In 1928, Utah Construction Company completed its first project outside of the United States with the 110 mile railroad for Southern Pacific of Mexico. Over the next 30 years, UCC continued to work on projects in Mexico including dams, roads, mining, and canals. The collection contains several booklets and correspondence along with approximately 500 photographs. ; 8.5 x 11 in. paper ; 96) Return to Harry McNev Mexico- Copper & Exploration ABSTRACT CONDITIONS THAT AFFECT MINING EXPLORATION AND MINING PRODUCTION IN MEXICO Private mining industry is experiencing difficult times in many countries that are or have been large mineral producers. Would Mexico offer opportunities for exploration and production? Mexico is a mineral rich country. For the exploration en-gineer this is the most vital point. If the exploration groups are professionally adept, they will find mineralization. A broad review of metallogenetic provinces and of past and present production in Mexico can be used as a guide to explora-tion. Although Mexico is well endowed with minerals, there are many factors that must be considered before a determination can be made that the mineral discovered is ore; (a) restrictive factors in-cluca governmental policy such as taxes, Mexicanization, commodity prices and certain laws; (b) favorable factors include a stable government, strong and freely-convertible peso, and relatively low direct-production costs. -The Mexican mining industry offers an opportunity to those willing to study the problems, accept the law, and invest in the social -as well as financial- future of Mexico. CONDITIONS THAT AffECT MINING EXPLORATION AND MINING PRODUCTION IN MEXICO I. INTRODUCTION. The potential foreign investor in Mexico's Mining In-dustry must carefully consider many facets of the industry and of the country. On the positive side, a stable govern-ment, a healthy monetary position and. above all, a mineral-iy rich country can be found. However, no investments should be made until the potential investor has investigated the min-ing law with its Mexicanization requirements, the mining taxes, the technical manpower regulations and the power of the ex-ecutive branch to set commodity prices. The official mining policy during the period 1930 to 1954, did not encourage investments in the mining industry. However, the future looks much brighter, for now Mexicanization has been accomplished for over 90% of the industry and the gov-ernment realizes that mine products provide a base for Mexico's currency and bring in foreign exchange, that mining provides an important source of government revenue and is an important con-sumer of power, supplies, and transportation services. Also, and of great future importance, Mexico's expanding industry will be in need of more raw materials to supply its demand and its increasing export of manufactured goods. II. HISTORY. The Spanish conquistadores were obsessed by the riches found in Mexico - particularly gold and silver. Thus began the systematic plundering of the new colony and the beginning of mining as the basis of Mexico's economy, Mexico became known as the ""mine and mint of Spain"". Major mining districts such as Taxco, Zacatecas, Santa Brbara and Guanajuato were discovered and brought into pro-duction between 1520 and 1550. It is interesting to note that these selected districts are ail still in production. From 1810, which saw the start, of independence from Spain to 1910 when the Mexican Revolution broke out, mining continued to play a leading role in the national economy. It probably would be fair to say that it sustained the economy. From 1875 to 1900, for example, mining accounted for 70% of the value of Mexico's exports. During the period of the 1910-1917 Revolution mineral pro-duction sharply declined. Silver, lead, and zinc, however, hit their peaks in the late 1920's nut then the general depression followed by governmental restrictions and high taxes reduced exploration which then was followed by reduced production and to date the peaks of production of the late 1920's have not been reached. Under the progressive regime of President Diaz Ordaz, which started in 1964, governmental stimulation to the mining industry has led to greater exploration which is now showing up in increased production. Today Mexico ranks as the leading producer of silver and is the fourth largest producer of lead, fifth of zinc and fourteenth of copper. Mexico also produces major amounts of mercury, bismuth, sulphur, antimony and is the leading producer of fluorite. The entire mineral industry accounts for over 20 percent of the country's foreign exchange earnings although this amounts to less than 2% of the Gross National Product. III. CONDITIONS IN THE MINING INDUSTRY OF MEXICO THAT AFFECT IN-VESTMENT. A. Mexicanization. The term Mexicanization has often been misinterpreted as nationalization. Mexicanization only implies the control of a company in Mexican hands. The transfer of control from foreign to Mexican hands proceeds on a private level by negotiations between local and foreign businessman. Although foreign capital is welcomed, the investor should not expect more favorable treatment than that accorded domestic investors. In Mexicanization it is implicit that as a country progres-ses and matures it must create a body of national capital. For if the profit earned leaves the country (although it created jobs, paid taxes, etc.) the servicing of loans and repatriation of capital would likely endanger the balance of payments leading to an unsound economy. Instead, by retaining within the country at least 51% of the profit, a national capital can be created which is so necessary for further economic expansion and industrialization. - 3 - In 1961 a mining law was passed providing that new mining concessions can be granted only to Mexican nationals, and companies in which a minimum of 51 percent of their capital stock (or 66 per-cent in some instances) is owned by Mexican nationals. This same law, however, granted tax privileges to Mexicanized companies. B. Immigration Restrictions. To protect their skilled and unskilled labor, the Mexican Government has regulated the immigration of foreign technicians in-to Mexico. However, if for the good of the country it is felt that a foreign expert is vitally needed, he can be permitted to enter generally with the stipulation that he train his replacement. Mexican universities are training mining engineers, metal lurgists and geologists but their training is principally academic and an industrial training period is necessary to make these en-gineers capable of filling normal production positions, C. The mining law of Mexico was completely redrafted in 1961, This is an extensive law and only a few of the points will be discussed, 1. Only Mexicans or Mexicanized companies have the right to obtain concessions. 2. A concession shall have a maximum surface area of 500 hectares l hr = 10,000 sq. meters). The sides of the con-cession are limited by vertical planes, 3. The total maximum concession area for a company or an individual is limited depending on the substance. However, three times this maximum can be held for a five-year exploration period. As an example for gold, silver, copper, lead and zinc, a maximum of 9000 hectares can be held for the first five years. After this five year period, a maximum of only 3000 hectares can be held. 4. Mining concessions are issued for 25 years but may be extended on proof of effective exploitation. 5. Assessment work is required. D. Taxes. Taxes paid by mining companies include: 4 1. Income Tax. This tax is modarate and has a maximum of 42%. 2. Production and Export Tax. These taxes are based on price set monthly by the Treasury Department. This official value is arbitrary and can change but generally reflects world prices. These taxes are levied whether the Company is making an operating profit or not. 3. Surface Tax. This tax is a rental on mineral concession of $1.20 dollars per hectare per year. 4. Capital Gains. Capital gains are included in gross income but at a reduced percentage depending on the length of time that assets have been held. 5. Depletion. There is no deduction allowed for depletion. 6. Amortization and Depreciation. It can be stated that deductions allowed are those that the tax authorities regard as normal and necessary for conduct of business. 7. Reduction in Taxes for New Mines. A directive calls for a five year reduction of up to 40% income tax and up to 100% of the federal portion of the production and export taxes, and accelerated depreciation and amortization for certain investment in new operations. 8. Other Taxes. Other taxes such as social security payments and distribution of a portion of annual profits to employees are required. E. Metal Prices. Metal prices for sale in Mexico are set by a govern- - 5 - merit agency. These prices are lower than world prices and act to subsidize Mexico's metal-using industries at the expense of the mining industry. F. Favorable Conditions. 1. Stable Government. The Mexican Government is stable and this stability will be entrenched each passing year with the development of a larger middle class and the strong emphasis on education. 2. Financial Stability. Exchange restrictions have never been imposed and funds are freely convertible and transferable to and from Mexico. The exchange rate has remained at 12.50 pesos per U.S. dollar since 1954. An exchange stabilisation agreement exists between Mexico and the International Monetary Fund which permits Mexico to draw on foreign currencies to maintain the parity of the peso. However, Mexico has maintained a favorable balance of payments for numerous years. 3. Low cost labor. Although there is a notable lack of qualified mining and exploration personnel of the highly technical and supervisory calibre, there is plentiful mining labor in the mining regions. In general, the mining labor is efficient and the costs are reason-able. Recent wage raises have been higher than increased productivity and management must work for higher productivity. In recent years strikes of over 15 days duration have been exceptional and peaceful labor relations are the rule. 4. High mineral potential. We can start with the premise that Mexico is a country extremely well endowed with minerals and many ore bodies await to be discovered. The fact that there has not been more than possibly three major metallic mineral discoveries in the last two decades is not that the bodies do not exist but that fiscal conditions have been such that no search has been made - 6 - for them. Now methods and philosophies of exploration have not been tried until very recently but in them lies the great ex-ploration potential of Mexico. There are three general geologic zones in Mexico. The nor-thern zone is separated from the southern zone by the volcanic-rift belt which runs east-west through Mexico City and Guadalaja-ra and has as its most obvious surface feature a belt of Cenozoic volcanics. Most of the mining in Mexico has taken place in the northern zone in which the more acidic intrusive rocks are found. The southern zone contains more basic rocks, and although there are numerous mineral occurrences, the mines are small in size and number. The scarcity of mines in this zone is undoubt-edly due, in great part, to the lack of exploration which is made difficult due to lack of roads and facilities and to the heavy vegetation covering the outcrops. The volcanic-rift belt exhibits difficult exploration con-ditions; the principal ones being the great amount of volcanic cover and the intense faulting. As in the southern zone this area has not received intensive exploration; however, the famous silver deposits of Pachuca, Taxco, El Oro and Guanajuato lie within this region or at its edge. In the northern zone a long, large northwest trending belt of middle Cenozoic volcanics is found, which constitutes the Sierra Madre Occidental. Pew large mines are known within this belt of very thick volcanics; but where the rocks below the volcanics have been exposed, they are abnormally well mineralized. Therefore, here again the scarcity of mines is due to lack of out-crops. In order to investigate the exploration possibilities in greater detail, let us evaluate the situation of various metals. a. Silver. Mexico is and has been for many years (except 1968) the world's leading producer of silver. In the past a majority of the silver came from such bonanza camps as Pachuca, Guanajuato and Tax co where the silver was found in very high-grade deposits with very minor amounts of other metals. Today. most of Mexico's silver is produced as an accessory mineral in the lead and zinc deposits. This means that with lower lead and zinc prices there has been a reduction in the production of silver although silver prices have advanced. Although the bonanza camps have been reported as ""worked out"", there are definite signs that this may not be the case. Recant high-grade discoveries in Guanajuato and Taxco indicate that if modern techniques and vigorous exploration are carried out, it is quite possible that bonanza deposits will be discovered. Silver is well distributed in many parts of Mexico and it would be difficult to pin-point exact locations favorable for exploration. Slide No.2 shows in general the major distribution of silver. Since the environments vary widely, so also would the exploration techniques. In parts of Mexico numerous silver deposits have been known but left unexploited due to lack of roads and facilities. Large, low-grade deposits probably exist but as yet company philosophies have not been such that they would explore for this type of deposit. b. Copper. Copper, like silver, appears to have a future at favor-able prices. Added to this is the great increase in demand for copper by Mexico to satisfy its rapidly expanding industry. Until this year (1970), there has been only one copper mine in Mexico that could be considered major; the Cananea mine which produces approximately 70% of Mexico's copper. The Santa Rosalia mine in Baja California could be considered a medium sized mine and the rest of the present copper production comes from very small mines or as a minor mineral from other base metal mines. Because of this limited production, Mexico is presently producing just enough copper to supply its internal demand. This picture, however, is changing rapidly. In early 1971, Asarco Mexicana, S.A. will bring into production their Inguarn mine, in the State of Michoacn, which will have a mill capacity of 2000 metric tons per day of 1.8% copper which will more than take care of Mexico's immediate industrial demands for copper. Then in the future lies the immense deposit, La Ca-ridad, of Mexicana de Cobre, which has reserves in excess of 600 million metric tons of 0.75% copper with values in molybdenum. The exact size of this deposit is as yet unknown. Work is now underway to bring this deposit into production in 1974. -8- The reason for not producing more copper in Mexico has been the lack of exploration incentive by the mining companies. The small prospector is not equipped to explore for bulk, low-grade copper deposits and only in the last year or so have major companies made an exerted effort in this field. A very favorable copper mineral province exists in the State of Sonora, Perhaps the most important structural characteristic of this area is its location (Slide #3) along the north-trending Wasatch-Jerome crustal lineament at or near its intersection with the northwest-trending Texas lineament. Correlation between these lineaments and the distribution of the bulk low-grade deposits has been remarkable. Mexico's largest copper producer at Cananea and the previously mentioned La Caridad deposit lie along the Wasatch-Jerome near the intersection with the Texas lineament. Although northern Sonora is a most favorable area in which to explore for copper, this area should not be considered as the only target area since favorable areas exist in other parts of Mexico. Molybdenum can often be expected as an accessory metal with the copper mineralization. If unfavorable conditions for mining investment in Zambia, Peru and Chile -all major copper producing countries- continue or worsen, Mexico will become a major exporter of copper within the next ten years. Even if conditions become better in those countries, Mexico will still play a major role as a copper producing country. c. Lead and Zinc. Although the long term picture for lead and zinc, with silver as an accessory metal, may not be as bright as for copper, established smelter capacity and both local and foreign markets exist and, therefore, exploration for lead and zinc can be con-sidered by both large and small companies. For many years there has been little exploration for new lead and zinc deposits and there has been no exploration with the use of modern tools for locating unexposed bodies. The greatest exploration provinces for lead and zinc are shown on Slide #5. In these areas substantial silver values associated with the lead and zinc could be expected. - 9 d. Other Metals and Minerals. Mexico is a major producer of fluorite, barite, mercury, tungsten and antimony. Exploration will continue for these ma-terials depending primarily on world prices. i IV. SUMMARY OF CONDITIONS. Prom the foregoing, we can quickly summarize the conditions that exist in Mexico that directly affect investment in the mining industry. A. Regulatory. 1. Mexicanization. The requirement of majority investment by Mexican nationals by itself is certainly not unfavorable; however, risk capital is difficult to find. 2. Immigration Restrictions. It is often difficult to obtain highly technical personnel and companies are limited to the number of foreign personnel they can hire. 3. Mining Law. The mining law has been updated and is meant to broaden the mining industry base in Mexico. However restrictions and control are an essential part of the law. 4. Taxes. Income Taxes are moderate but production and ex-port, taxes are a severance tax not based on profit. There is no reduction in taxes for depletion. 5. Metal Prices. Mexico's industry is subsidised at the expense of the mining industry through official prices set slightly lower than world prices -10- B. Favorable. l. Mexico is a mineral-rich country. 2. Mexico has a stable government. 3. Mexico has a strong-convertible currency. 4. Direct production costs for medium to large operations are low. 5. The proximity to the United States assures a large market in addition to the growing market in Mexico. Future. The most striking feature about Mexico today is the tremendous social gains. Education receives, by far, the largest share of the national budget; health facilities are readily available and are ex-panding; electricity and roads are coming to the small villages and wages are being raised in an attempt to make even the poor farmer a consumer. Mexico is expanding industrially to keep in step with the local demands and manufacturing more and more of its necessities in or-der to reduce the need to import, which makes its trade balance more favorable. Mexico yearly increases the export of manufactured goods where previously the country had only been an exporter of raw material and crafts. Politically Mexicans are, and should be, proud of their ancient past and their recant history. They are, therefore, ready and anxious to work with foreign companies if this partership will assist in the development of Mexico as a country and to the advantage of the Mexican people. The exploitation of Mexico to the advantage of other peoples is a thing of the past. Mexico is a developed country and expects to be treated as such. The Mexican mining industry offers an opportunity to those willing to study the problems accept the laws and invest in the social -as well as financial- future of Mexico. D.F. Coolbaugh Mexico, D.F. Mexico, May 1970. DFC/mfb. - 11 -
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Eyal Weizman on the Architectural-Image Complex, Forensic Archeology and Policing across the Desertification Line
Incidents in global politics are usually apprehended as the patterned interaction of macro-actors such as states. Eyal Weizman takes a different tack—an architect by training, Weizman tackles incidents through detailed readings of heterogeneous materials—digital images, debris, reforestation, blast patterns in ruins—to piece together concrete positions of engagement in specific legal, political, or activist controversies in global politics. In this Talk, Weizman—among others—elaborates on methods across scales and material territories, discusses the interactions of environment and politics, and traces his trajectory in forensic architecture.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is—or should be—according to you, the biggest challenge, central focus or principal debate in critical social sciences?
We live in an age in which there is both a great storm of information and a progressive form of activism seeking to generate transparency in relation to government institutions, corporations or secret services. These forms of exposure exponentially increase the number of primary sources on corporations and state and provide also rare media from war zones, but this by itself does not add more clarity. It could increase confusion and increasingly be used disseminate false information and propaganda. The challenge is to start another process to carefully piece together and compose this information.
I'm concerned with research about armed conflict. Contemporary conflict tends to take place in urban environments saturated with media of varicose sorts, whenever violence is brought into a city, it provokes an enormous production of images, clips, sounds, text, etc.
