Suchergebnisse

The role of Islam and Muslims in secular Hindu South Asia is central to debates about who belongs and what constitutes national identity. This article examines the symbolic and abstract dimensions of the representations of Muslim minority belonging in the secular but Hindu majority state of Nepal. Through analysis of discourses in Nepal (English, Urdu and Nepali) about Muslims, I argue there is an underlying narrative representing Muslims as either cooperative supporters of Hindu religious life in a Hindu majority culture or as dangerous non-patriots with proclivities to violence. I argue that both representations are problematic, as neither correspond with the lived realities of this internally diverse and increasingly globalised religious minority. I also attempt to demonstrate that these narrative tropes bring into view important distinctions between religion as an abstract category and religion as a lived reality for Muslims in contemporary South Asia.

Under what conditions does religion become a salient social identity? By measuring religious attachment among the people living astride the Burkina Faso–Côte d'Ivoire border in West Africa, an arbitrary boundary that exposes otherwise similar individuals to different political contexts, this article makes a case for the importance of the political environment in affecting the weight that people attach to their religious identities. After ruling out explanations rooted in the proportion of different religious denominations, the degree of secularization and the supply of religious institutions on either side of the border, as well as differences in the degree of religious pluralism at the national level, it highlights the greater exposure of Ivorian respondents to the politicization of religion during Côte d'Ivoire's recent civil conflict. Methodologically, the study demonstrates the power – and challenges – of exploiting Africa's arbitrary borders as a source of causal leverage.

Building on the post-secularist theory, this paper argues for a need to rethink secularism in the case of contemporary Kosovo in a context of 'return of religion'. Political secularism as an inevitable fact and political norm, in the sense of 'structural differentiation' of the religious institution from other institutions, could be upheld in Kosovo. However, social secularism concerning values, practices, social habits and everyday life, or public sphere in short, poses a problem in a global post-secular context from which Kosovo is not isolated. Moreover, rather than a principle of state's equidistance from the different worldviews competing in the public space, secularism in Kosovo is used as an identity tool or an instrument of identity politics aiming at distancing its society from religion as a way to affirm its 'western orientation' and secular tradition. This rigid stance is particularly directed at Islam and Islamic practices.

This article discusses the integration of Islamic values into Indonesians culture. Seen from the point of view of religion, Indonesia is the largest Muslim nation in the world ( the biggest Muslim country in the world). But in the religion - political and ideological, Indonesia is not an Islamic State .However, it does not mean Islam is Indonesia not original . Difficult to deny that the teachings and values of Islam has contributed much to the formation of Indonesian national culture. On the other hand, the institutionalization of Islamic values is also very powerful form of knowledge and intellectual system of the people, customs and belief systems, national culture, economic systems, up to the formation of Mus- lim behavior in Indonesia. In short, Islamic values has been fused with the culture of Indonesia. Islamic values have been institutionalized and becomes tradition in Indonesia then experience the dynamics and endless adjustments to this day.

The "moveable feast" of non-philosophy(Abstract) The editorial aims to unveil the attracting force of Laruelle's non-philosophy for scholars from different disciplines and artists. It shows how a new "democratic order of thinking" permits non-philosophy to enclose domains that have long been considered as opposites: philosophy, science, religion and the arts. Conceived as parameters of thought of the same right and without privileges, these variables can be superposed in a process of creative invention. The performative force of non-standard thinking, which can take different forms of philo-fiction, science fiction, art fiction, Christo-Fiction etc., dismantles the decisional gestures and the sufficiency claims of philosophy, science and religion, and thus permits a regeneration as well as a choral orchestration in a "minimalistic symphony". In this sense, non-philosophy invites us every day to the "movable feast", that it is.

There is a common assumption that 'Islam' has an inherent opposition between the sacred and the secular which obstructs the secularisation process witnessed in western societies. This study argues that Weber's notion of Protestant religion as a driving force in the rationalisation of society might be an indicator of how political Islam in itself in the end might lead to a differentiation between the religious and the secular sphere; an individualisation and a secularisation of the Islamic message and thereby to a privatisation of religion. The political experience of the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan is analysed in view of western theories of secularisation, particularly Steve Bruce's study on secularisation in British society. As Islamists work within the democratic system, there seems to be a transformation from being a radical organisation towards becoming 'just another comfortable denomination', as expressed in Bruce's claim that 'the sectarian project' is 'largely self-defeating'.

