Suchergebnisse

AbstractThe main reason for Article 18 being one of the most opaque provisions of the Vienna Convention is that it establishes a relatively vague 'interim obligation' for States to refrain from acts which would defeat the object and purpose of a treaty between its signature and ratification. Although the existence of such an interim obligation has been recognized by States and in various international legal regimes, it remains problematic since Article 18 neither defines nor determines its own contours and when and under which conditions it is being breached. It goes without saying that the legal consequences of a possible breach of this provision are left equally unclear. It remains uncertain how the interim obligation of Article 18 fits into the general international law of treaties; what its legal nature and temporal scope is; which role the principle of good faith plays as a possibly underlying principle of this provision; and how we should understand the object and purpose of a treaty and how it can be defeated. Furthermore, its apparent focus seems to be on bilateral rather than multilateral treaties, but this exclusive application of this interim obligation to bilateral treaties would contravene both the expressed and implied intent of the drafters. Therefore, this article also discusses how Article 18 fits within the normative system of international law and law-making treaties, such as human rights treaties.

Georgia still faces urgent problems of women employment, level of raising women's qualification and restricted career opportunities. It impacts economic indicators as well. Proceeding from the topicality of the problem, the goal of the research is to study the attitude towards the role of women in present-day organizations, applying complex methods of information gathering and analysis, quantitative methods of research.The conducted research and analysis of outcomes led to the conclusion that, despite progressive changes in the state and society attitude towards gender equality, still there are many controversial issues. It is a typical situation for many countries. Although women represent half of the able-bodied population worldwide, their portion in GDP is only 37%. It indicates that full utilization of women's potential is not or cannot be accomplished. It is significant to identify the hindering reasons.The research results show that the hindering factors of women's self-realization and career advancement in Georgia are: 61% – family, 27% – education/less qualification, 25% – stereotypes, 34% – inflexible work schedule and inconvenient conditions. The authors think that, in order for the state to make maximum utilization of women's resources as a valuable economic and political asset, it is necessary that government work out efficient ways to create convenient conditions for women. At the same time, all companies must have labor management strategy that can bring success if all aspects of women's work in each component will be actively applied.

Criminal organizations are capable to make political connections with public servants at different levels (i.e., local, national and transnational). This article provides a review of the literature on the power of the political-criminal alliances to affect the democratic institutions of the State. It also seeks to provide a theoretical framework appropriate to evaluate the impact level that the partnering between criminals and public servants has on the state's scaffolding. The academic work by some experts in criminology has examined the different political impacts that such alliances imply, which includes problems associated with the decay of the criminal judicial system and the creation of impunity umbrellas. However, to date, this research has not provided a theoretical and methodological framework enough to evaluate and measure the true impact of the political-criminal alliances on the state's institutions. Just a few scholars from different fields such as the economics and political science have based their researches on set of theories of systemic corruption and network theories in order to measure the political impact that groups outside the law have on the state. This review stresses the importance of these theoretical concepts in order to evaluate the impact of the political-criminal alliances on the institutions, and provides recommendations for future empirical researches and to set out new theories within the same field.

AbstractHow might rapid advances in artificial intelligence (AI) technologies affect the construction and application of military power? Despite the emerging importance of AI systems in defense modernization initiatives, there has been little empirical or theoretical study from the perspective of the international relations (IR) and security studies fields. This article addresses this shortcoming by describing AI developments and assessing the manner in which AI is likely to affect military organizations. We focus specifically on military power, as new methods and modes thereof will alter the constitution of security relationships around the world and affect the ability of states to bargain, signal, and influence in the twenty-first century. We argue that, though rapid adoption of AI technologies stands to transform states' ways of war on a number of fronts, an AI revolution brings with it new forms of risk that must be reconciled with the widespread integration of algorithmic systems across military functions. Where new technology promises a transformation of the character of military power in some veins, it also complicates the cognitive aspects of decision-making and bureaucratic interactions in security institutions. The speed with which complex integrated AI systems enable entirely new modes of war also stands to detach human agency in a potentially destabilizing fashion from the conduct of warfare on several fronts. Preventing the negative externalities of these "ghosts in the machine" will involve significant efforts to educate decision makers, promote accountability, and restrain irresponsible employment of AI.