As conflict in Iraq, Syria, Missouri and the Ukraine demonstrate, one of the most important potential sources for conflict investigations is produced by the very people living in the war zones and made available in social networks almost instantly. The citizens recording events in conflict zones are conscious of producing testimonies and evidence, and importantly so, they do so on their own terms. The emergence of citizen journalists/witness has already restructured the fields of journalism with most footage composing Al Jazeera broadcasts, for example, being produced by non-professional media. The addition of a huge multiplicity of primary sources, live testimonies and filmed records of events, challenge research methods and evidentiary practices. There is much locational and spatial information that can be harvested from within these blurry, shaky and unedited images/clips and architectural methodologies are essential in reconstructing incidents in space. Architecture is a good framework to understand the world, alongside others.
Whereas debates around the 'politics of the image' in the field of photography and visual cultures tended to concentrate on the decoding of single images and photojournalistic trophy shots we now need to study the creation of extensive 'image-complexes' and inhabit this field reconstruct events from images taken at different perspective and at different times. The relation between images is architectural, best composed and represented within 3D models. Architectural analysis is useful in locating other bits of evidence—recorded testimonies, films and photos—from multiple perspectives in relation to one other bits of evidence and cross referring these in space.
But 'image complexes' are about interrogating the field of visibility it is also about absence, failures of representation, blockages or destruction of images.
How did you arrive at where you currently are in your thinking about global politics?
I'm an architect, and my intellectual upbringing is in architectural theory and spatial theory. I tend to hold on to this particular approach when I'm entering a geopolitical context or areas that would otherwise be the domain of journalists and human rights people, traditional jurists, etc. Architecture taught me to pay attention to details, to materiality, to media, and to make very close observations about the way built structures might embody political relations.
When I study political situations, I study them as an architect: I look at the way politics turns into a material—spatial practice—the materialization, and at the spatialization, of political forces. Architectural form—as I explained many times—is slowed-down force. My thinking is structured around a relation between force and form. And form, for an architect, is an entry point from which to read politics. So when I look at matter and material reality—like a building, a destroyed building, a piece of infrastructure, a road or bridge, a settlement or suburb or city—I look at it as a product of a political force field. But it is never static. A city always grows, expands or contracts recording the multiple political relations that shaped it.
Buildings continuously record their environment. So one can read political force on buildings. In taking this approach, I am influenced by building surveyors, and insurance people going into a building to look at a scratch in a wall to piece together what might have happened, and what might still happen. So I feel like a kind of property surveyor on the scale of a city at times of war. But in practicing this forensic architecture I also work like an archaeologist: archaeology is about looking at material remains and trying to piece together the cultural, political, military, or social spheres. But I'm an archaeologist of very recent past or of the present. While some of my investigations will always retain a haptic dimension based on material examination, much of it is an analysis of material captured and registered by various medias. Verify, locate, compose and cross-reference a spatial reality from images of architecture.
What would a student need to become a specialist in your field or understand the world in a global way?
The institutes I run do not recruit only architects. We need to open up the disciplinary bounds of education. We work with filmmakers and architects and with artists.
It embodies a desire to understand architecture as a field of inquiry, with which you can interrogate reality as it is effectively registering material transformation. I see architecture as a way of augmenting our way of seeing things in the world, but it's not for me a kind of sacred field that should not be touched or changed.
But I'm also using architecture across the entire spectrum of its relation to politics, from the very dystopian—with forensic architecture, a kind of architectural pathology—to the utopian. I have a studio in Palestine with Palestinian partners of mine, and internationals. Alessandro Petty and Sandi Hilal are in this group, which is called Decolonizing Architure. It's this group that is engaged in very utopian projects for the West Bank and Palestine and the return of refugees and so on. So I use architecture across the entire spectrum, from the very dystopian to the very utopian. Architecture is simply a way of engaging the world and its politics. Space is the way of establishing relations between things. And actually space is not static, it is both a means of establishing relations between people and objects and things. Just as material itself is always an event, always under transformation. So that is something I have taken from architecture and try to bring into politics, but not only in analyzing crimes, but in producing the reality yet to come.
So what we need from people is the desire to understand aesthetics as a field of inquiry, not simply as a pleasurable play of beauty and pleasing kind of effect, but as a kind of very sensorial field, sensorium, in which you can interrogate reality as it is effectively registering material transformation. So I would look simply for that kind of sensorial intensity and high critical approach and understanding and speculating of how it is we know what we think we know. Of course, you cannot see, or you do not know what you see, you do not have the language to interpret or question what it is you 'see' without abstract constructs. This means I don't necessarily look for theoretical capacities in people: I see theory as a way of augmenting our way of seeing things in the world, of registering them, of decoding them, but it's not for me a kind of sacred field to which I submit in any way.
So what is it you work on now?
I'm mostly trying to establish forensic architecture as a critical field of practice and as an agency that produce and disseminate evidence about war crimes in urban context. Recent forensic investigations in Guatemala and in the Israeli Negev involved the intersection of violence and environmental transformations, even climate change. For trials and truth commissions, we analyze the extent to which environmental transformation intersect with conflict.
The imaging of this previously invisible types of violence—'environmental violence' such as land degradation, the destruction of fields and forests (in the tropics), pollution and water diversion, and also long term processes of desertification—we use as new type of evidence of processes dispersed across time and space. There are other conflicts that unfold in relation to climatic and environmental transformations and in particular in relation to environmental scarcity.
Conflict has reciprocal interaction with environment transformation: environmental change could aggravate conflict, while conflict tends to generate further environmental damage. This has been apparent in Darfur, Sudan where the conflict was aggravated by increased competition over arable due to local land erosion and desertification. War and insurgency have occurred along Sahel—Arabic for 'shoreline'—on the southern threshold of the Sahara Desert, which is only ebbing as million of hectares of former arable land turn to desert. In past decades, conflicts have broken out in most countries from East to West Africa, along this shoreline: Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, Chad, Niger, Mali, Mauritania, and Senegal. In 2011 in the city of Daraa, farmers' protests, borne out of an extended cycle of droughts, marked the beginning of the Syrian civil war. Similar processes took place in the eastern outskirts of Damascus, Homs, al-Raqqah and along the threshold of the great Syrian and Northern Iraqi Deserts. These transformations impact upon cities, themselves a set of entangled natural/man-made environments. The conflict and hardships along desertification bands compel dispossessed farmers to embark upon increasingly perilous paths of migrations, leading to fast urbanization at the growing outskirts of the cities and slams.
I'm trying to understand these processes across desert thresholds. There has been a very long colonial debate about what is the line beyond which the desert begins. Most commonly it was defined as 200 mm rain per annum. Cartographers were trying to draw it, as it represented, to a certain extent, the limit of imperial control. From this line on, most policing was done through bombing of tribal areas from the air. Since the beginning, the emergence of the use of air power in policing in the post World War I period—aerial control, aerial government—took form in places that were perceived, at the time, as lying beyond the thresholds or edges of the law. The British policing of Iraq, the French in Syria, and Algeria, the Italians in Libya are examples where control would hover in air.
Up to now I was writing about borders that were physical and manmade: walls in the West Bank or Gaza and the siege around it—most notably in Hollow Land (2007, read the introduction here). Now I started to write about borders that are made by the interaction of people and the environment—like the desert line—which is not less violent and brutal. The colonial history of Palestine has been an attempt to push the line of the desert south, trying to make it green or bloom—this is in Ben Gurion's terms—but the origins of this statement are earlier and making the desert green and pushing the line of the desert was also Mussolini's stated aim. On the other hand, climate change is now pushing that line north.
Following not geopolitical but meteorological borders, helps me cut across a big epistemological problem that confines the writing in international relations or geopolitics within the borders organize your writing. Braudel is an inspiration but, for him, the environment of the Mediterranean is basically cyclically fixed. The problem with geographical determinism is that it takes nature as a given, cyclical, milieu which then affects politics—but I think we are now in a period where politics affects nature in the same way in which nature affects politics. The climate is changing in the same speed as human history.
What does your background in architecture add to understanding the global political controversies you engage in?
We are a forensic agency that provides services to prosecution teams around the world. With our amazing members we ran 20-odd cases around the world from the Amazon to Atacama, for the UN, for Amnesty, for Palestinian NGOs, in Gaza of course, West Bank, issues of killings, individual killings in the West Bank that we do now, and much more drastic destructions.
Forensic Architecture is unique in using architectural research methodologies to analyze violations of human rights and international humanitarian law as they bear upon the built environment—on buildings, cities and territories, and this is why we get many commissions. We produced architectural evidence for numerous investigations and presented them in a number of cases in national and international courts and tribunals. We were commissioned by the UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights to study single destroyed buildings, as well as patterns of destruction, resulting from drone warfare in Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia and Gaza. This study was presented at the UN General Assembly in New York. We developed techniques to locate the remains of buildings and villages overgrown by thick rain forests and presented this material as evidence in the genocide trial of former president Efraín Ríos Montt in the National Court of Guatemala and the Inter-American Court. We quantified and analyzed levels of architectural destruction in Gaza after the 2014 conflict for Amnesty International. We provided architectural models and animations to support a petition against the wall in Battir submitted to the Israeli High Court, helping to win the case.
Recently, we use and deal with the reconstruction of human testimony. Witnesses to war give account of the worst moment of their lives; times when their dear ones have died or hurt. Their memory is disturbed, and tends to be blurred. We have developed a way of very carefully interviewing and discussing with witnesses. Together with them, we build digital models of their own homes. So we can see a very slow process of reconstruction of the relation between memory space and architecture. And events start coming back, through the process of building.
In order to develop this, we needed to explore the historical use of memory and architecture, such as Frances Yates' The Art of Memory (read it here), as well as different accounts on the use of trauma, and bring them into the digital age, bring an understanding of the relation of testimony and evidence into contemporary thinking. Single incidents tend to be argued away as aberrations of 'standard operating procedures'. To bring charges against government and military leaderships, it is necessary to demonstrate 'gross and systematic' violations. This means finding consistent and repeated patterns of violations. Architectural analysis, undertaken on the level of the city is able to demonstrate repetition and transformations in patterns of violation/destruction in space and time—within the battle zone along the duration of the conflict. Architectural analysis is useful not only in dealing with architectural evidence—i.e with destroyed buildings—but also helpful in locating other bits of evidence—testimony films or photos—in relation to one other bits of evidence, and cross referring these in space.
Urban violence unfolds at different intensities, speeds and spatial scales: it is made of patterns of multiple instantaneous events as well as slower incremental processes of 'environmental violence' that affects the transformation of larger territories. We aims to analyze and present the relation between forms of violence that occur at different space and time scales. From eruptive kinetic violence of the instantaneous/human incident through patterns of destruction mapped across and along the duration of urban conflict, to what Rob Nixon calls the 'slow violence' of environmental transformation (read the introduction of the eponymous book here, pdf).
Last question. How does your approach to research relate to, or differ from, approaches to international politics?
To study conflict as a reality that unfolds across multiple scales, we use the microphysical approach—dealing with details, fragments and ruins—as an entry-point from which we will unpack the larger dynamics of a conflict. We reconstruct singular incidents, locate them in space and time to look for and identify patterns, then study these patterns in relation to long terms and wide-scale environmental transformations. This approach seeks to make connections between, what Marc Bloch of the Annales School called 'micro- and macro-history, between close-ups and extreme long shots' in his thesis on historical method. This topological approach is distinct from a traditional scalar one: the macro (political/strategic/territorial) situation will not be seen a root cause for a myriad set of local human right violations (incidents/tactics). In the complex reality of conflict, singularities are equally the result of 'framing conditions' and also contributing factors to phase transitions that might affect, or 'de-frame' as Latour has put it, changes occurring in wider areas. Instead of nesting smaller scales within larger ones, our analysis will seek to fluidly shift from macro to micro, from political conditions to individual cases, from buildings to environments and this along multiple threads, connection and feedback loops.
While in relation to the single incident it might still be possible to establish a direct, liner connection between the two limit figures of the perpetrator and the victim along the model of (international) criminal law, evidence for environmental violence is more scattered and diffused. Instead, it requires the examination of what we call 'field causalities'—causal ecologies that are non-linear, diffused, simultaneous, and that involve multiple agencies and feedback loops, challenging the immediacy of 'evidence'.
Establishing field causalities requires the examination of force fields and causal ecologies, that are non-linear, diffused, simultaneous and involve multiple agencies and feedback loops. Whereas linear causality entails a focus on sequences of causal events on the model of criminal law that seeks to trace a direct line between the two limit figures of victim and perpetrator field causality involves the spatial arrangement of simultaneous sites, actions and causes. It is inherently relational and thus a spatial concept. By treating space as the medium of relation between separate elements of evidence brought together, we aim to expand the analytical scope of forensic architecture. It is inherently relational and thus a spatial concept. By treating space as the medium of relation between separate elements of evidence brought together, field causalities expands the analytical scope of forensic architecture.
Let me illustrate this a bit. Forms of violence are crucially convertible one to another. Drying fields along the Sahel or the Great Syrian Desert, for example, reach a point in which they can no longer support their farmers, contributing to impoverishment, migration to cities, slumnization and waves of protest that might contribute to the eruption of armed conflict. These layers call for a form of architectural analysis able to shift and synthesize information at different scales—from single incidents as they are registered in the immediate spatial setting, through patterns of violations across the entire urban terrain to 'environmental violence' articulated in the transformation of large territories.
Eyal Weizman is an architect, Professor of Visual Cultures and director of the Centre for Research Architecture at Goldsmiths, University of London. Since 2011 he also directs the European Research Council funded project, Forensic Architecture - on the place of architecture in international humanitarian law. Since 2007 he is a founding member of the architectural collective DAAR in Beit Sahour/Palestine. Weizman has been a professor of architecture at the Academy of Fine Arts in Vienna and has also taught at the Bartlett (UCL) in London at the Stadel School in Frankfurt and is a Professeur invité at the École des hautes études en sciences sociales (EHESS) in Paris. He lectured, curated and organised conferences in many institutions worldwide. His books include Mengele's Skull (with Thomas Keenan at Sterenberg Press 2012), ForensicArchitecture (dOCUMENTA13 notebook, 2012), The Least of all Possible Evils (Nottetempo 2009, Verso 2011), Hollow Land (Verso, 2007), A Civilian Occupation (Verso, 2003), the series Territories 1,2 and 3, Yellow Rhythms and many articles in journals, magazines and edited books.