Soroush criticized the concept of "al-faqih territory" embodied in the system of religious democracy in Iran. The concept gives Mullah and Ulama a sole authority. Al-faqih territory which means the leadership of a jihad is a form of Syiah politics that takes place in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The government policy in the name of "God's Voice" to punish a State case. According to Soroush, this is a misconception because the government just prioritizes the interests of the State and denies the public inspirations. On this basis, Soroush wants to give Iranians an understanding of religion more truthfully, so that the people are aware that Religion (text / revelation) and knowledge of theology is different. Soroush attempts at giving reconsideration of the status of "religious ideology" to the public in order to be able to criticize the concept of government in Iran that is "al-faqih territory".

This article attempts to answer the question: what has the current migration crisis revealed in relations between Christianity and Islam, two religions with common Abrahamic roots? What conclusions can be drawn about the state of these relations, particularly with regard to ordinary members of the two religions? How should we assess the reaction of Christians in Europe to the inflow of refugees from Muslim countries in the light of the Gospel, the Second Vatican Council and the teaching of Pope Francis?The article consists of four parts. Part I briefly presents Christian-Muslim relationships over the centuries. Part II focuses on the sense of danger occurring in European societies in connection with the influx of Muslims during the migration crisis. Part III presents the teachings of the Second Vatican Council about Islam and Part IV describes Pope Francis's attitude towards refugees from Muslim countries.

Religious mobile applications (apps) offer a relatively new space for religious practices such as studying sacred texts, prayer, and meditation. To date, most studies in the digital religion literature, and to some extent in general mobile app studies, focus inquiry on app content and/or design only. This study advances these areas of study by extending inquiry to the mobile app audience by exploring how Evangelical Christians actually choose and use religious mobile apps, and how app engagement informs their religious identities. Data from qualitative digital diary reports and in-depth interviews were analyzed within Campbell's networked religion framework, specifically through the storied identity and networked community concepts. Findings explicate the combination of online and offline resources used for choosing apps, shifting core religious practices from offline to mobile contexts, and a lack of networked community engagement for sharing private religious app experiences.

This study examines the two dominant U.S. journalism models-the watchdog and civic-oriented professional performance-in the aftermath of the economic crises. The study, based on a content analysis of 1,421 news stories published by five national U.S. dailies, measures journalists' role conception through a content analysis of newspaper articles, examining the concept of journalistic role performance. The findings indicate different contextualizations of the two roles: The civic journalism performance was mostly found in stories dealing with issues such as human rights, demonstrations, and religion. The watchdog model was found in stories dealing with religion as well, but was found more frequently than the civic model in stories covering the government, police and crime. While the overall results indicate shifting roles of journalists toward a more civic approach, the traditional watchdog role remains important in covering politics. The roles journalists perform and their implications for U.S. news coverage are discussed.

В данной статье авторы обращаются к рассмотрению современного исламского религиозного радикализма, как этапа развития в миропонимании, присущего и христианству. По мнению авторов, в становлении любой религии прослеживались радикальные тенденции. Утверждается, что религиозный радикализм культивируется в рамках глобальных кризисов, переломов и изменений в обществе. Делается вывод, что религиозный радикализм и в христианстве и в исламе является производной политико-духовных кризисов, независимо от самой религии. ; In this article, the authors refer to the review of modern Islamic religious radicalism as a stage of development of the world view inherent in Christianity. According to the authors, the radical tendencies were traced in the establishment of any religion. It is argued that religious radicalism is cultivated in global crises, fractures and changes in society. It is concluded that religious radicalism in Christianity and Islam is derived from the political and spiritual crises, regardless of the religion itself.