This article analyzes the Munzur Culture and Nature Festival organized by the people of Dersim, an eastern province of Turkey, as a site of political activism, cultural reproduction, and intra-group contestation. The festival began as a group-remaking event for restoring cultural identity, defending locality, and mobilizing Dersimli people in the face of repressive state policies. In time, socio-spatial and political fragmentation within Dersimli society became more prevalent. The festival experience came to reflect and contribute to the debates and anxieties about identity whereby different political groups competed to increase their influence over local politics as well as the event itself. On the one hand, this article discusses the organization of the Munzur Festival, its historical trajectory, and the accompanying public debates and criticisms. On the other, it explores festive sociabilities, cultural performances, and the circulation of politically-charged symbols throughout the event which showcases the articulation and competition of multiple ethno-political belongings which are the Dersimli, Kurdish, Alevi, and socialist ones. The festival's historical trajectory is dealt as two stages, unified struggle and internal strife, whereby the festival appeared as first a group-remaking then unmaking public event. The paper argues that this transformation is tied to hanging power relations in the local politics of Dersim, and the shifting state policies, namely the phase of repressive control strategies until the mid-2000s and the peace process and political relaxation until 2015.

Studies of conflict management by international organizations have demonstrated correlations between institutional characteristics and outcomes, but questions remain as to whether these correlations have causal properties. To examine how institutional characteristics condition the nature of international organization interventions, I examine mediation and ceasefire monitoring by the Arab League and the United Nations during the first phase of the Syrian civil war (2011–2012). Using micro-evidence sourced from unique interview material, day-to-day fatality statistics, and international organization documentation, I detail causal pathways from organizational characteristics, via intervention strategies, to intervention outcomes. I find that both international organizations relied on comparable intervention strategies. While mediating, they counseled on the costs of conflict, provided coordination points, and managed the bargaining context so as to sideline spoilers and generate leverage. While monitoring, they verified violent events, engaged in reassurance patrols, and brokered local truces. The execution of these strategies was conditioned on organizational capabilities and member state preferences in ways that help explain both variation in short-term conflict abatement and the long-term failure of both international organizations. In contrast to the Arab League, the United Nations intervention, supported by more expansive resources and expertise, temporarily shifted conflict parties away from a violent equilibrium. Both organizations ultimately failed as disunity among international organization member state principals cut interventions short and reduced the credibility of international organization mediators.

The author analyzes new models of electoral behavior, developed mainly by Western scientists, in particular: the concept of multi-factor evaluation of elections, the concept of the impact of voters with changing preferences, the concept of electoral behavior at the individual level, where three types of electoral votes are distinguished: "voice of thought", "voice of belonging" and "voice of change" and the like. These concepts are a scientific reflection of the new processes that occur in the social and political structure of the states with a consolidated democracy, in a post-industrial, information society. Another situation exists in transitive political regimes, for which the following models are more adequate: the technological model of voting, the model of voting for a political image, the model of rational voting, the model of national-cultural identification, and the like. Various models and concepts give grounds for the conclusion that the differentiation of the electorate groups based on voting is a fruitful approach for stable societies that are devoid of explosive processes, rapid changes and are undergoing gradual evolutionary reforms, which are displayed in the results of voting of the citizens. But in transitional political regimes, the electoral choice most adequately indicates the model of voting for a positive image of a candidate or political party.
Keywords: new models of electoral behavior, states of consolidated democracy, transitive political regimes.

Asylum seekers are still moving, in great numbers, from Sub-Sahara Africa (SSA) and the Middle East to the European Union (EU) to seek protection from political oppression, war and poverty, as well as to reunite with family, and benefit from entrepreneurship and education (EC, 2017; EU, 2018). The UNHCR (2019) notes that 68.5 million people were forcibly displaced from their native countries. Mediterranean EU Member States are seeing an ever-growing influx of illegal migrants, through land and sea routes. During the first month of 2019, 6,727 migrants arrived in Europe, of which 5,685 were sea arrivals through Malta, Spain, Greece and Italy – the strategic entry points to the EU. In the previous year, Malta took 1,445 arrivals. The issue of mass migration and population movement has dominated European discourse for at least 40 years. Since the invasion of Iraq and the various destabilization efforts against countries like Libya, Syria and Afghanistan, however, an entirely new phenomenon has erupted onto the centre stage – millions of people fleeing failed States, violence, terrorism and despair. Especially in the case of Syria (now in its fifth year of war) the problem of millions seeking to depart from the chaos has become huge. We are now entering a period of real transition however. Far from the malicious impact of war and violence, new problems arise around family fragmentation, emotional trauma, and the need to rebuild lives.