Related links
Facultyprofile at Goldsmith Forensic Architecture homepage Read Weizman's introduction to Forensis (2014) here (pdf) Read Weizman's Forensic Architecture: Notes from Fields and Forums (dOCUMENTA 2012) here (pdf) Read Weizman's Lethal Theory (2009) here (pdf) Read the introduction to Weizman's Hollow Land (2007) here (pdf)
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
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20 años las naciones ricas pensando el Desarrollo; 20 años las naciones pobres defendiendo los recursos; 20 años, sin recursos y sin Desarrollo. 4. Movimientos sociales se resisten a la minería a gran escala en América LatinaAsí como se evidencia la relación entre conflictos mineros y violaciones a los derechos de las personas que cohabitan en zonas con recursos, podemos afirmar que existe una capacidad de organización social, que denuncia y defiende derechos con base en la universalidad (para todos), la inviolabilidad, en la no negociabilidad, en la imprescriptibilidad, en la indivisibilidad y en la irreversibilidad. Sin embargo esta protesta y resistencia por parte de los ciudadanos que están directamente involucrados en conflictos mineros en América Latina, presentan problemas de todo tipo que van desde la criminalización de la protesta hasta la expulsión de sus territorios (1) (Gráfico 6). El cuadro 3 demuestra los casos de criminalización, siendo esta la práctica más reiterada en los países con mayores recursos y también en donde sus poblaciones en buen porcentaje son comunidades étnicas (indígenas). Cuadro 3.PaísCasos de criminalizaciónMéxico1Nicaragua1Colombia1Brasil1El Salvador2Guatemala3Perú7Ecuador10Es importante resaltar que no se trata de una serie de protestas sociales de tipo reaccionario al sistema económico, como fueron los discursos anti-imperialistas de los años 70. Se trata de justas reclamaciones por la defensa de la Vida y la exigencia a las multinacionales a la extracción responsable; no solo con la naturaleza sino con las comunidades que conviven en ambientes llenos de recursos. En este sentido la organización social latinoamericana, se ha ido cuantificando y cualificado especialmente en aquellas regiones / países en donde se presentan más conflictos y a su vez mayor inversión externa al sector minero. (Cuadro 4) Cuadro 4. Matriz de organizaciones involucradas asuntos mineros según el Observatorio de conflictos Mineros de América Latina y el I Encuentro Nacional Minero, Colombia, 2012 (2) PaísOrganizacionesColombia (3)Censat Agua Viva / AICO Pueblo de los Pastos, AIDA, Asentamiento indígena wayuú de Tamaquito II, Asociaciones de Zonas de Reserva Campesina, ASOCOMUNAL (Caldono), Asociación Minga, ASAPAZ, ASOCAMPO, BIOSIGNO, FEDERACIÓN DE MINEROS DEL CHOCO (AFROS), Colectivo de Abogados José Alvear Restrepo, CAMAWARI Pueblo (Awá de Ricaurte Nariño), CEAT (UN) UNIVALLE, Cimarrón, CIMA, Cinep, CODHES, Colectivo C.A.M.P.O, Colectivo S.E.A.T., Comisión de Seguimiento a sentencia 072, CSJ, Consejos Comunitarios del Chocó, Corporación Arco iris, Corporación Compromiso – Bucaramanga, CRIHU (Huila), CRIR (Risaralda), Espacio Regional de Paz del Cauca, Fundación Natura, Gidca, Instituto de Estudios para el Desarrollo y la Paz – INDEPAZ, Informe de desarrollo humano PNUD, International Alert, Mesa joven minería, Mesa de Unidad Agraria – MUA, OIA (Antioquia), ONIC, PCN, Pensamiento y Acción Social, PAS, Planeta Paz, Pueblo PASTOS (Nariño), Pueblo Wayuú (GUAJIRA), Pueblo Piaroa de Vichada, Pueblo Nasa de Caquetá, Suippcol, Red de justicia ambiental, Resguardo indígena Wayuú de Provincial.EcuadorAcción Ecológica, Pastoral Shuar, Pueblo Shuar Arutam, FICSH, Coordinadora de mujeres Intag, CDNV, Fundación Vientos de VidaPerúGrufides, Cooperación, Vima, ConacamiBoliviaCEPA, CEDIB, Centro Vicente Cañas, SOPE, EcomujeresArgentinaAsamblea Patagónica por la vida y el territorio contra el saqueo y la contaminaciónChileOlca, Conferre, Justicia paz e integralidad de la creación de St Columbano, Defensa del Valle Chalinga, Pastoral Salvaguarda de la creación, OCAS, Consejo Ciudadano Salamanca, Grupo Atacama LimpiaFuente: Elaboración propia con base en información del Observatorio de Conflictos mineros de América Latina, disponible en http://www.conflictosmineros.net/quienessomos, mayo 2012 El trabajo que adelanta el Observatorio de Conflicto mineros es importante. Sin embargo existe otro cúmulo de organizaciones que realizan un trabajo similar y no hacen parte de él como por ejemplo la Asamblea Popular por el Agua en Argentina y en Colombia, el Consejo Nacional Indígena del Cauca, CRIC.En Argentina, La Asamblea Popular por el Agua es una iniciativa ciudadana que surgió en el año 2006 como una expresión de rechazo a los proyectos de la mega minería y por la defensa del agua. La Asamblea que reúne diferentes sectores sociales de la provincia de Mendoza, logro en junio de 2007 que se sancionara la ley 7722 la cual prohíbe la minería contaminante. Desde entonces, esta asamblea conformada por un cúmulo de organizaciones sociales y comunitarias de la provincia, trabaja por defender el ambiente libre de minería contaminante por medio de la movilización social, la pedagogía ciudadana entre otras (4). En Colombia existen muchos más colectivos y asambleas populares y sociales que de a poco se han ido organizando para debatir y hacer propuestas sobre el impacto y los costos de la mega minería. El ejemplo más reciente, fue el Primer Encuentro Nacional Territorio, productividad, ambiente y minería, La María- Piendamó, Cauca- Colombia, 27 de abril de 2012, convocado principalmente por el Consejo Regional Indígena del Cauca- CRIC. Este primer encuentro denotó la necesidad apremiante de las comunidades que se resisten a salir de sus territorios o permitir el uso indiscriminado de los recursos, dando paso a la contaminación del ambiente, la desigualdad económica, la ausencia de transparencia institucional entre otras.Conclusiones del Primer Encuentro Nacional Territorio, productividad, ambiente y mineríaa) que la política se orienta en beneficio de favorecer la privatización de empresas públicas mineras y el manejo exclusivo de las transnacionales; siendo declarada como actividad de utilidad pública e interés social lo que habilita un proceso de reforma y transformación del Estado por medio de una locomotora legislativa que facilita la expropiación de tierra e irrespeta el derecho fundamental a la consulta previa. Informando que se han protocolizado 156 procesos de consulta previa en el 2012 referidos a proyectos de inversión donde ha sido característico que su realización se hace desconociendo la participación de las organizaciones regionales.b) que hay especulación por parte de las compañías en las fases previas a la explotación, y que los recursos que pagan las compañías por concepto de regalías e impuestos sobre la renta, les son devueltos luego en exenciones fiscales y subsidios; facilitados por la corrupción de las instituciones locales, departamentales y nacionales.c) que se han ejecutado desalojos de comunidades, desplazamientos masivos y pérdida de territorios ancestralesd) que hay contaminación del aire por las explosiones para extraer el carbón, derrame de sustancias tóxicas, muerte de peces, contaminación de fuentes hídricas, deforestación y erosión de suelos, destrucción de las redes de acueductos comunitarios Se presentan fenómenos de transformación de las culturas, ruptura del tejido social, pérdida de usos y costumbres, afectación a las economías locales (trueques), invasión de tecnología que afecta a la población joven de los resguardos, llegada de programas asistenciales gubernamentales que afectan la cohesión de los pueblos indígenas, pérdida de medicina tradicional y de sabios indígenas cuidadores del territorio.f) que la amenaza minera se extiende en la mayoría de los territorios, utilizando nueva tecnología para adelantar las actividades de prospección y exploración en especial sobre territorios ocupados ancestralmente por comunidades indígenas, campesinas y afro descendientes; lo cual produce alteración de usos del suelo y de la productividad de la tierra, y que las empresas transnacionales, por medio de actos de corrupción estatal diseñan planes de ordenamiento territorial de los municipios. También que las zonas entregadas en concesión en territorios indígenas coinciden con sitios sagrados o con sus áreas circundantes. Se denuncia que muchos proyectos de infraestructura vial están al servicio de megaproyectos mineros.g) Que los conflictos mineros acrecientan la presencia de actores armados, fuerza pública, guerrilla, paramilitares, en particular la creación de unidades militares minero-energéticas especializadas en la custodia y protección de los proyectos y batallones de alta montaña en territorios indígenas; se intensifican los enfrentamientos entre grupos armados que afectan a la población civil con situaciones generadas por explosivos abandonados o minas anti persona.Fuente: apartes de las conclusiones Generales del Encuentro Nacional de Territorio, Productividad, Ambiente y Minería La María, Piendamó, Cauca, abril 27 de 20125. Desarrollo y sustentabilidadLa creciente complejidad de los distintos sistemas sociales y políticos contemporáneos, nos hacen reflexionar nuevamente sobre aquello que parecía claro y resuelto hace 20 años. Estuvimos en Rio 1992, debatimos ideas rectoras e imaginamos las recetas para conseguir el desarrollo sostenible. En el papel todo parecía quedar claro y de fácil consecución (4). 20 años después nos encontramos de nuevo en Rio (junio, 2012), con algunos deberes inconclusos y en muchos casos con problemas de desarrollo y sostenibilidad agravados. Entonces, la primera pregunta que se formula, es ¿qué paso en estos 20 años para no haber logrado los objetivos planteados en 1992? En estos 20 años, se ratifica que la especie humana no es una especie que actúa exclusivamente por intereses económicos; comprobamos lo anterior, porque algunas sociedades humanas conservan su componente espiritual y luchan por ello, lo cual las hace trascender para valorar otra realidad, que se desconoce al momento de trazar políticas de alcance social y político para el desarrollo sostenible. Todos los pueblos quieren alcanzar este desarrollo sostenible: el problema que sugiere esta premisa, es qué significa estos dos conceptos para ellos y como se realiza una construcción colectiva para lograrlo. Un ejemplo claro de lo anterior, es la explotación minera en América Latina. Sin entender esta relación, jamás podrá existir un proyecto minero sin conflictos sociales o políticos. O se realizará dicho proyecto sin que impliquen violaciones a derechos, si esa comunidad tiene antecedentes mineros, es decir, si históricamente tiene vínculos de ese tipo con su tierra. Al respecto, es importante trabajar y demostrar que los recursos son necesarios para el crecimiento económico de las naciones, pero que deben existir consensos sociales para el uso de estos y su relación con quienes auténticamente han cuidado de ellos. Presentamos algunas ideas que sirven para abrir un debate, que seguramente se dará y seguirá después de Rio +20. Primer asunto relevante: Confianza en el Estado. Una de las mayores razones por las cuales las comunidades locales se resisten a convivir con proyectos de mega minería, es por ausencia de confianza que existe hacia las instituciones del Estado; este es el caso de países como Bolivia o Argentina. Los indicadores de Percepción de Corrupción (Transparency International, 2011) señalan que la mayoría de países de América Latina registran una percepción media-alta de corrupción en sus instituciones (5). El país en donde los ciudadanos confían y tienen la mejor percepción es Nueva Zelanda que ocupa el primer lugar; el último lugar a nivel mundial lo tiene Somalia. Gráfico 8. Fuente: Corruption Perceptions, Index 2011. Disponible en:http://cpi.transparency.org/cpi2011/results/ Existen vacios jurídicos y políticos para confiar en que las instituciones pueden controlar acciones de la mega minería y obrar con transparencia. Los Estados están en la obligación, dado sus mandatos constitucionales, de generar confianza a las comunidades y bienestar a las naciones. Esta situación se complejiza aún más, cuando en países como Colombia o Perú, sus gobiernos son llamados de manera informal por las empresas trasnacionales y el sector privado como 'gobiernos pro-mineros'. El discurso del presidente Santos en el primer congreso de Minería a Gran escala, que se realizó en Cartagena en febrero de 2012, así lo refleja: " Aquí hay todavía espacio –de sobra– para recibir a las grandes casas mineras –y a las junior, por supuesto– que estén dispuestas a trabajar en armonía con el desarrollo de Colombia". Segundo asunto relevante: la Generación y distribución de la riqueza, no de la pobreza. Los informes de la Consejo Económico para América Latina- CEPAL- 2011, señalan que los índices de pobreza en América Latina han disminuido, como lo presenta el gráfico 9. Sin embargo estos porcentajes no logran estar por debajo del diez por mil (10%), cifra que no es comparable con las obtenidas por economías de los países del báltico, la cual está por debajo del 5%. Con lo anterior, se mantiene premisa, que América Latina es el segundo subcontinente más pobre del planeta, con mayor diversidad y más conflictos sociales. Gráfico 9. Fuente: CEPAL, 2010. Recurso Disponible en:http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/37/60/48157176.pdf La actividad minera requiere de grandes inversiones; a pesar de la generación de empleo informal (mano de obra no calificada en su mayoría) y la actividad económica que esta deja, es cortoplacista: se produce riqueza en forma rápida y fugaz; sin embargo, se plantea como problema, de un lado el retiro o la falta de garantías para la reinversión en países en dónde se han generado los beneficios para las empresas mineras; y de otro, la percepción social que el boom de la minería no va más allá del mediano plazo, acentúa la inestabilidad económica de las comunidades en dónde se desarrolla la industria extractiva a gran escala. Los complejos contenidos sobre la maximización de las rentas y la consolidación de las inversiones, es un asunto de la política macroeconómica de las naciones, que excede a la minería y en algunos casos no se plantea. Sería un error tener la visión que la minería es tan solo un negocio ilimitado en el tiempo, pues se estaría desconociendo la matriz productiva de muchos pueblos tradicionalmente agrícolas, ganaderos o industriales. Si el asunto de la mega minería no se percibe como una política de estado, la confianza y la estabilidad nunca hará parte de las bondades de las naciones. Tercer asunto: Viabilidad Social y Ambiental. En la división de Desarrollo Sustentable, del Departamento de Asuntos Económicos y Sociales de Naciones Unidas, 6 países -Colombia, Argentina, Chile, Guatemala, México y Costa Rica- presentan informe 'especifico' sobre las regulaciones jurídicas y socio ambientales de la minería. Mientras que países con altos índices de inversión minera como Perú, El Salvador, Bolivia y Brasil la actividad minera 'hace parte de los informes anuales' por país que archiva la organización (6). Podría inducir lo anterior, que la necesidad de socializar a nivel regional la legislación y regulación para esta industria es apenas incipiente y que se hace necesario compartir estudios y experiencias para trabajar de manera conjunta sobre este asunto específico. Es posible afirmar que los proyectos mineros en América Latina carecen de viabilidad social y ambiental; viabilidad que no se consigue por diversos intereses de tipo económico, sociales, políticos, pero principalmente porque la minería, altera las relaciones del hombre con la tierra. Recordemos que las poblaciones rurales la valoran mucho más allá de lo meramente económico. Al respeto surge uno de los debates cruciales y controvertidos como el uso de la energía o el uso del Agua. El agua es tal vez es la cuestión más conflictiva cuando se proponen o imponen proyectos mineros de gran envergadura. Creemos que es imposible que cuando se demanda un recurso vital como este y se pone el peligro el derecho adquirido, no surjan (7) conflictos. Entonces se replantean cuestiones como, el valor en el mercado del agua, sus usos, su propiedad, etc. Pero volvemos al punto de partida, la relación del hombre con su tierra, en gran parte depende del agua, de su calidad, cantidad y de su disponibilidad en el tiempo. En este sentido, nadie está dispuesto a poner en juego esta relación sin tener claro y garantizado que sus derechos, no serán vulnerados. Los estados que pretendan tener proyectos mineros en sus territorios, deben sin lugar a duda tener claridad social, política y jurídica sobre este balance: abastecimiento hídrico pertinente y garantía al derecho fundamental a este. ¿Qué esperamos de Rio +20? Una reconocida periodista Colombiana Marta Ruiz- afirmó en una columna de opinión lo siguiente: "Como si fuera poco, la "buena" noticia que trajo Santos de Asia es que los chinos están interesados en nuestro oro. Y uno no sabe si reír, llorar o salir a incendiar las dragas (…) Anuncio y premonición de los conflictos que va a desatar la minería" (8). Y no es insolencia. Como sugerimos en este escrito, es indudable que las sociedades contemporáneas necesitan los recursos naturales para mantener la forma de vida que desde la modernidad se ha encausado; sin embargo se hace urgente, necesario y justificable, en el marco de la exigibilidad de los derechos universales de las comunidades que han sostenido relaciones naturales, espirituales y económicas con la tierra llena de recursos, que el uso sea racional y sostenible. Son muchas las organizaciones sociales que trabajan por la defensa a la vida y el medio ambiente según lo reporta el Observatorio de Conflictos Mineros de América Latina; en ese sentido es posible hacer algunas sugerencias, de cara a la reunión de Rio+20 durante el mes de junio de 2012 y con el ánimo de visibilizar el debate, eliminar las tasas de violaciones a derechos fundamentales por causas relacionadas a la mega minería y de cara a disminuir las tasas de pobreza e inequidad que manifiestan las comunidades afectadas. Una cumbre que reafirme y reconozca los derechos individuales y los derechos de las naciones a hacer uso de sus recursos, buscando un desarrollo sostenible en el marco de las realidades culturales, sociales, políticas y económicas propias. Un espacio en donde se reflexione y se tomen decisiones sobre la promoción de políticas que prioricen la solución de problemas locales o micro regionales, en donde cada comunidad local pueda decidir qué tipo de desarrollo sostenible quiere y le conviene, en el marco del respeto a la soberanía y los derechos fundamentales. Un lugar de apoyo y financiamiento a los acuerdos transversales entre países en vía de desarrollo. Especialmente en lo concerniente a políticas públicas que atiendan problemáticas comunes como debería ser, el impacto de proyectos de mega minería en territorios étnicos y campesinos. Un espacio que abogue por la consulta previa, libre y transparente a los pueblos que tradicionalmente han cultivado y cosechado en estas tierras. Otra cumbre para la tierra y para quienes habitan en ella.Referencias: Conclusiones al Primer Encuentro Nacional Territorio, Producción, Ambiente y Minería, La María, Cauca, Colombia, 27 de abril de 2012. Disponible En: http://www.indepaz.org.co/?p=2028Corruption Perceptions, Index 2011. Disponible En: http://cpi.transparency.org/cpi2011/results/Cumbre para la tierra, programa 21, 14 de junio de 1992, Rio de Janeiro. Disponible En: http://www.unep.org/Documents.Multilingual/Default.asp?DocumentID=52&ArticleID=49&l=en Dayton-Johnson, Jeff (2011). Perspectivas económicas para América Latina, 2011. Banco Central de la Reserva del Perú, Organización para la Cooperación y el Desarrollo Económicos –OCDE-, México D.C. Declaración de Rió sobre el Medio Ambiente y el Desarrollo, del 14 de junio de 1992. Disponible En:http://www.pnuma.org/docamb/dr1992.php Escobar, Arturo (1996). La invención de tercer mundo. Construcción y deconstrucción del desarrollo, Ed. Norma, Bogotá González Posso, Camilo (2011). Renta minera, petróleo y comunidades. Ed. Indepaz, Bogotá Memorias al I Congreso de Minería a Gran escala, Cartagena de Indias, febrero de 2012. Disponible En: http://www.mineriaagranescala.org/smge/ Mingin Intelligence Series (2012). Business News Americas, En: http://www.bnamericas.com/news/mining Observatorio Latinoamericana de Conflictos Ambientales (2012). Observatorio de conflictos mineros de América Latina, En http://www.olca.cl/oca/index.htm Division for Sustainable Development, UN department of economic and social affair, En:http://www.un.org/esa/dsd/dsd_aofw_ni/ni_natiinfo_costarica.shtml (1) Todos los casos que registra el Observatorio sobre desplazamiento forzado están en Colombia.(2) Las organizaciones políticas, sociales, ambientales y comunitarias que hacen parte de este Observatorio, no representan la totalidad de acciones colectivas que existen y que realizan un seguimiento y denuncia a las actividades mineras en América Latina.(3) Censat Agua Viva es la única organización colombiana que hace parte del Observatorio; sin embargo existen otras muchas organizaciones que participan en este proceso, las cuales se hicieron presentes en el Primer Encuentro Nacional Territorio, productividad, ambiente y minería, La María- Piendamó, Cauca- Colombia, 27 de abril de 2012(4) Más información disponible en: http://quienessomosasamblea.blogspot.com/ (5) La Declaración de Rio/92 fue una declaración de principios a los cuales los estados firmantes se comprometían a mejorar las condiciones de vida de todos los habitantes del planeta. Por ejemplo el principio 11 "Los Estados deberán promulgar leyes eficaces sobre el medio ambiente. Las normas, los objetivos de ordenación y las prioridades ambientales deberían reflejar el contexto ambiental y de desarrollo al que se aplican. Las normas aplicadas por algunos países pueden resultar inadecuadas y representar un costo social y económico injustificado para otros países, en particular los países en desarrollo". Según varios estudios, se ha demostrado que los países latinoamericanos con gran cantidad de recuros naturales como Colombia o Perú, la legislación es inoportuna.(6) Percepciones de Corrupción de 182 países de todos los continentes, Index 2011 de Transparencia Internacional(7) Los reportes nacionales que cada país entrega a división de Desarrollo Sustentable, del departamento de asuntos económicos y sociales de Naciones Unidas (búsqueda en Internet, junio 2012) solo los 6 países mencionados presentan un informe. No son informes estandarizados pero tienen características comunes como información sobre las políticas y regulaciones internas, situación actual de la minería en cada país, mecanismos de seguimiento y monitoreo, buenas prácticas en el sector. Fuente: http://www.un.org/esa/dsd/dsd_aofw_ni/ni_natiinfo_costarica.shtml(8) Romeo el Agresivo, En: Revista Arcadia, 25 de mayo de 2012. *Tathiana Montaña es Colombiana, asesora académica del Instituto de Estudios para el Desarrollo y la paz (Colombia); profesora universitaria licenciada en Relaciones Internacionales, con estudios de perfeccionamiento en Desarrollo; Magister en Ciencia Política. Actualmente es candidata a Doctor en Política y Gobierno, mención en Relaciones Internacionales. Ha publicado libros y artículos en medios nacionales y latinoamericanos sobre asuntos de paz y postconflicto. José Carlos Pozzoli es Argentino, politólogo, especialista en Políticas Públicas; ha sido consultor para el BID y trabajó como asesor de la Comisión de Ambiente de la Honorable Cámara de Diputados de Mendoza; Coordinador General Tercera Conferencia ICID +19 Clima, Sostenibilidad y Desarrollo en Regiones Semi Aridas; Asesor de Gabinete, Secretaría de Ambiente y Desarrollo Sustentable de la Provincia de Mendoza.