Статья посвящена распространению ислама в Афро-Азиатском регионе, началу и развитию этого процесса, формированию отдельных центров, возникновению мусульманских династий. Рассматривается также этническая ситуация в складывающемся мусульманском мире, политически раздробленном, но по-прежнему объединенном не только религией, но и культурными традициями, бытовым укладом, философией. Отдельно рассматривается культурный и этнический синтез, начавшийся в мусульманском мире фактически вместе с распространением религии. ; The article deals with the spread of Islam in the African-Asian region, the beginning and development of this process, different religious centres formation and the uprise of Muslim dynasties. It also deals with the ethnic situation in the emerging Muslim world, which was politically fragmented, but still unified not just through religion, but also through cultural traditions, ways of life and philosophy. The paper analyses the cultural and ethnic synthesis, which appeared in the Muslim world practically at the same time with the spread of religion.

Den Traditionsbruch der Rhetorik im 18. Jahrhundert und die Verlagerung ihrer Wissensbestände in andere Disziplinen hat die jüngere Forschung detailliert untersucht. Was das Verhältnis der Rhetorik zu Theologie und Religion betrifft, so konzentrieren sich die Darstellungen häufig auf die Feststellung, der Pietismus habe die Lehre von den Affekten (vom movere und delectare) isoliert, was, verkürzt gesagt, die Entstehung sowohl der Ästhetik wie der Erfahrungsseelenkunde beförderte. Dagegen gelte für die der Ironie verwandten, in den Poetiken, Politik- und Klugheitslehren verwendeten technischen Termini der Simulation (Vorspiegelung des Falschen) und Dissimulation (Verbergung des Wahren), dass sie durch die Codes der Aufklärung (Mensch-Schauspieler, Natürlichkeit-Künstlichkeit, Innerlichkeit-Äußerlichkeit) ihre Selbstverständlichkeit als Mittel der Selbstdarstellung und Selbsterhaltung verloren hätten. Als probates Mittel der höfischen und Ständegesellschaft seien Methoden der Vortäuschung und Verstellung moralisch und politisch desavouiert worden, da sie dem Ideal körpersprachlicher Unmittelbarkeit einerseits, rationaler Argumente und Überzeugungen, aufrichtiger moralischer Intention und einer Sprache unverzerrter Mitteilung andererseits widersprachen. Täuschung und Verstellung lebten in Folge der aufklärerischen Kritik vornehmlich in Theorien des Theaters weiter. In der Theologie dagegen fände das Ideal unverstellter Authentizität seinen Ausdruck zum Beispiel in Lavaters theologisch interessierter Physiognomie. Dem steht zunächst der Befund gegenüber, dass seit dem 18. Jahrhundert gerade in den zentralen Debatten um Religion und Theologie das Spiel mit Maskierungen und Demaskierungen, Verschleierungen und Entschleierungen, Verhüllungen und Enthüllungen (die tatsächlich auf das Theaterregister verweisen, aber zugleich literalisiert werden) ubiquitär ist.

Critique of religion and its consequences is a topical theme. The attack on the satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo in Paris in January 2015 made the Western media establishment to rally in defence of freedom of expression, but it also raised the question of the limits of this freedom. There are always defined limits to freedom of expression, which change over time and are adapted to the political system that prevails. Ideas that in various ways question or threaten the current value system are not accepted. In Western society, racism is an example of such an illicit opinion, while blasphemy and criticism of the state-sanctioned religion took the same position in pre- and early modern society community – and in today's Islamic states such as Saudi Arabia and Iran. In my paper, I discuss the blasphemy phenomenon and its changing meaning and position in Sweden around the turn of the century 1900 in a European perspective.

AbstractBoth theoretical and empirical accounts of the nation have neglected the city as an arena for the (re)definition of national belonging. This article analyses contemporary France to advance theoretical and empirical insights into this process. Rather than presenting France as characterized by a Republican, assimilationist position, this article argues France is better characterized by competing 'multiple republics' with numerous definitions of nationhood. This article identifies three mechanisms of the multiple Republic. In Marseille, the municipal administration acts to redefine the secular character of the nation by bringing religion directly into local politics. This use of religion to redefine nationhood is also present in Lyon, with the key difference that it occurs in symbiosis with European governance. Finally, the Nanterre suburb of Paris demonstrates that the local state also uses notions of ethnicity to redefine the French nation as compatible with ethnic difference.