Purpose: Healthy food incentive program implementation targeting people receiving Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) benefits is supported by the federal Food Insecurity Nutrition Incentive (FINI) grant program. This study examined factors contributing to increased SNAP use at farmers' markets with an FINI-funded incentive program. Design: Implementation evaluation. Setting: Sixteen states and District of Columbia. Participants: Two hundred eighty-two FINI-funded farmers' markets open in 2016. Measures: Weekly SNAP sales and transactions per 1000 SNAP households in the Zip Code Tabulation Areas around markets. Analysis: Two-level hierarchical regression modeling. Results: Most farmers' markets (53%) had less than 100 SNAP transactions in 2016. Weekly SNAP sales and transactions per 1000 SNAP households were 69.9% and 47.7% higher, respectively, if more than 1 incentive was available versus 1. Not having paid market staff resulted in declines in these sales (−34.3%) and transactions (−38.1%) compared to markets with paid staff. There was a 6.2% and 5.1% increase in SNAP sales and transactions for each additional produce vendor. Weekly SNAP sales and transactions were about 2 to 3 times higher in rural areas compared to metropolitan. Clustering of markets within states explained 10% of the variation in weekly SNAP sales and transactions. Conclusion: Four implementation factors were identified that may facilitate the reach of SNAP-based monetary incentive programs at farmers' markets to maximize reach and impact among SNAP shoppers.

Access to the target group
In participatory action research (PAR) the research team should include researchers and experts by experience (and their allies affected by the issue). PAR emphasizes collective inquiry and contribution to changes in policy and practice.
In their opening essay Sergeant and Van de Merbel state that it is not enough to promote PAR as a vital way in bringing positive change in policy and practice. In order to conduct PAR in an ethical and just way, one needs to create room, space and time for PAR. PAR is more than a method; it needs time, good overthinking, collaborative reflection, creative research methods, coaching and training for all research group members, and – as Xavier Moonen states in his reply – sometimes also protection of vulnerable people. Moonen argues that this vulnerability should be taken into account and experts by experience should be protected from tokenism and research that does not meet their interests. This means, according to Moonen, that ethical considerations must be made. Gatekeepers should keep in mind that participation is a basic right and that pro's and con's should be considered in that light.
In reaction to Moonen, Sergeant presents the 'Working together, learning together' and the results that come from this research project. She pleads for respecting intergroup-diversity within target groups and for looking beyond procedural ethical issues towards crossing the boundaries between dis- and ability.

Abstract
North-East India is an abode of colourful ethnic communities having distinct cultural pattern and way of life. Among the ethnic communities of North-East India, the Buddhist ethnic communities are significant as far as the history and culture of the region is concerned. Among the ethnic communities of the region, professing Theravada form of Buddhism the ethnic groups namely, Tai-Khamtis, Tai-Phakeys, Tai-Khamyangs, Tai-Turungs, Tai-Aitons, Singphos, Tikhak Tangsas, Chakmas, Moghs, Boruahs etc are prominent. Among the eight states of North-East India, the state of Arunachal Pradesh is notable for Theravada Buddhism.The Tai-Khamtis are the largest Theravada Buddhist community of Arunachal Pradesh. The paper attempts to glean on the Theravada Buddhism among the Tai-Khamtis living in present day Arunachal Pradesh and Assam.The methodology followed in the paper is both historical and analytical. The study reveals that Theravada Buddhism forms an intregal part of the life and culture of the Tai-Khamtis. They are the follower of Theravada form of Buddhism after Burmese (Myanmarees) tradition. Their tangible and intangible cultural heritage bears traits of South-East Asian culture. The religious belief and practices of the Tai-Khamtis are more or less similar to those of the Buddhists of South-East Asia. The study of the Theravada Buddhism is significant to appreciate India's relations with South-East Asian countries in a proper perspective.