2006/2007 ; Una ricerca sulla supervisione professionale agli Assistenti Sociali . Anna Maria Giarola frequentante il III anno di Dottorato in "Sociologia, Scienze del Servizio Sociale e Scienze della Formazione"di Trieste, XX Ciclo. tutor Prof.Franco Bressan co-tutor Dott.ssa Elisabetta Neve Premessa Un breve inquadramento storico della supervisione in Servizio Sociale, ci condurrà alle motivazioni sottese alla ricerca svolta. Nell'ambito della formazione e della pratica professionale degli assistenti sociali è sempre stata presente la supervisione, che ha rappresentato il punto di raccordo tra la dimensione formativa e quella lavorativa della professione. Lo sviluppo teorico e metodologico della pratica della supervisione nel Servizio Sociale è stato ampiamente influenzato dal modello statunitense. Iniziata negli anni Trenta, la supervisione nei servizi sociali statunitensi era fortemente improntata a una funzione "amministrativa" di controllo della qualità e della produttività del lavoro degli assistenti, sulla base degli standard, degli scopi e degli obiettivi fissati dall'Ente, secondo uno stile di management ripreso dal modello produttivo e organizzativo aziendale americano.(Cortigiani M.,2005) A questa iniziale impostazione, vennero apportate nel nostro Paese delle correzioni decisive nel senso di dare alla supervisione anche la funzione di garantire agli operatori un supporto tecnico, formativo e personale.(Tommassini G.,1962) I supervisori lavoravano all'interno degli Enti di assistenza ed erano gerarchicamente incastonati nell'apparato amministrativo, ricoprendo quattro funzioni (Hester, 1951) : 1) funzione amministrativa e cioè controllo sull'operato, sulla qualità, sulla programmazione, pianificazione e distribuzione del lavoro; 2) funzione valutativa dei risultati, 3) funzione didattica volta ad integrare e completare la formazione dell'operatore svolta prima dell'ingresso nell'Ente; 4) funzione di consultazione relativamente ai casi specifici per i quali l'operatore necessiti di un supporto tecnico da parte di un operatore più esperto. Queste funzioni erano combinate con pesi e misure diverse a seconda dell'ambito della loro implementazione, ma la figura del supervisore restava una figura chiave all'interno degli Enti erogatori dei servizi e l'elemento di riflessività, che la connotava, portava un valore aggiunto all'operatività dell'assistente sociale. La peculiarità del Servizio Sociale di mettere in stretta, dipendente, relazione prassi operativa ed elaborazione teorica, trovava appunto nella supervisione un elemento forte di riflessione sulla propria operatività, da tradurre o rapportare al paradigma teorico. ( Neve E., 2000) Quando nel nostro Paese, in virtù della riforma dell'assistenza e del decentramento della responsabilità del ruolo assistenziale ai Comuni, gli Enti vennero chiusi e gli assistenti sociali decentrati nelle unità territoriali, la figura del supervisore, così come era stata fino ad allora concepita, tese a sparire. Lo sviluppo del Servizio Sociale è stato da allora molto complesso e la professione si è arricchita di nuove e maggiori competenze nei vari ambiti, ma la figura del supervisore non ha più trovato una chiara rappresentazione al suo interno. Sembra esserci oggi tuttavia una percezione diffusa del crescere di una domanda di supervisione da parte dei professionisti, sia in concomitanza con i rilevanti mutamenti nelle politiche di welfare e nell'organizzazione dei servizi socio-sanitari, sia sull'onda di una più pressante esigenza di qualità nell'erogazione di servizi. Il tema della supervisione professionale nel Servizio Sociale è stato oggetto negli anni, di approfondimenti ed analisi da parte di molti autori appartenenti spesso al mondo dell'operatività : fatto questo che dimostra come per l'assistente sociale risulti necessario trasferire l'esperienza legata alla prassi ad un livello di elaborazione teorica, attraverso una riflessione costante sulle proprie modalità operative. Nonostante i dibattiti attorno a questa tematica, le esperienze formative in questo senso sono restate purtroppo episodiche ed isolate: in pratica, non esiste un percorso formativo istituzionale per i supervisori, né tantomeno un riconoscimento professionale di questa figura. La formazione del supervisore risulta, seppur in taluni casi molto ampia ed articolata, non omogenea e talvolta con imprinting estremamente personali. La nostra ricerca nasce proprio dal desiderio di conoscere le varie esperienze di supervisione in servizio agli assistenti sociali nel nostro Paese, di rilevare le eventuali carenze e positività, di conoscere il percorso formativo dei supervisori che attualmente operano, le loro modalità e le loro opinioni in merito alla necessità di un percorso formativo specifico. Essa si ricollega ad altre più illustri ricerche teoriche, che hanno avuto il pregio di riportare in evidenza una tematica come quella della supervisione, che, tra alterne vicende, è sempre stata presente nel mondo del servizio sociale. Ricordiamo infatti le ricerche teoriche di E.Allegri che hanno messo in luce le inalienabili valenze di supporto alla professione, di valutazione di qualità e di auto-valutazione del lavoro sociale, intrinseche alla supervisione.(Allegri E.,1997,2000) 1. LA RICERCA. La ricerca è finalizzata a rilevare empiricamente, attraverso una serie di indagini, quanto la percezione diffusa dei professionisti e la recente elaborazione teorica hanno messo in evidenza, relativamente alla supervisione agli assistenti sociali in servizio. Essa è finalizzata a : - diffondere la conoscenza, consentire l'elaborazione teorica, contribuire a creare sensibilità e consapevolezza dell'utilità, se non della necessità, di incentivare la pratica della supervisione; - fornire suggerimenti per l'istituzione o sperimentazione di percorsi formativi, dei quali abbiamo la percezione ci sia carenza, ma anche necessità. Il progetto di questa ricerca è articolato nelle seguenti fasi : - costruzione del quadro teorico di riferimento e prima ricognizione panoramica sulla supervisione in Italia. - indagine empirica sulle esperienze esistenti, sia sul piano della domanda che dell'offerta di supervisione. Rilevazione della percezione del fabbisogno di supervisione sia da parte della professione che, indirettamente, da parte dei contesti istituzionali dei servizi; Per la ricerca è sembrata prioritaria una ricognizione sullo "stato" dell'esercizio della supervisione che comprendesse : - indicazioni riguardanti le esperienze già esistenti di supervisione ad assistenti sociali già in servizio, cercando di sondare le modalità e le tipologie esistenti e quantificare anche la disponibilità attuale a tale pratica ; per un quadro della situazione è stato utile indagare sulle tipologie di supervisione esistenti (individuale o di gruppo, mono o pluri-professionale) poiché le diverse tipologie sono sottese da motivazioni ed esigenze diverse (rafforzamento dell'identità professionale, capacità di cooperazione ed integrazione etc,) e possono dare un quadro più significativo della situazione attuale; - indicazioni riguardanti la quantità e la qualità potenziali della domanda di supervisione da parte sia dei singoli professionisti, sia, indirettamente, delle organizzazioni pubbliche e private di servizi ; è stato interessante indagare attorno alle motivazioni sottese alla richiesta di supervisione da parte dei diretti interessati, anche attorno alla "contestualizzazione" della supervisione e cioè se la stessa debba essere intesa fornita da operatori esterni o interni al servizio ed in quale posizione rispetto all'organizzazione; -indicazioni, anche se indirette, sul potenziale grado di disponibilità dei responsabili delle politiche e delle istituzioni di servizi ad attivare con proprie risorse o ricorrendo all'esterno, percorsi di supervisione per i propri operatori ; Si ritiene che questa ricerca possa collocarsi nell'ambito delle ricerche qualitative, nel senso che si darà ampio spazio al punto di vista o, più generalmente, alla prospettiva di chi è protagonista, come fruitore o come propositore, del nostro oggetto di studio. Gli interrogativi che ci siamo posti hanno una natura fondalmentamente descrittiva del fenomeno e non nutrono ambizioni di spiegazioni di portata generale. Il dato quantitativo misurato, relativamente alla presenza di tale prassi nel nostro Paese, sarà di aiuto comunque nel formulare ipotesi di fabbisogno e di intervento, in ambito formativo, sostenute da dati standardizzati. 2. IL PERCORSO DI RICERCA Si è ritenuto quindi opportuno, per le nostre finalità, articolare la ricerca come segue: 1) una ricognizione teorica, che ha preso in esame la letteratura italiana di servizio sociale sul tema, anche in chiave storica, e quella inerente la supervisione in altri ambiti professionali( psicologico, psicoterapeutico, psichiatrico, pedagogico-educativo .) Tale ricerca di sfondo aveva lo scopo, oltre a quello dell'approfondimento della conoscenza dell'oggetto di studio e della familiarizzazione con il contesto, di far emergere i nodi da indagare quali : i componenti del setting della supervisione( Assistente Sociale, Supervisore, Organizzazione ed Utente) , le funzioni della supervisione, la formazione dei supervisori, la scelta tra una supervisione implementata da un professionista interno od esterno all'ente, e tra una supervisione individuale o di gruppo ed infine, un breve excursus sulla supervisione nelle altre professioni d'aiuto ( infermieri professionali, psicologi, educatori professionali, psichiatri). 2) una prima ricognizione sulle esperienze italiane esistenti, attraverso materiale documentario e la somministrazione di un breve questionario a soggetti privilegiati, quali gli Ordini Nazionale e Regionali degli assistenti sociali ed altri organismi di rappresentanza degli stessi ( A.i.do.S.S, S.U.N.A.S, AS.Na.SS…) 3) una serie di interviste destinate ai supervisori esperti, molti dei quali docenti universitari, presenti nel nostro Paese, che hanno implementato tale prassi, nelle varie realtà italiane ( i nominativi ci sono stati forniti dagli Ordini Regionali degli assistenti sociali, ma risultavano già noti, per la grande rilevanza che essi hanno nel panorama formativo della professione ). La numerosità dell'elenco ci ha costretti, per motivi di ordine squisitamente tecnico, a suddividere il campione e a predisporre un questionario da inviare ad una parte dei supervisori. La scelta dei membri dei due sottogruppi è dovuta soltanto alla cronologia della somministrazione. 4) una indagine, attraverso un questionario, presso gli assistenti sociali, estratti casualmente dalle liste degli Albo Regionali, sulla reale possibilità di accedere ad un percorso di supervisione e sulle opinioni in merito degli operatori coinvolti. Si tiene a sottolineare come il nostro piano di indagine non fosse comunque rigido e stabilito, prima dell'inizio stesso dello studio, ma come esso sia emerso e sia stato definito nel dettaglio, durante la raccolta dei dati, una volta terminata l'analisi preliminare. Crediamo infatti che, per la buona riuscita della ricerca, sia necessario attenersi a canoni di flessibilità e adattamento al contesto e ai soggetti coinvolti. Come premesso, attraverso questi strumenti, intendiamo assumere informazioni sul panorama attuale italiano riguardo la supervisione in servizio agli assistenti sociali, ipotizzando che essa ponga reali problemi non solo sul piano del suo concreto esercizio, ma anche sul piano dei requisiti e quindi della formazione dei supervisori di professionisti, che operano in realtà alquanto complesse, come quelle dei Servizi Sociali, sia pubblici, che del privato sociale. 3. GLI STRUMENTI DEL PERCORSO 1.3 Questionario per gli Ordini e le Agenzie Formative. L'approfondimento teorico e documentario, che ha avuto valore di "ricerca di sfondo" ci ha permesso di definire, almeno in prima battuta, i concetti relativi al tema della ricerca ed i nodi attorno ai quali sono state strutturate le nostre indagini. E' stata effettuata una prima panoramica sulle esperienze italiane esistenti attraverso la somministrazione di un questionario a tutti gli Ordini Nazionale e Regionali ed alle Associazioni di categoria ( Associazione Nazionale Servizio Sociale, Associazione Italiana Docenti di Servizio Sociale, Sindacato Unitario Nazionale Assistenti Sociali ). Essa aveva un duplice scopo : 1) avere una prima fotografia delle esperienze esistenti in Italia e delle opinioni in merito da parte delle voci "ufficiali" della professione; 2) ottenere informazioni circa l'entità e la dislocazione di esperienze e persone cui poter fare riferimento per la rilevazione. Il questionario postale, a domande aperte, chiede informazioni sull'esistenza di esperienze recenti o attuali di supervisione in servizio, su chi sono i supervisori, sull'esistenza o meno di corsi di formazione dei supervisori. La scelta di un questionario postale a domande aperte deriva da riflessioni di ordine metodologico e di tipo economico : il questionario a domande aperte infatti può essere immaginato come uno strumento a cavallo tra qualità ( capacità conoscitiva del punto di vista dell'intervistato ) e quantità, essendo la redazione e l'ordine delle domande esattamente uguale per tutti gli intervistati (possibilità di giungere alla costruzione di "matrici di dati") . 2.3 Intervista e Questionario ai Supervisori. Una delle domande del questionario somministrato agli Ordini ed alle Agenzie formative riguarda la conoscenza da parte di questi, di professionisti o agenzie pubbliche o private che forniscono supervisione in servizio agli assistenti sociali nel nostro Paese. Accanto ad altri interessanti dati, abbiamo potuto accedere a molti nominativi di Supervisori, che negli ultimi dieci anni hanno effettuato supervisioni ad assistenti sociali in servizio, nelle loro regioni. Ne è emerso un elenco di circa sessanta professionisti, alcuni dei quali sono nomi estremamente significativi nell'ambito dell'elaborazione teorica e della formazione del Servizio Sociale. Abbiamo ottenuto quindi un campione di supervisori rappresentato dalla totalità dei nominativi fornitaci dai vari Ordini regionali ( campionamento a valanga o snow-ball). Possiamo quindi affermare che non si tratta della selezione di un campione, quanto piuttosto di una scelta degli interlocutori ( nel nostro caso tutti segnalati da Organismi rilevanti all'interno della comunità, alla quale la ricerca è diretta), operata sulla base della significatività dell'esperienza e della collocazione dei soggetti da intervistare relativamente alla più ampia finalità dell'indagine, come pure in ordine alla loro posizione nel contesto di studio. Appoggiandoci alla tripartizione individuata da (Gorden R.1975) che classifica in tre tipi generali gli interlocutori destinati ad una intervista ( chiave, privilegiati, significativi) possiamo affermare che il nostro campione appartiene alla categoria del tipo privilegiato o meglio "specializzato". Questa definizione intende qui una persona che dà informazioni "specialistiche", cioè direttamente rilevanti per gli obiettivi dello studio, scelta sulla base della sua posizione strategica nella comunità scientifica di appartenenza, gruppo o istituzione oggetto di studio.( G.Gianturco 2005) Si è pensato quindi, anche per motivi strettamente economici, di suddividere il campione in due sottogruppi. Tale suddivisione ci ha consentito di individuare, in ordine esclusivamente cronologico, i soggetti da intervistare direttamente e quelli ai quali inviare ( per posta ordinaria o telematica ) un questionario da auto-compilare. L'intervista è articolata in quattro sezioni, con domande aperte, riguardanti : -esperienze di supervisione fatte ed in atto; -riflessioni e commenti sulle esperienze -stima, in prospettiva, del fabbisogno di supervisione per gli assistenti sociali -problemi e prospettive circa la formazione dei supervisori -opinioni su nodi problematici Abbiamo pensato a questo tipo di intervista semistrutturata focalizzata su un determinato argomento, detta anche standardizzata non programmata (Gianturco,2005)che prevede una gestione della relazione di intervista flessibile e con una bassissima direttività. Essa " concede ampia libertà all'intervistato ( gestione dell'ordine ed eventualmente dell'approfondimento delle domande/stimoli) ed intervistatore ( ampiezza della risposta e del racconto, inserimenti di altri elementi non previsti dallo stimolo.) garantendo nello stesso tempo che tutti i temi rilevanti siano discussi e che tutte le informazioni necessarie siano raccolte" (Corbetta,1999) Questa opzione ci è stata suggerita proprio dalla tipologia delle persone, che siamo andati ad intervistare : professionisti esperti, che accanto alle informazioni necessarie alla ricerca potevano fornire ampi ed approfonditi commenti al fenomeno, oggetto di studio, in generale. Non si tratta infatti, di un semplice elenco di argomenti, ma di una struttura ramificata in cui ogni argomento è suddiviso in temi e ogni tema in sotto-temi, con la possibilità di procedere ulteriormente nella scomposizione fino a raggiungere il livello di specificità richiesto dalle finalità conoscitive da perseguire. I supervisori raggiunti con l'intervista, la cui traccia con temi e sottotemi è stata anticipata per posta elettronica, sono stati 18. Abbiamo poi raggiunto con un questionario postale da autocompilare, anticipato da un contatto telefonico, altri 42 supervisori. Il questionario è stato formulato mantenendo gli stessi obiettivi conoscitivi dell'intervista, utilizzando domande chiuse, domande aperte e scale di valutazione, onde ottenere la possibilità di un minimo di standardizzazione dei risultati e contemporaneamente lasciare spazio ad opinioni ed osservazioni utili ad una più ampia conoscenza dell'oggetto indagato. Il questionario, molto simile per costruzione e contenuti alla traccia dell'intervista, è diviso in cinque sezioni, che riguardano: -modalità irrinunciabili, atteggiamenti -opinioni su nodi problematici ( posizione del supervisore, funzioni della supervisione) -esperienze di supervisione fatte ed in atto (sottotemi: condizioni e contesto,contenuto della supervisione,modalità della supervisione, riferimenti teorici) -riflessioni e commenti sulle esperienze ( fattori ostacolanti e favorevoli, obiettivi generali, stima, in prospettiva, del fabbisogno di supervisione per gli assistenti sociali) -problemi e prospettive circa la formazione dei supervisori ( esperienze del supervisore, competenze indispensabili, luoghi e modalità dei percorsi formativi) I nodi che si sono voluti indagare sono emersi, e dalla rilevazione teorica effettuata come ricerca di sfondo, e dagli stimoli derivanti dai questionari destinati agli Ordini e alle agenzie formative. Il questionario è stato utilizzato dopo essere stato "provato" nella fase di pre-test con alcuni assistenti sociali esperti di supervisione, che si sono prestati a testare la sua affidabilità. 