempos de paz, haciendo especial mención a los instrumentos sobre tráfico ilícito de bienes culturales. En segundo lugar, y en relación al Derecho español, se ha hecho un estudio del patrimonio cultural en general, y del patrimonio bibliográfico y documental en particular, en la historia del constitucionalismo. A continuación, se ha revisado la legislación estatal aplicable, empezando por la Ley 16/1985, de 25 de junio de Patrimonio Histórico Español, que dedica el Título VII al patrimonio objeto de esta tesis. En cuanto a la legislación autonómica, se han examinado todas aquellas leyes de las diecisiete comunidades autónomas y las ciudades autonómicas de Ceuta y Melilla, cuyas disposiciones son aplicables al patrimonio bibliográfico y al documental. Finalmente, se ha analizado la protección de este patrimonio en el vigente Código Penal, con el objetivo de determinar si la actual normativa es efectiva a la hora de luchar contra los delitos cometidos sobre el mismo.