The urgency of this article is based on its focus and locus on the spread out or placement a strategy of the Main Weapons Tool System (Alutsista) in the broad perspective of the territory of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). One of the Alutsista owned by Indonesia is Air Alutsista which is used to maintain the existence of the Indonesian state in the air. The air alutsista manned by the Indonesian National Army (TNI) Air Force (AU) currently has a considerable power posture in Asia and the international world. This study aims to provide an overview of Strategy Placement Alutsista TNI AU seen from the vast territory of the Republic of Indonesia as an archipelago. This study uses normative research methods conducted by reviewing relevant reference content or based on secondary data that is adjusted with factual data of observation and experience of the author. The result of the research shows that faced with the territory of NKRI as an archipelago country, the placement of Alutsista TNI AU is uniformly distributed because it has only been fulfilled 40 percent of the minimum strength and still dominated in Java, Sumatera, Kalimantan and Sulawesi which should be fulfilled for Papua , Maluku, West Nusa Tenggara, East Nusa Tenggara, and Bali. Similarly, the deployment of Radar will be provided at least 23 units because currently placed only amounted to 20 units.

Legal consequences of conflict of norm, the norms in Article 8 of the Government Regulation No. 10 of 1983 jo. the Government Regulation No. 45 of 1990 with Islamic Law, cause the different treatment before the law/ discrimination which causes injustice between ex-husband who works as civil servant and those who works not as civil servant. The objective of this study is to examine the ratio legis of the Government Regulation No. 10 of 1983 regarding an obligation to distribute salary from ex-husband who works as a civil servant to ex-wife after divorce. There are 4 (four) types of approaches utilized in this study: philosophical approach, statute approach, historical approach, and case approach. The ratio legis of the Government Regulation No. 10 of 1983 jo. the Government Regulation No. 45 of 1990 concerning the obligation to distribute salary from ex-husband who works as civil servant to ex-wife after divorce is because of the position of civil servants as the elements of the state apparatus, the state servants, and the public servants are required to provide examples to the community in marriage and divorce. However, the regulation of the obligation to distribute salary from ex-husband who works as a civil servant to ex-wife after divorce until the ex-wife is married again does not reflect the principle of justice and balance.

A construção do SUS se dá durante a ascensão do neoliberalismo como horizonte político hegemônico no Brasil na década de 1990. Resposta à crise do capital na busca pela retomada das taxas de lucro, o período traz profundas implicações para o Estado e as políticas sociais, colocados, cada vez mais, a serviço do capital, ainda que, residualmente, mantenham seu papel de garantir a reprodução da classe trabalhadora e a coesão social. Essa relação histórica entre público e privado no setor de saúde brasileiro, intercedida pelo papel do Estado e do fundo público na sua regulação e financiamento, irá, então, ganhar novos formatos e novas determinações. Palavras-Chave: política de saúde; privatização; fundo público. Abstract – The creation of SUS (the Brazilian Unified Healthcare System) occurs during the rise of neoliberalism as the political hegemony arising in Brazil in the 1990s. Responding to the crisis of capital in search of a return to profit rates, this period brought profound modifications to the Brazilian state and to social policies, which are increasingly put at the service of capital, even if, in the long run, they maintain their role of guaranteeing the reproduction of the working class and social cohesion. This historical relationship between public and private in the Brazilian healthcare sector, interceded by the roles of the state and of public funding in its regulation and financing, respectively, will then gain new formats and new determinations.Keywords: healthy Policy; privatization; public fund.

This article illustrates China's counter-terrorism strategy at the United Nations (UN), analyses its cornerstones and underscores changing patterns. On this basis, it also seeks to make some broader observations about how rising powers behave in international organisations and to highlight their attitudes towards the liberal international order. It considers Chinese positions in the debates in the General Assembly (1972–2018), its Sixth Committee and the Security Council (since the early 1990s) and identifies four pillars of China's counter-terrorism strategy. These include norm entrepreneurship, diplomatic measures, promotion of international cooperation and domestic measures to fulfil obligations emanating from UN resolutions, conventions and declarations. It shows how China has shaped the discourse on terrorism at the UN and how its counter-terror narratives and advocacy have been and are being shaped by the discourse among states and competing blocs like the Organization of Islamic Conference over this period. It concludes with the observation that, despite changes in its strategy in recent years, the defining principles of China's counter-terrorism strategy, such as respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, have not eroded. Changes like accepting that the UN must play a 'central coordination role' in international counter-terrorism should be regarded as a further extension of China's zeal to maintain the international order because the UN is a defining pillar of the present international order.