3.3 Questionario agli assistenti sociali. Parallelamente ai pareri dei supervisori intervistati, che hanno fornito interessanti dati e ampie considerazioni sia sulle loro esperienze, sia sulle ipotesi di fabbisogno di supervisione agli assistenti sociali, i pareri di coloro che hanno usufruito della supervisione avrebbero completato il quadro, dando maggiore consistenza all'analisi della situazione attuale, nonché alle prospettive di diffusione della supervisione. Qui sono sorti alcuni problemi di metodo. Risultava impraticabile il reperimento di tutti gli assistenti sociali che, magari molti anni fa, hanno usufruito della supervisione; inoltre gli stessi supervisori non sempre erano in grado di fornire i dati relativi ai propri "utenti", spesso soggetti a grande mobilità tra i servizi e nei vari territori. E se anche si fosse riusciti a reperire un numero consistente di questi assistenti sociali, sparsi in vaste zone del territorio nazionale, un'intervista diretta – o tipo focus group - a gruppi omogenei (cioè supervisionati dallo stesso supervisore) avrebbe inficiato le risposte, in quanto influenzati dalla particolarità di quel preciso supervisore. L'ipotesi poi di ovviare a questa distorsione effettuando una serie elevata di focus-group con gruppi misti di assistenti sociali, fruitori cioè della supervisione di diversi professionisti, avrebbe comportato ancora maggiori difficoltà pratiche oltre che costi elevati. Si sarebbe anche potuto limitare l'ambito dell'indagine a livello regionale, o di due o tre regioni limitrofe, ma si sarebbe troppo sacrificata la rappresentatività dell'universo degli assistenti sociali "utenti" di supervisione, che pare essere andato assumendo ormai dimensioni nazionali. Ci siamo perciò orientati a modificare completamente il target, pensando ad un campione indifferenziato di assistenti sociali su tutto il territorio nazionale, svincolandoci sia dall'individuazione di coloro che erano stati supervisionati dai supervisori intervistati, sia da modalità di indagine attraverso interrogazione diretta. Naturalmente questo tipo di scelta ha posto ulteriori problemi, ma ha rilevato anche dei vantaggi: il target non era più costituito solo da persone che hanno già avuto esperienza di supervisione, ma da molte altre, che potevano anche non conoscerne l'esistenza o le caratteristiche peculiari. Questo ha dato la possibilità di rilevare una stima del fabbisogno di supervisione non solo da parte di chi ne era in qualche modo condizionato avendone avuto diretta esperienza, ma anche da parte di chi non ne aveva finora usufruito, per i motivi più diversi, potendo così allargare il panorama delle diverse percezioni degli operatori. La scelta poi del questionario postale, anziché dell'intervista, avrebbe facilitato la rilevazione attraverso la somministrazione ad un campione rappresentativo di tutti gli assistenti sociali italiani. Sul piano metodologico si è posto perciò il problema del campionamento, ben sapendo che qualsiasi esso fosse stato, non vi era alcuna garanzia che esso avrebbe rispecchiato la proporzione tra chi conosce la supervisione per averla sperimentata e chi non vi ha mai partecipato. Il campionamento è stato curato dal Prof. Franco Bressan, Statistico e Presidente del corso di Laurea in Scienze del Servizio Sociale dell'Università di Verona. Si è deciso di puntare, in prima istanza, a disporre di un campione pari o possibilmente superiore a 250 unità ( gli assistenti sociali iscritti nelle liste degli Albi Regionali sono complessivamente 32000 circa e l'intento era quello di avvicinarsi ad numero vicino al 10% della popolazione totale), sufficiente comunque a dare una buona informazione sul senso che assume per l'assistente sociale la supervisione in Italia. Per ottenere tale rappresentatività sono stati inviati circa 500 questionari. La scelta campionaria, di tipo stratificato, ha seguito le proposte di un importante strumento delle tecniche di campionamento , il Cochran (Sampling Techniques, Wiley NY 1963), e si è deciso di utilizzare la procedura di allocazione ottimale su campionamento stratificato per proporzioni per campionamento senza reinserimento. Su di questa ci siamo basati per identificare alcuni presupposti necessari alla definizione della numerosità del campione negli strati selezionati. CONCLUSIONE L'esperienza, nel complesso è stata, anche se faticosa, altamente gratificante. I dati emersi sono numerosi e talvolta preziosi, nonché, come spesso la ricerca propone, di stimolo per ulteriori approfondimenti. La fase conclusiva è forse carente di una analisi in profondità, ma la ricerca è, e vuole essere, una raccolta di informazioni sulla supervisione, fruibili per l'avvicinamento e approfondimento a tematiche ad essa intrinseche o correlate: nuove elaborazioni teoriche, istituzione di percorsi formativi per i supervisori, ricerca di forme di sensibilizzazione alla fruizione della supervisione, ricerca di forme di valutazione scientifica dei suoi effetti….etc. La ricerca si conclude ( ma possiamo ritenerla conclusa ?) con la lettura dei dati rilevati e qualche tentativo di confronto, e con i dati emersi dalla ricerca di sfondo, e tra i vari soggetti coinvolti nell'indagine, lasciando intravedere possibili sviluppi futuri. Bibliografia -Allegri E. (2000)Valutazione di qualità e Supervisione Lint,Trieste. -Allegri E.(1997) Supervisione e lavoro sociale, La Nuova Italia Scientifica,Roma. -Bressan F., Giarola A.M.,"Riflessioni metodologiche sulla ricerca : La supervisione agli assistenti sociali in servizio" su Rassegna di Servizio Sociale 1/2007 . -Cochran (Sampling Techniques, Wiley NY 1963). -Corbetta P.(1999) Metodologia e tecniche della ricerca sociale, Il Mulino, Bologna. -Cortigiani M.(2005) La supervisione nel lavoro sociale Il Minotaruro,Roma. -Gianturco Giovanna(2005) L'intervista qualitativa Guerini Scientifica, Milano. -Gorden R.,(1975)Interviewing,Strategy,techniques and tactis, Dorsey Press, Homewood, Illinois -Gui L.(1999) " Servizio Sociale tra teoria e pratica : il tirocinio, un luogo di interazione",Lint,Trieste. -Hester M.C.,(1951) Il processo educativo nella supervisione,in "Social Case-work"n°6. Il Mulino, Bologna. -Losito Gianni (2004) L'intervista nella ricerca sociale Editori Laterza, Roma. -Marradi A. (2007) ( a cura di R.Pavsic e M.C.Pitrone) Metodologia delle Scienze Sociali. -Mauceri Sergio(2003) Per la qualità del dato nella ricerca sociale Franco Angeli, Milano. -Neve E. (2000) Il servizio sociale Carocci,Roma. -Nigris D. (2003) Standard e non-standard nella ricerca sociale. F.Angeli, Milano -Tomassini S.(1962) La supervisione nel servizio sociale. "Servizi Sociali" n°2.
Part two of an interview with Maria Mendoza of Fitchburg, Massachusetts. Topics include: Her children, their education, and their work. Traditions she carries on from her Portuguese heritage. Her fondest memories. What it was like when she went to live in Portugal for a time, as a child. How she feels about living in Fitchburg now. ; 1 WAYNE LUCIER: Do you think Fitchburg has enough recreational facilities, let's say for your son? Like do they have enough basketball courts or stuff like this? MARY MENDOZA: I think Fitchburg, for a small city, it does very well, though. It's got the Coolidge Park, and it's got a college. It's got the Silver Lake Park. I know it's not much, but it's… you know, really Fitchburg isn't bad at all when it comes to that. If you want, you could keep it. They give us a chance on the… well, we got to thank Mayor Blackwell; he took $1.60 off the taxes. That's… it don't seem much, but it is. But I like the new, what they did with the $3 million that they came in to Fitchburg. The firemen is one of the few people that I really disliked, just the name of it. I know one and he's always [hollering] that he's going to get all he can get. He don't give a damn for the people. His name is [unintelligible - 00:00:54]. And yet, they always get – and the teachers, what are they going on strike for? Can you tell me? WAYNE LUCIER: Well… MARY MENDOZA: I thought the teachers – if anybody works under the government, they could strike. WAYNE LUCIER: No. MARY MENDOZA: They're doing it. They're not supposed to. They stop and figure that they get two months with special, you now, privileges, not insurance, things like that, and they get paid. What more do they want? When we struggle so much for a week, and some of the people now, they get two, three weeks. They make deal. They get this. They get that. Then we got to pay for it. So why don't people left things alone? I wish we'd go back to the, around the '45s. That was nice. Everybody had enough to eat. And everybody seemed to be happy and we look at a… still today, you look at the situation, it's like, oh, medicine, that the relief you are paying for, but now, this poor guy, and God have mercy on our world and help him do the right thing. WAYNE LUCIER: What are the names of your children and what kind of schooling did they have?2 MARY MENDOZA: Well, my [first] son, Carlos, he's an engineer, and he got a master's degree. And his little ones is Jeffrey and Michael. WAYNE LUCIER: And what's his occupation now? MARY MENDOZA: Well, he does, the guy, he works for the James River. WAYNE LUCIER: James River? MARY MENDOZA: Yeah. WAYNE LUCIER: Where? MARY MENDOZA: Well, he started at the biggest part of it is in Fitchburg, though. He goes out, like, South Carolina was where he originally was hired. From there, he goes to Connecticut and goes here and there. But that means his office is over here, in Fitchburg. WAYNE LUCIER: Is your husband a veteran of any kind of war or…? MARY MENDOZA: No. WAYNE LUCIER: And he was born where? MARY MENDOZA: In New Bedford, Mass. WAYNE LUCIER: Okay. Has the practice of your customs decreased? You know, something that your mother always done in your family, do you still retain it now or…? MARY MENDOZA: Well, there's still certain things like we go back to the, my grandmother. Because my mother, she was in this country, she was about 15 years old. So she always knows the special customs. Once in a while, I still like to cook the cornmeal bread, and mix with bread, things like that. She called that "going back." My husband's side, they never get out of the use of food that Portuguese people use, because in New Bedford, it's about 60 percent, so they keep there, very much the. it's not that different. A lot of fish, meat, we are big meat-eaters. The day I don't have meat, that's a day I'm hungry all day. WAYNE LUCIER: Well, you enjoy American foods, too, right? MARY MENDOZA: To me, I've always been… my favorite meal is steak. I was still on ham, gosh, I paid one more $77 for a little can of ham, and two pounds or three pieces of steak, little pieces like that, $2. I told them, "Gosh, you got to cut this down." But before, I used to have steak every day, at least once a day a steak, pork chops and. you 3 know. Now, you know, they call it a luxury. But once when you get old, I don't think you get as much as you used to. So we like sweet potatoes, but I think sweet potatoes is just anybody's dishes. That's why when they say French this, Italian that, that makes me laugh. The only difference that the food, they put a lot of spices, and the American people don't. WAYNE LUCIER: You got to have spices. MARY MENDOZA: But over there, French people, too. But there is a little operation, French food, they can cook, too. WAYNE LUCIER: Yeah. MARY MENDOZA: But I don't see it. Like you say, they all have a different… maybe your grandmother may lose it, I have something special that… but I doubt it. Depending if you're too young, like my mother was so young, we never really get any special outside of cooking our bread. But they do it over the years. I call ourselves very much the American way, because of my mother, like I said, she had 25 years in New Bedford. And she was only 15. She married at 17. So, all her life has been in this country, really. Over there, they have fireplaces to cook. They have no electricity, you know. I especially remember our mother. But even then, in our side of the – they make kale soup, fresh-made pea soup. The only thing that I cook different, you know, kale soup [unintelligible - 00:05:58] made is nice. Me, I use kales like you use spinach. I cook them. Then after I cook them, I put some meat in. Take the meat, slice it, then I put a little vinegar and make like a salad with kale greens, because it is very rich in iron, you know. I'm about that, the vitamin, nature foods. I go close to them, though. Study them, I got a bunch of [unintelligible - 00:06:23], because they're not going to eat. There's not need to, you know, my things I do back, go back and I try to find what's this, what's that. But I've never been no special events, like Italian food, the guy says, [unintelligible - 00:06:36] TV, "You want to be Italian at least once a year." I say, "Yeah, well, you want the tourist money." That's all there is to it, because they can eat all the macaroni in it. I don't think much about it, so 4 much paste into them, to make a paste. So I like the way my mother used to cook, too. And your grandmother, she used to make a piece of meat look like roses on the table with spices in. We use more paprika because of my father who was a [unintelligible - 00:06:37] stomach, I guess, his job kind of get him nervous. And it used to be everything… he couldn't have too much spices. So we call ourselves really Italian because that's it. WAYNE LUCIER: What are your fondest memories, your own personal, fondest memories? MARY MENDOZA: The happiest day in my life was when my father went back and picked me up to come back to this country after they left me there. Then I felt that I was safe. Here, everything that's… oh, yeah, and the day that my son graduated, I was more happy than he was. He was tired and bored with everything. I was mad with him. I invited a few people to have a nice time in my backyard, and he didn't like it. I had to stop my voice, so those I had invited came, but the others, he was mad. He said, "I'm so tired, I can't even see nobody in front of me." He went to a very tough school, though, Orono, Maine, University of Maine. And that over there, I guess, he like the school because he says, they're very tolerant, and you live, wear at the day, you know what you were doing. But he didn't like it. He's always in class. His girl was in Fitchburg, so you can imagine. That, you know, so happy that I can't explain it. WAYNE LUCIER: How about Fitchburg? What are your fondest memories at Fitchburg? MARY MENDOZA: I liked Fitchburg for its trees. It's a hilly… it's kind of close to the city, but it's 5, 6 degrees or 4 degrees low. But still, it don't seem this cold. Then I say maybe, but I grew up to like, I like the greens, you know, a lot of trees, especially where we live up here. And it was a quiet city, old but quiet. I never had any trouble at all, these people were not friendly. Maybe I'm the one that's too friendly, but it's really the truth, honest. I worked 18 years because of that one. And everybody that'll get there, they know me. Mary, you this, you that, about the owners who got it, and I thought, even the 5 bookkeeper today, she writes to me letters, she sends me the "Upper Room," the book about religion which is very nice. It's her religion, not mine. And yet, I don't see nothing wrong with that because we all love the same God and she still comes here once in a while. I really had no – never had to say, "Oh, this one is from China, and this one is Italian." I never thought of people like that. I thought people is people. You know, a good person is a good person, regardless of what they are. My first friend over here was an Irish old woman. I was chasing Carlo, and I was scolding him. He was about 18 months. I say, "Carlo, you don't do that. The car comes fast." And she says, "Oh, it's a little trouble." She said, "Mine won't go home," and he start to cry. She says, "This little trouble, they're not little. They're big to him. What do want to do?" And he get to talk to the old lady, and she said, "You want a cookie?" He took a cookie out of the bag. The [unintelligible - 00:10:17] used to be there and give it to her. And she thought it was something special. She became my friend and I kind of liked her through all these years. That's why I say I go to the [ANP] there a lot, because I like to go downtown. And he take me downtown. And I stay there, two, three hours walking around the stores. Of course, the boys get tired. Then I come home to tea. I was pleased with the rest of the week. I don't know what they do now. Even now, yesterday, I went out to see. I'm not do what I used to be, in the stores here and there. And he said, it's lost, and then I watched TV – politicians. Then what I put it on is on about the Senators and the President and it was [unintelligible - 00:10:57]. And that's the way it goes, my life. It's not that much excitement in it. Now, we get old. I don't want to be in my son's way. We lost. We can't go to our place. It makes it not a nice thing to get old. It isn't the idea of just getting old. It's the things that you wish that you could do that go away from you. And they thought they'd say on TV, "Oh, we're going to take care of the old people." What do they do with the old people? Leave us alone and we can take care of ourselves.6 WAYNE LUCIER: How about, what would you like to forget about anything? Is there something you regret or…? MARY MENDOZA: No, I never… the only thing that sometimes I wish that I do once in a while that I had in my young life that my mother would do it, it enough to put me to like play music, but not enough to go on shows and things like that. I love to play a piano. Of course, I have no more. And I try to give music and lessons to my son which I did for about seven or eight years. WAYNE LUCIER: Why don't you learn now? MARY MENDOZA: I'm too old. WAYNE LUCIER: You're never too old. Why don't you learn right now? MARY MENDOZA: And we get up to the school with a piano teacher, right over Mrs. [unintelligible - 00:12:15] now, but you see, I'm going on… I've been 32 years in this house. So I'm going to go one of these days, once a week. Something to… WAYNE LUCIER: Sure, why not? Why don't you go now? Just for the fun of it. MARY MENDOZA: So, the things that I want, Wayne, there's another thing that I would like to, to type. The little that I know, I bought a nice typewriter. My son come and get it. That's the second one that he picks up. Mine, he never use and any of mine is to, because he does a lot. So he goes my typewriter. I had a nice one, though, the Olympia. It's a good one, though. I've made, maybe I'd attach it to one, two, three. But in Portugal, I was doing pretty good. And those things that I wish I could do it, yet, I don't know, I said why. It don't do me any good now. WAYNE LUCIER: You can still do it now. I mean, when time runs out on you, then you can't. MARY MENDOZA: My mother used to say, "Of all the family, you're the only one that thinks not on anymore." Yeah, ouchie, and I am better. You're the only one that comes, your father's side. And I love nice clothes. I don't like to see a girl in pants and rough clothes unless she's doing some work. I like to see nice clothes on a girl. They work. Which is as it should be, look pretty all the time and nice. See, I can't see the things that's going on now, but for me, I don't know. I'm glad I 7 don't have a daughter, because I think that makes it hard for her. Not that hard, like I don't think it's wrong to want to wish, you know, to be feminine, more and more now, it's girls. They want to act like boys. The boys, the same thing. They put things there, something to face, too. There must be scared, once in a while, even if they don't admit it. WAYNE LUCIER: When you came to the United States, after you went back to Portugal, did you want to stay here or do you want to go back? MARY MENDOZA: No, I always wanted to come here, I never wanted to see. When I went from here to there, I was seven years old. What I wanted, it was here, then make matters, they left there with my godmother and my grandmother. And they come over here and they left us there. So that was hard. My mother, I never used to see her. But my father used to go and see me once a week. Once a day, though, only go to work, it stop with my godmother. And those little things, I cry for. So when I come over here, I felt like I was safe, so much so that I never wanted to see no trips, no luxury. He talks about what we'll see. There's nothing to see. It wasn't the American tourist room there. The people that stay here two years, I don't know how they get money, that's what I mean. That we get them right in Fitchburg. They send $1,000 every month to Europe. Then one day, job stop. They go, okay, they have no money. [Unintelligible - 00:15:08] that should be a… you wouldn't live in their country with more than £100. I don't know now. Over here, the stupid thing nowadays, give everything away and let… Who's lifting their fingers to help this country? I think Canada is, but let's have some, huh. That's why things that I never used to get into, because I figure I don't know enough to… and my voice is too soft, I don't be heard in a crowd of people. If it wasn't for that, I go to these meets and I get a lot of… Once in a while, I write a nice letter and I put my name. I put my middle name, because I don't want my husband to pay for anything I do, not because I'm ashamed. We didn't have much, but we always had enough. If you leave us alone, we didn't need you, period. But I don't know. That's the way I feel. And 8 with all these things, I feel bad for our country because, I don't know, I think America was the… she always help the poor people and all that. But right now, it's a shame. All the things that she earn, like the other country, and crooked politicians put us to shame. I think every real American must feel bad about the way things are. Not because we have to go about it. People have too much today. It's just the feeling that our country is so rich and our country have plenty and it's going down to nothing from what. And nobody seems to know what caused this. I think it's lack of leadership, in my honest opinion. And no matter, if it's not just them, he's the one that's responsible for it. WAYNE LUCIER: How about when you came to Fitchburg, did you want to stay in Fitchburg? MARY MENDOZA: No, I cried all the way from New Bedford to Springfield. I went to the other guy who moved my furnishing. I stay all at home. I don't want to go by bus, because I was frightened. I was always in the house, you know, the way I was brought up, not a [tomboy], just… and I say, "Gee, I don't think I like to go by myself." And he can't come down. "Would you mind if I ride with you?" And he says, "Yeah, one of the boys would ride at the back, and you can sit in the front with us." There's three, I forgot the name, but there's three of them. And we went. Of course… he says, "Why are you crying your [unintelligible - 00:17:28]?" "Well, my husband says, 'You either come now or you don't come at all.'" Because it was so bad, the depression of Bedford was terrible. So we didn't just sit down and cry out and go to our fair. We looked from other places. So Mr. Bradbury was a super… ahead of these cotton industries. And soon as he'd come up, he got a job. So he went and worked for Johnson's. It was so hot, 114 degrees. And the way they make these plastic [landings] and things like that, his shirt was so equipped and he went to work in Springfield. We lived in Springfield. It's a nice city. I liked it there. But he didn't like the job, because since he was 15 years old, he's been in the cotton mill. So he met the boss, and the boss went up there and get him. He 9 says, "Why don't you come? You can make more money than you make here and you're going to be a…" Well, now, they call it assistant supervisor. He was a chief in the, a cottoner, they called it, overseer second and third end. He was third end. And he went to the office and… not like grandfather. They were workers. Even your grandfather, with all his faults, he's a worker. That one never keeps still, too. And now, in the least little thing, people don't think that's, how are they going to get along? So you see, all the things that we give too much to – that we get too much (that means me, everybody), they only make it worst. He pays, sure. Who do you think we are? Who we get left out of the big – I never made it to the big pay, though. And he never made one, so… We went to the $2 mark, not even that. So when we get the pension, we don't get much. Yet we're not blaming anybody else. We're just getting along. We just want to be left alone. And that's it, Wayne. WAYNE LUCIER: Okay. My last question, would you ever want to leave Fitchburg? MARY MENDOZA: Well, my mind is mixed up now. I used to say I'd go back to New Bedford as soon as my son was in his way. But for some reason, I guess I've been here for too long. I go down there and I'm so excited, so happy. Then two or three days, I want to come back to Fitchburg. And then I stay here about two or three months, and gosh, like that, I want. But I think it's more, like I said, divided. But I don't think I want to leave my house unless I can afford to keep it./AT/jf/cp/ee
I. BAND Bericht über die Tätigkeit der Deutschösterreichischen Friedensdelegation in St. Germain-en-Laye (-) I. Band (I. / 1919) ( - ) Einband ( - ) 1. Vorbereitungen. (1) 2. Die internen Arbeiten der Friedensdelegation. (4) 3. Vor der Überreichung der Friedensbedingungen. (6) 4. Der erste Teil der Friedensbedingungen. (8) Beilage 1. Einladungsschreiben der französischen Regierung. Ambassade de la République Française à Vienne. Nr. 17. Vienne, le 2 mai 1919. / Gesandtschaft der französischen Republik in Wien. Nr. 17. Wien, den 2. Mai 1919. (17) Beilage 2. Erste Antwort auf das Einladungsschreiben. Secrétariat d'État pour les Affaires Étrangères. No. I.-3539/2. Vienne, le 5 mai 1919. / Staatsamt für Äußeres. Z. I.-3539/2. Wien, den 5. Mai 1919. (18) Beilage 3. Mitteilung der Zusammensetzung der Delegation. Secrétariat d'État pour les Affaires Étrangères. No. I.-3659/2. Vienne, le 9 mai 1919. / Staatsamt für Äußeres. Z. I.-3659/2. Wien, den 9. Mai 1919. (19) Beilage 4. Erste Note wegen der Ereignisse an der südslawischen Front. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 73. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 22 mai 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation Z. 73. St. Germein-en-Laye, den 22. Mai 1919. (21) Beilage 5. Urgenznote. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 32. St. Germein-en-Laye, le 24 mai 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 92. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 24. Mai 1919. (23) Beilage 6. Zweite Note wegen der Ereignisse an der südslawischen Front. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 101. Saint Germain-en-Laye, le 26 mai 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 101. Saint Germain-en-Laye, den 26. Mai 1919. (25) Beilage 7. Einladung zur Entgegennahme der Friedensbedingungen. Conférence de la paix. Le Président. Paris, le 27 mai 1919. / Friedenskonferenz. Der Präsident. Paris, den 27. Mai 1919. (26) Beilage 8. Antwort auf die Einladung zur Entgegennahme der Friedensbedingungen. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 113. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 28 mai 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation Z. 113. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 28. Mai 1919. (27) Beilage 9. Verschiebung der Übergabe der Friedensbedingungen. Conférence de la Paix. Le Présidente. Paris, le 29 mai 1919. / Friedenskonferenz. Der Präsident. Paris, den 29. Mai 1919. (28) Beilage 10. Antwort auf die Note, betreffend die Verschiebung. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. Nr. 133. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 30 mai 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Nr. 133. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 30. Mai 1919. (29) Beilage 11. Anerkennung Deutschösterreichs. Paris, le Mai 1919. / Paris, den 29. Mai 1919. (30) Beilage 12. Dritte Note wegen der Ereignisse an der südslawischen Front. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 132. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 29 mai 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation Z. 132. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 29. Mai 1919. (31) Beilage 13. Anbot wegen Sicherstellung der Lebensmittelkredite. St. Germain-enLaye, le 30 mai 1919. / St. Germain-en-Lay, den 30. Mai 1919. (33) Beilage 14. Verständigung über die Schriftlichkeit der Verhandlungen. Conférence de la paix. Le Président. Paris, le 31 Mai 1919. / Friedenskonferenz. Der Präsident, den 31. Mai 1919. (36) Beilage 15. Bekanntgabe des Auftrages wegen Einstellung der Feindseligkeiten an der südslawischen Front. Conférence de la Paix. Secrétariat Géneral. Quai d'Orsay. Paris le 1 juin 1919. / Friedenskonferenz. Generalsekretariat. Quai d'Orsay. Paris, den 1. Juni 1919. (37) Zu Beilage 15. (38) Beilage 16. Ansprache des Präsidenten der Friedenskonferenz vom 2. Juni. (39) Beilage 17. Rede des Staatskanzlers vom 2. Juni. Discours de M. le Chancelier Renner lors de la Remise des conditions de Paix. / Rede des Staatskanzlers anläßlich der Überreichung der Friedensbedingungen. (40) Beilage 18. Friedensbedingungen vom 2. Juni. Conditions de Paix avec l'Autriche. / Bedingungen des Friedens mit Österreich. (44) Einleitung. (44) Partie I. Pacte de la Société des Nations. / Teil I. Völkerbundssatzung. (44) Partie II. Frontières d'Autriche. / Teil II. Grenzen Österreichs. (44) 1. Mit der Schweiz und mit Lichtenstein: (44) 2. Mit Italien: (45) 3. (Unter Vorbehalt der Bestimmungen des II. Abschnittes des III. Teiles): (45) 4. Mit dem serbisch-kroatisch-slowenischen Staate: (46) 5. Mit Ungarn: (47) 6. Mit dem tschecho-slowakischen Staate: (47) 7. Mit Deutschland: (48) Partie III. Clauses Politiques. / Teil III. Politische Bestimmungen. (49) Section I. Italie. Section II. Etat-Serbe-Croate-Slovène. / Abschnitt I. Italien. Abschnitt II. Serbisch-kroatisch-slowenischer Staat. (49) Section III. État Tchéco-Slovaque. / Tschecho-slowakischer Staat. (49) Section IV. Clauses politiques concernant certains États d'Europe. / Abschnitt IV. Politische Bestimmungen, betreffend gewisse europäische Staaten. (50) 1. Belgique. 2. Luxembourg. 3. Sleswig. 4. Turque et Bulgarie. / 1. Belgien. 2. Luxemburg. 3. Schleswig. 4. Türkei und Bulgarien. (50) 5. Roumanie. 6. Russie et Etats Russes. / 5. Rumänien. 6. Rußland und russische Staaten. (51) Section V. Protection des Minorités. / Abschnitt V. Minoritätenschutz. (51) Section VI. Dispositions générales. / Abschnitt VI. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (52) Partie IV. Intérêts Autrichiens hors d'Europe. / Teil IV. Außereuropäische Interessen Österreichs. (53) Partie V. Clauses militaires, navales et aéronautiques. / Teil V. Bestimmungen über Land-, See- und Luftstreitkräfte. (54) Partie VI. Prisonniers de guerre et sépultures. Partie VII. Sanctions. Partie VIII. Réparations. Partie IX. Clauses financières. / Teil VI. Kriegsgefangene und Gräber. Teil VII. Strafbestimmungen. Teil VIII. Wiedergutmachungen. Teil IX. Finanzielle Bestimmungen. (55) Partie X. Clauses économiques. / Teil X. Wirtschaftliche Bestimmungen. (56) Section I. Relations commerciales. / Abschnitt I. Handelsbeziehungen. (56) II. Section II. Traités. / Abschnitt II. Verträge. (56) Section III. Dettès. / Abschnitt III. Schulden. (57) Section IV. Biens, droits et intérêts. / Abschnitt IV. Eigentum, Rechte und Interessen. (58) Section V. Contrats, prescriptions, jugements. Section VI. Tribunal arbitral mixte. / Abschnitt V. Verträge, Verjährung, Urteile. Abschnitt VI. Gemischtes Schiedsgericht. (59) Section VII. Propiété industrielle. / Abschnitt VII. Gewerbliches Eigentum. (60) Section VIII. Dispositions spéciales aux territoires transférés. / VII. Abschnitt. Sonderbestimmungen für abgetrennte Gebiete. (62) Partie XI. Navigation aérienne. / Teil XI. Luftschiffahrt. (64) Partie XII. Ports, voies d'eau et voies ferrées. / Teil XII. Häfen, Wasserwege und Eisenbahnen. (65) Section I. Dispositions générales. / Abschnitt I. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (65) Section II. Navigation. / Abschnitt II. Schiffahrt. (65) Section III. Chemins de fer / Sektion III. Eisenbahnen. (67) Chapitres III. Chapitre IV. Cessions de lignes de chemins de fer. / Kapitel III. Kapitel IV. Abtretung von Eisenbahnen. (67) Chapitre V. Dispositions concernant certaines lignes de chemins de fer. / Kapitel V. Bestimmungen über bestimmte Eisenbahnlinien. (67) Chapitre VI. Dispositions transitoires. Chapitre VII. Télegraphes et téléphones. / Kapitel VI. Übergangsbestimmungen. Kapitel VII. Telegraph und Telephon. (68) Section IV et V. / Abschnitte IV und V. (68) Partie XIII. Travail. / Teil XIII. Arbeit. (69) Partie XIV. Clauses diverses. / Teil XIV. Verschiedene Bestimmungen. (70) Beilage 19. Vierte Note wegen der Ereignisse an der südslawischen Front. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 184. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 3 juin 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 184. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 3. Juni 1919. (71) Beilage 20. Mitteilung über die erste Reise des Staatskanzlers nach Feldkirch. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 187. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 3 juin 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 187. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 3. Juni 1919. (72) Beilage 21. Fünfte Note wegen der Ereignisse an der südslawischen Front. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 204. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 6 juin 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 204. St.-Germain-en-Laye, den 6. Juni 1919. (73) Beilage 22. Erste Beantwortung der Friedensbedingungen vom 2. Juni. L'existence materielle de l'Autriche Allemande sarait renduc impossible par les conditions de paix projetées. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. Nr. 229. St.-Germain-en-Laye, le 10 Juin 1919. / Die materielle Existenz Deutschösterreichs würde durch die beabsichtigten Friedensbedingungen unmöglich gemacht. Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 229. St.-Germain-en-Laye, den 10. Juni 1919. (74) Beilage 23. Note wegen Veröffentlichung des Notenwechsels. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 278. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 11 juin 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 278. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 11. Juni 1919. (81) Beilage 24. Verwahrung gegen die Vermögenbeschlagnahme in den Nationalstaaten. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 281. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 12 juin 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 281. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 12. Juni 1919. (83) Beilage 27. Note über Deutschböhmen, Sudetenland und die Neutralisation des Beckens von Ostrau. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 304. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 15 Juin 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Nr. 304. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 15. Juni 1919. (84) Beilage A. Mémoire des Représentants des pays Allemands des Sudètes en réponse aux Conditions de paix des Puissances alliées et associées. / Memorandum der Vertreter der deutschen Sudetenländer in Erwiderung auf die Friedensbedingungen der alliierten und assoziierten Mächte. (93) I. Principes fondamentaux de la Paix. / I. Grundprinzipien des Friedens. (93) II. Origine del'Etat autrichian allemand. / II. Die Entstehung des deutschösterreichischen Staates. (95) III. Conditions ethnographiques. / III. Ethnographische Verhältnisse. (95) [Tabelle]: D'après le recensement de 1910, seule source officielle, les chiffres de la population sont les suivants: / Nach der Volkszählung von 1910, der einzigen offiziellen Quelle, ergeben sich folgende Bevölkerungsziffern: (96) IV. Le Traité de Paix considéré comme acte créant un nouveau régime de droit public. / IV. Der Friedensvertrag als schöpferischer Akt eines neuen staatsrechtlichen Regimes betrachtet. (98) V. Attitude des Alemands des Sudètes. / V. Verhalten der Sudentendeutschen. (99) VI. Procédés du Gouvernement tchèque. / VI. Die Vorgangsweise der tschechischen Regierung. (100) VII. Bases fondamentales del'Etat tchèchque. / VII. Die Grundlagen des tschechischen Staates. (100) [Tabelle]: La proportiou des nationalités habitant l'Etat tchèque, abstraction faite des territoires polonais qui lui seront éventuellement incorporés, est la suivante: / Die Nationen, die im tschechischen Staate abgesehen von dem polnischen Gebiete, das ihm vielleicht einverleibt werden wird, wohnen, stehen im nachstehenden numerischen Verhältnis zueinander: (101) VIII. Conclusions. / VIII. Schlußfolgerungen. (101) Beilage A: I. Aufzählung der Bezirke und Gemeinden von Deutschböhmen und Sudetenland. (103) A. Deutschböhmen. (103) B. Sudetenland: (104) In Böhmen: (104) In Mähren: (104) Beilage A/II. Population allemande des pays des Sudètes. / Deutsche Bevölkerung der Sudentenländer. (106) 1. Condition des langues dans les pays des Sudètes. / 1. Sprachenverhältnisse in den Sudetenländer. (106) [Tabelle]: Langue usitée: / Umgangssprache: (106) 2. Objections tchèques contre le recensement officiel. / 2. Tschechische Einwürfe gegen die offizielle Volkszählung. (108) [Tabelle]: Population allemande de Prague: / Deutsche Bevölkerung Prags: (110) 3. Preuves fournies par les Tchèques pour l'exactitude du recensement officiel. / 3. Tschechische Beweise für die Richtigkeit der amtlichen Zählungen. (111) 4. Résumé. / 4. Zusammenfassung. (112) Beilage A; III. Aperçu historique. / Historischer Überblick. (113) Annexe A: IV. Copie des Notes des Gouvernements Britannique, Française et Italien concernant la frontière de l'état Tchéco-Slovaque. / Anlage A: IV. Abschrift der Noten der englischen, französischen und italienischen Regierung, betreffend die Grenze des tschecho-slowakischen Staates. (119) République Française. Ministère des Affaires Etrangères. Direction politique Europe. Frontières de l'Ètat Tchéco-Slovaque. / Ministerium der auswärtigen Angelegenheiten. Politische Direktion Europa. Grenzen des tschechoslowakischen Staates. (121) Beilage B. Neutralisation du bassin d'Ostrau. / Neutralisation des Ostrauer Beckens. (123) Convention additionelle sur le régime a appliquer au bassin d'Ostrau. / Zusatzübereinkommen, betreffend ein Regime für das Ostrauer Becken. (124) Beilage 25. Antwort wegen Sicherstellung der Lebensmittelkredite. Supreme Economic, Council, British Departement, 26, Rue de Bassano, Paris. From the Chairman of the Finance Section of the Supreme Economic Council. / Oberster Wirtschaftsrat. Britische Abteilung, 26, Rue de Bassano, Paris. Vom Vorsitzenden der Finanzsektion des Obersten Wirtschaftsrates. (85) Beilage 26. Sechste Note wegen der Ereignisse an der südslawischen Front. No. 298. St.-Germain-en-Laye, le 14. juin 1919. / Z. 298. St.-Germain-en-Laye, den 14. Juni 1919. (87) Beilage 28. Note über die Grenzen Deutschösterreichs. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. Nr. 311. Saint-Germain-en-Laye, le 16 Juin 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Nr. 311. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 16. Juni 1919. (128) Mémoire sur les frontières de l'Autriche Allemande. / Denkschrift über die Grenzen Deutschösterreichs. (135) Territoriale Anmerkungen. (142) Anhang A zur Denkschrift über die Grenzen Deutschösterreichs. Convention additionelle concernant le plébiscite. / Zusatzübereinkommen, betreffend die Volksabstimmung. (145) Article I. Profession de nationalité. / Artikel I. Bekenntnis der Volkszugehörigkeit. (145) Article II. Sujets appelés à professer leur nationalité. / Artikel II. Die zum Bekenntnis der Volkszugehörigkeit berufenen Personen. (145) Article III. Lieu de la profession. Article IV. Moment de la profession. / Artikel III. Ort der Ablegung des Bekenntnisses. Artikel IV. Zeit der Ablegung des Bekenntnisses. (146) Article V. Forme et contenu de la profession. / Artikel V. Form und Inhalt des Bekenntnisses. (146) Article VI. Commission internationale. Sa composition. / Artikel VI. Internationale Kommission. Ihre Zusammensetzung. (147) Article VII. Commission internationale. Ses tâches. / Artikel VII. Internationale Kommission. Ihre Aufgaben. (147) Article VIII. Professions de communes. / Artikel VIII. Bekenntnis der Gemeinde. (148) Article IX. Fixation des frontières de États. / Artikel IX. Festsetzung der Staatsgrenzen. (148) Article X. Disposition spéciales pour les enclaves. / Artikel X. Spezielle Bestimmungen für Enklaven. (149) Article XI. Immunité de la profession de nationalité. / Artikel XI. Immunität des Nationalitätenbekenntnisses. (149) Article XII. Temps nécessaire à acorder pour la profession. / Artikel XII. Einräumung der zur Abgabe des Nationalbekenntnisses notwendigen Zeit. (150) Article XIII. Dispositions pénales. / Artikel XIII. Strafbestimmungen. (150) Article XIV. Procédure judicaire. / Artikel XIV. Gerichtsverfahren. (151) Anhang B zur Denkschrift über die Grenzen von Deutschösterreich. Détermination des frontières en Styrie. / Festsetzung der Grenzen von Steiermark. (153) Anhang C zur Denkschrift über die Grenzen Deutschösterreichs. Carinthie. / Kärnten. (156) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Manifestation des représentants des communes de la Carinthie concernant la déclaration des députés yougoslaves du 30 Mai 1917 (Union au futur État yougoslave au sein de la monarchie d'Autriche-Hongrie.) / Kundgebung der Vertreter der Gemeinden Kärntens, betreffend die Erklärung der jugoslawischen Abgeordneten vom 30. Mai 1917 (Vereinigung mit dem künftigen jugoslawischen Staat im Schoße der österreichisch-ungarischen Monarchie). (2)Resultat du vote dans les départements constestés qui n'étaint pas ocupés par les Yougoslaves (au mois de mars 1919). / Ergebnis der Abstimmung in den strittigen Bezirken, welche nicht von den Jugoslawen besetzt waren (im Monat März 1919). (158) Anhang D zur Denkschrift über die Grenzen Deutschösterreichs. Mémoire concernant l'avenir du Tyrol. / Memorandum, betreffend die Zukunft Tirols. (159) Anhang E zur Denkschrift über die Grenzen Deutschösterreichs. Convention additionelle sur la neutralité du Tyrol. /Zusatzkonvention über die Neutralität Tirols. (163) Beilage 29. Note über die internationale Rechtspersönlichkeit Deutschösterreichs. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. Nr. 355. Saint-Germain-en-Laye, le 16 Juin 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 355. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 16. Juni 1919. (164) Beilage 30. Note über den Völkerbund. (170) Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. Nr. 501. Saint-Germain-en-Laye, le 23 Juin 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 501. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 23. Juni 1919. (170) Annexe A. / Beilage A. (176) Beilage B. (178) Annexe C. / Beilage C. (184) Beilage 21. Note über die Beschlagnahme und Liquidation deutschösterreichischer Vermögenswerte in den Nationalstaaten. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No 507. Saint Germain-en-Laye, le 23 Juin 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation Z. 507. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 23. Juni 1919. (186) Beilage 32. Gegenvorschläge über die Gebietsabgrenzung. (192) Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 467. Saint-Germain-en-Laye, le 25 juin 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 467. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 25. Juni 1919. (192) Partie II. Frontières de l'Autriche Allemande. / Teil II. Grenzen Deutschösterreichs. (193) A. Deutsch-Nordböhmen: (193) B. Deutsche Sudetenländer: (194) C. Deutsch-Südböhmen: (195) D. Deutsch-Südmähren: E. Niederösterreich: (196) F. Deutsch-Westungarn: G. Steiermark: H. Kärnten: I. Krain: K. Tirol: (197) Beilage 33. Handelspolitische Note. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. Nr. 535. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 25 Juin 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 535. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 25. Juni 1919. (201) Beilage 34. Rückantwort wegen der Sicherstellung der Lebensmittelkredite. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 26. Juni 1919. (204) Beilage 35. Übermittlung der Gesetzentwürfe zur Sicherstellung der Lebensmittelkredite. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 30. Juni 1919. (206) Beilage 36. Siebente Note wegen der Ereignisse an der südslawischen Front. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. Nr. 556. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 26 juin 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 556. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 26. Juni 1919. (207) Beilage 37. Achte Note wegen der Ereignisse an der südslawischen Front. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 561. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 29 juin 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 561. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 29. Juni 1919. (210) Beilage 38. Neunte Note wegen der Ereignisse an der südslawischen Front. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 565. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 29 juin 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 565. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 29. Juni 1919. (212) Beilage 39. Zehnte Note wegen der Ereignisse an der südslawischen Front. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 546. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 1 juillet 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 546. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 1. Juli 1919. (214) Beilage 40. Note und Denkschrift über das Eintreten der Völker Österreichs für den Staat vor dem Kriege und während des Krieges. (216) Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 617. Saint-Germain-en-Laye, le 2 juillet 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 617. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 2. Juli 1919. (216) Zu Beilage. Mémoire sur l'attitude des différents peuples de l'ancienne Autriche vis-à-vis de cet État avant et pendant la guerre en vue des responsabilités qui en découlent. / Denkschrift der deutschösterreichischen Friedensdelegation über das Verhalten der Nationen des alten Österreich zum Staate und zum Kriege und über ihre Mitverantwortlichkeit für die Kriegsfolgen. (218) Les Polonais. / Die Polen. (225) Les Yougo-Slaves. / Die Südslawen. (228) Les Tchèques. / Die Tschechen. (233) Beilage 41. Note mit Denkschrift und Gegenvorschlägen über die wirtschaftlichen Bestimmungen der Friedensbedingungen. (247) Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. Nr. 661. Saint-Germain-en-Laye, le 7 Juillet 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Nr. 661. St.-Germain-en-Laye, den 7. Juli 1919. (247) Anhang I. Denkschrift über die Behandlung der Privatrechte im Entwurf des Friedensvertrages. (252) Inhaltsverzeichnis. (252) I. Der fundamentale Widerspruch. (253) II. Gegenseitigkeit. (254) A. In Abschnitt IV "Vermögen, Rechte und Rechtsinteressen". B. Auch im Abschnitt V "Verträge, Verjährung, Urteile";. (255) C. Nur die verbündeten und assoziierten Mächte haben die Befugnis, Versicherungsverträge auf den Lebensfall,. (255) D. Besonders im Abschnitt III der Friedensbedingungen (Industrielles Eigentum). (256) E. Der Abschnitt VI (Gemischtes Schiedsgericht). (256) III. Das deutschösterreichische Eigentum im Auslande. (259) IV. Schulden. (262) V. Abgetrennte Gebiete. (265) VI. Verschiedene Bemerkungen. (272) Annexe II. / Anhang II. (275) Section III. Dettes. / Abschnitt III. Schulden. (275) Section IV. Biens, Droits et Intérêts. / Abschnitt IV. Eigentum, Rechte und Interessen. (282) Section V. Contrats, Prescriptions, Jugements. / Abschnitt V. Verträge, Verjährung, Urteile. (292) Annexe a la Section V. III. Contrats d'Assurances. / Anhang zum Abschnitt V. III. Versicherungsverträge. (294) Section VI. Tribunal arbitral mixte. / Abschnitt VI. Gemischtes Schiedsgericht. (298) Section VII. Propriété Industrielle. / Abschnitt VII. Gewerbliches Eigentum. (299) Section VIII. Dispositions spéciales aux territoires transférés. / Abschnitt VIII. Sonderbestimmungen über abgetrennte Gebiete. (303) Remarques finales. / Schlußbemerkungen. (310) Beilage 42. Note wegen Berichtigung des § 11 der Beilage zu Artikel 32 und 33, Teil X, Sektion IV. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. Nr. 660. Saint-Germain-en-Laye, le 8 juilet 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation Z. 660. Saint-Germein-en-Laye, den 8. Juli 1919. (312) Beilage 43. Mitteilung über die Annahme der Gesetze zur Sicherstellung der Lebensmittelkredite. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. Nr. 680. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 9 juillet 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 680. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 9. Juli 1919. (313) Beilage 44. Elfte Note wegen der Ereignisse an der südslawischen Front. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 681. Saint Germain-en-Laye, le 9 juillet 1919 / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 681. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 9. Juli 1919. (316) Beilage 45. Antwort der alliierten und assoziierten Mächte über den Völkerbund. No. 5331. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 8 juillet 1919. / Z. 5331. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 8. Juli 1919. (318) Beilage 46. Antwort der alliierten und assoziierten Mächte über wirtschaftliche Fragen. No. 5334. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 8 juillet 1919. / Nr. 5334. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 8. Juli 1919. (320) Beilage 47. Übersendung der Gegenvorschläge. (324) Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. N. 664. Saint-Germein-en-Laye, le 10 Juillet 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation Z. 664. Saint-Germain-en-Laye, den 10. Juli 1919. (324) Préambule. / Einleitung. (326) Partie II. Frontieres de l'Autriche Allemande. / II. Teil. Die Grenzen Deutschösterreichs. (329) Partie III. Clauses politiques. / III. Teil. Politische Bestimmungen. (335) Section III. Ètat Tchéco-slovaque. / Abschnitt III. Tschecho-slowakischer Staat. (335) Partie III, Section III, Annexe a. Régime cantonal dans l'État Tchéco-slovaque. / III. Teil, Abschnitt III, Anhang a. Kantonalverwaltung im tschechoslowakischen Staat. (338) Partie III. Clauses politiques. Section V. Protection des Minorités. / III. Teil. Politische Bestimmungen. V. Abschnitt. Schutz der Minderheiten. (342) Partie III. Clauses politiques. Section VI. Disposition générales. / III. Teil. Politische Bestimmungen. Abschnitt VI. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (349) Partie XI. Navigation aérienne. / XI. Teil. Luftschiffahrt. (351) Partie XIII. Travail. / Teil XIII. Arbeit. (352) Partie II, Annexe b. Nationalité des Anciens Ressortissants Aurichiens. / II. Teil, Beilage b. Staatsbürgerschaft der ehemaligen österreichischen Staatsangehörigen. (355) Beilage 48. Note über das Verkehrswesen. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. Nr. 711. Saint Germain-en-Laye, le 11 Juin 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 711. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 11. Juni 1919. (361) Beilage 49. Ergänzung der Gegenvorschläge. (366) Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No 707. Saint Germain-en-Laye, le 12 Juillet 1919 / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 707. Saint-Germain-en-Laye, den 12. Juli 1919. (366) Partie III. Clauses politiques. Section IV. Clauses politiques concernant certains états d'Europe. / 3. Teil. Politische bestimmungen. 4. Abschnitt. Politische bestimmungen, betreffend gewisse Länder Europas. (368) Partie IV. Intérêts Autrichiens hors d'Europe. / IV. Teil. Außereuropäische Interessen Österreichs. (370) Section I. Maroc. / I. Abschnitt. Marokko. (372) Section II. Egyte. / II. Abschnitt. Ägypten. (374) Section III. Siam. / III. Abschnitt. Siam. (375) Section IV. Chine. / IV. Abschnitt. China. (376) Partie VII. Sanctions. / VII. Teil. Strafbestimmungen. (379) Partie X. Clauses économiques. / X. Teil Wirtschaftliche Bestimmungen. (383) Section 1. Chapitre IV. / I. Abschnitt, 4. Kapitel. (383) Section II. Traités. / II. Abschnitt. Verträge. (385) Partie XIV. Clauses diverses. / XIV. Teil. Verschiedene Bestimmungen. (396) Amnistie. / Amnestie. (399) Zu Beilage 49. XII. Teil. Häfen, Wasserwege und Eisenbahnen. (401) Abschnitt I. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (404) Abschnitt II. Schiffahrt. (406) Kapitel 1. Freiheit der Schiffahrt. (406) Kapitel 2. Bestimmungen über die Donau. (406) 1. Gemeinsame Bestimmungen über die als international erklärten Flußnetze. (406) 2. Sonderbestimmungen für die Donau. (409) Fragen der Binnenschiffahrt, die in den Friedensbedingungen nicht behandelt werden. (410) I. Donau - Oderkanal. (410) II. Vertretung Deutschösterreichs in den internationalen Kommissionen für die Elbe und die Oder, sowie in der Zentralkommission für die Rheinschiffahrt. (411) Abschnitt III. Eisenbahnen. (411) Kapitel I. Freiheit der Durchfuhr für Deutschösterreich gegen das adriatische Meer. (411) Kapitel II. Bestimmungen über internationale Beförderung. (412) Kapitel III. Rollendes Material. (413) Kapitel IV. Abtretung von Eisenbahnlinien. (414) Kapitel V. Bestimmungen über bestimmte Eisenbahnlinien. (415) Kapitel VII. Telegraph und Telephon. (416) Abschnitt IV. Entscheidung von Streitigkeiten und Revision der dauernden Bestimmungen. (417) Abschnitt V. Besondere Bestimmungen. (417) Beilage 50. Bitte um Fortsetzung der Lebensmittelsendungen. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 751. Saint-Germain-en-Laye, le 15. juillet 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 751. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 15. Juli 1919. (419) Beilage 51. Note über die Reziprozität in den Handelsbeziehungen im ehemaligen Österreich-Ungarn. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. Nr. 686. Saint-Germain-en-Laye, le 16 juillet 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 686. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 16. Juli 1919. (421) Beilage 52. Gegenvorschläge zu den militärischen, Schiffahrts- und Luftschiffahrtsbestimmungen. (425) Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No 744. St. Germain-en-Laye, le 15 juillet 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 744. St. Germain-en-Laye, den 15. Juli 1919. (425) Partie V. Clauses militaires, navales et Aériennes. / V. teil. Bestimmungen über Land-, See- und Luftstreitkräfte. (426) Section II. Clauses navales. / II. Abschnitt. Bestimmungen über die Seestreitkräfte. (426) Section III. Clauses concernant l'aéronautique militaire et navale. / Abschnitt III. Bestimmungen über Heer- und Seeflugwesen. (428) Section IV. Clauses générales. / IV. Abschnitt. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (432) Beilage 53. Antwort auf die Bitte um Fortsetzung der Lebensmittelsendungen. Conférence de la Paix. Le President. Paris, le 17 juillet 1919 / Friedenskonferenz. Der Präsident. Paris, den 17. Juli 1919. (437) Beilage 54. Note über die Liquidation Österreich-Ungarns und Österreichs. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. Nr. 754. Saint-Germain-en-Laye, le 18 juillet 1919. / Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 754. St. germain-en-Laye, den 18. Juli 1919. (438) Einband ([uncounted]) Einband ([uncounted])
Part one of an interview with Dorothy Giadone Poirier. Topics include: Where in Italy her grandparents came from and what they were like. Her father's work history. What her parents were like. The foods her mother would prepare. What her parents thought when Dottie's first marriage ended and their acceptance of her new husband. Memories of her family. Dottie is half Italian and half Sicilian. What family meals were like when Dottie was growing up. How Fitchburg, MA has changed over time. Her family moved to Leominster, MA. Her father's activity in the community and in politics. Memories of working in her father's furniture store. How her father got into the business. What it was like when her father passed away. What the customers were like at the furniture store. ; 1 DOTTIE: Oh, I bumped into her a lot at [Shritzer] or whatever. SPEAKER 1: [Unintelligible - 00:00:09]. DOTTIE: Joe and Alice. SPEAKER 1: Mm-hmm. DOTTIE: A lot of times they say well, come by and have a drink before, and I say no I'm going out. Uh, so I met him in the parking lot, and he said you better not say you can't meet -- you can't come for breakfast. Oh, I says, no. I'll be there. SPEAKER 1: Okay. [Unintelligible - 00:00:27] with the Center for Italian Culture 1002, and being interviewed five minutes of eleven. So thank you, Dottie. DOTTIE: Pleasure. SPEAKER 1: So you were telling me a little bit about your father, your father Bill Giadone. DOTTIE: Yes. Yes. SPEAKER 1: And just how influential he was in Fitchburg. DOTTIE: Very, very. SPEAKER 1: Mm-hmm. Can you tell me a little bit? Mm-hmm. LINDAY: Oh yes. His grand -- his mother and father both, they were still -- I mean, they didn't die until I was, had -- I was a young adult. SPEAKER 1: Mm-hmm. DOTTIE: Uh, his father was a very typical Italian, very stern. Mother was the salt of the earth. Just a sweet lady. In fact, one time I made a comment, I says to my husband, "Gee, sorry you didn't meet my grandmother, you would have just adored her." And then I says, "My grandfather—this is no baloney—you would have gotten along good with him." So he was man's man, my grandfather. But as a child, you don't realize that and you became frightened of him. SPEAKER 1: Mm-hmm. DOTTIE: If he said be quiet, be quiet, except my younger sister. SPEAKER 1: Where did they come from? DOTTIE: My grandfather came from a small town in Sicily called [Pepepezzia]. 2 SPEAKER 1: Would you know how to spell…? DOTTIE: [Unintelligible - 00:01:43]. SPEAKER 1: Okay. So he came from Sicily? DOTTIE: Yes. SPEAKER 1: What about your grandma? DOTTIE: My grandmother also. They were both -- came over. I'm not sure of the exact -- well, maybe if we kind of -- my father was born in 1908, and he came here when he was six years old. So that was 1913? SPEAKER 1: Fourteen. DOTTIE: Fourteen, yeah. So that's when they came here. And they settled in Fitchburg, but I'm not sure exactly where they -- well, I guess at one time they lived on Hale Street when they were kids. I mean, I don't remember. I mean, back when my father was a kid. And my father went to -- I think he went to start the sixth grade, and then he left, and he worked around here in a bakery shop, I guess. I think it was Padua. And when he was 15, 16 years old, he [unintelligible - 00:02:40] something for a young fella to do that. And, I guess he went with some fellas, his friends from the area, and they got an apartment. And the reason he started shaving with a straight razor, which because every time he went to shave his razors were gone or dull or whatever. So he says I'll fix them. I'm going to learn how to shave with a straight razor. So he shaved with a straight razor up until the time he got an electric razor. SPEAKER 1: Really. DOTTIE: Yeah. So as a kid growing up, he shaved with a -- he had the strap and he shaved with a straight razor. SPEAKER 1: So you remember watching him do that? DOTTIE: Yes. Yes. And then he said that he worked his way up to bellboy, bell captain. He worked for the Yale Club in New York, and he said he got an education there as being a bellboy with the guys from Yale. Also, while he was in New York, he said he only did it for a while because the people were not clean at [unintelligible - 00:04:00]. I guess he tried everything, 3 and he says -- my mother tells the story, and she said, "Well, he gave that up quickly because someone came in that wasn't clean," so your father says, not doing this. So then he came back to Fitchburg for maybe a visit, and at the time they would have dances, and that's how he met my mother. He was running a dance thing. And he started an oil business and married in '32, so almost right away, and he had that oil business -- I want to say until [Audies], and that's when he started a furniture store. Actually, it was -- he was selling appliances. SPEAKER 1: Mm-hmm. Right on Water Street? DOTTIE: Right on Water Street. And then he had a small little store, and then he bought a larger store where we lived. The bottom part was the store, and then upstairs was -- we had a fairly large apartment. SPEAKER 1: And that was at 3 -- 320 Water Street. DOTTIE: 320 Water Street. SPEAKER 1: Now, the oil business that he started, do you remember -- do you know the name of that? DOTTIE: Yes. Giadone's. And then he also had a gas station. SPEAKER 1: Now, how did he get involved in that? Do you know? DOTTIE: I don't remember. All I know is he had the gas station and he also had the oil business. I guess he started the gas business as someplace to put his trucks. So -- and he also, I guess, they delivered ice at the time too. SPEAKER 1: Okay. Do you remember…? DOTTIE: My mother, Fiona [Barzarelli], she was in Fitchburg, and it came from [unintelligible - 00:06:01]. SPEAKER 1: Okay. So they first were connected in New York? DOTTIE: Yeah, that area. That's where -- but she was very young. When she -- my mother had a very, very hard life because her mother was paralyzed, so she had to feed and clothe my grandmother, plus she had to do all the cooking. She had two brothers that she had to do the cooking and cleaning for. SPEAKER 1: And this was in Fitchburg by that time.4 DOTTIE: This was in Fitchburg, yeah. So…. SPEAKER 1: What did her father do? DOTTIE: Her father worked at a foundry in Fitchburg [unintelligible - 00:06:35] another foundry. And he worked in the Fitchburg area. And my grandfather too. I forget where he worked, but he worked in the area. SPEAKER 1: Now, did you know them also? DOTTIE: My grandmother I didn't remember. She died when I think I was two or three years old. I mean, these are the stories that -- Alice would know my grandmother better because she was older. SPEAKER 1: Okay. And Alice…. DOTTIE: Adante, yes. SPEAKER 1: Is she a [unintelligible - 00:06:59]? I don't remember. DOTTIE: Yes. Yes. Her father and my mother were brothers and sisters, so. And we were brought up close. She has -- well, she had -- there's only three now because one passed away. She had four brothers. SPEAKER 1: Okay. DOTTIE: And her mother and my mother were very close even though they were sister-in-laws. So my mother was close with my father's sister also. SPEAKER 1: So your mother had to take care of her mother? What happened when she got married? DOTTIE: Her father lived with us. My grandfather lived with us until I think I was seven or eight years old. I remember him just a little. Then my mother's brother, the other brother, went away and came home with this cousin of theirs, and he lived with us until he passed away. And he was only a cousin, and my mother would get -- 'cause men, you know, have as they get older they get a little sloppier and stuff. So my father would [unintelligible - 00:08:04] a relative. SPEAKER 1: So was that kind of expected back then…? DOTTIE: Yes. Just take care of your mother and father. They lived, like I said, they lived with us. My father, really -- today most men I don't think put up 5 with it. But my mother took care of her parents and her cousin. I mean, they never lived alone as a couple. SPEAKER 1: Ever lived alone? DOTTIE: Nope. Because when they got married she had my grandmother, and then she had my grandfather, and then we got Renaldo, which was her cousin. Excuse me. And then the kids came along. SPEAKER 1: Now, when grandparents live with their daughter or a son, what happens when…? DOTTIE: Well, see I wasn't too young to have known that, but as far as I know it's because of the way my father was. I'm sure he made the decision. When I was -- my grandfather was a very quiet man, my mother's father, so I don't know about the mother, because like I said, I was only two or three when she died, and I don't remember her. She had arthritis; her hands were closed. But my mother said she was a strong lady as far as her personality, because she would stick a broom in her hand, you know, this way, and make sure her bed was made to her satisfaction. And my mother cooked like better than most chefs. SPEAKER 1: Your mother did? DOTTIE: Not even having recipes and stuff, and she would just -- unbelievable. My friends would say, we're going to take you to a restaurant that you're not going to complain about. And I'd say, well, okay. But even today, to this day I go out and I still complain about where we've been and what we've -- you know, the food is not -- like I said, my mother was such a good cook. SPEAKER 1: Give me some examples of what she would cook. DOTTIE: Anything. I mean, we never had -- I mean, I'd come home and her dining room buffet would be covered with all kinds of pastries. I'd go, "Ma, we having company?" And she says, "No, I felt like baking," and she baked, but every night we had some form of pasta, because my father liked a little dish of pasta, or it would be soup or a little dish of spaghetti. But he always had to have his meat and vegetables and salads. We always had a balanced meal, and we didn't even know it because, we'd have the pasta 6 first, and then we'd have meat, and vegetables and we'd have salad last. And we'd have dessert. And that was -- I mean, that's how we ate. I mean, when the holidays came around, I mean, we had a little more, but every -- they would say, do you eat like that all the time? And we'd say, what do you mean? We just took that for granted because that's how my mother cooked. My father didn't like leftovers. So if he had a meeting or something, she would call my friends and say come for supper, and we're having leftovers, and my girlfriend's husband says, Fiona's leftovers are better than most restaurants' first course. So they came. I mean, she'd switch around, right. She'd call Tommy and [unintelligible - 00:11:39] and say come for supper, and my father didn't like beef stew or stuff like that. So if he was going to be away or a meeting or going to go to a convention or something, we would have that when my father wasn't around. So she would do things that. I mean, she pleased my father -- my father came first. If my father -- we would have the store closed at 6:00 so we would have dinner at 6:30. So my father got stuck with a customer, we would not eat until my father came home. So it was -- we had sat down to have dinner every night together. And when I started working at the store and then my father would say, he'd start talking about business and then I'd start clearing the table and my mother would say, "Well, I'm not done." I'd say, "Well, I am," because she would, you know, I would say, "Dad, you know what? You're a great father, but a boss, you leave a lot to be desired." SPEAKER 1: And how did he…? DOTTIE: He laughed. But he was an ace. Oh, you're lucky [unintelligible - 00:12:47]. "What are you, crazy? I can't take a day off." The day off I get is the day I have. I can't take just the day off and tell him I'm going shopping. What are you, crazy? Well, play sick. I live at home. How can I play sick? SPEAKER 1: But you stayed? 7 DOTTIE: Yeah. Stayed there until I got married. So I mean, you do what you do because -- we had a girl working for us, and she would be black and blue because my father would go -- he would start, you know, you didn't do this right, you didn't do that right, and I'd be pitching it because I didn't want to answer him. And so she'd go, "He's your father." I'd go, but he's wrong. I'd be, "Josie, if he's told you this was black and it was white and you would say, 'Yes, Bill, you're right.'" I'd go, "Josie, that's not right." And she'd say, "But he's your father and he's your boss. You've got to say yes," and I'd go, I can't do this. SPEAKER 1: But evidently he liked having you around. DOTTIE: God, yes, because we argued, but we still, you know, he would say, "Well, my daughter will -- she'll pick out the colors for you, and she'll do, you know, whatever," but he was tough. But I loved him dearly. I mean, he was, you know -- my first husband I separated from and I started to date Teddy, and I wasn't really -- your father that you're dating again. You know, I'm in my 30s now, I mean, I'm still -- but you know what they got you over here. SPEAKER 1: [Unintelligible - 00:14:35]? DOTTIE: Yep. So I go and I tell -- I said, "Dad, I'm dating," and he says, "Yes, I know." I mean, who told you? He says nobody. He says your whole personality changed. SPEAKER 1: And he waited for you to say. DOTTIE: Yes. But I, you know, if you think they don't. You think they don't know you but they do. LINSAY: Now, did you move back in with your parents when you got separated? DOTTIE: Yes, I did. But I got separated and I went back home, and then we got together again and we went back to an apartment, and then the second time I just stayed in the apartment. SPEAKER 1: What did your parents think of your getting separated? DOTTIE: Well, they were glad because they didn't really like him. Teddy, they adored. Teddy they adored, because he was wonderful to my parents. He 8 was absolutely -- if he did nothing else for me he was just wonderful to my parents. To me, it was important. I mean, he -- my father called him and said I have to go here. He'd go, "Okay, Bill. When?" and I'll pick you up and whatever. He would do that. And my mother by then was in a nursing home. Before that, he just loved her. So he, you know, would take her out to dinner, and she just loved that, because my father was always busy with other things, and so we'd take her. And she just, you know, she just thought Teddy was -- she'd say, I want to go somewhere that we don't bump into someone he knows, because he was that type of person. If he didn't know someone when we walked into the place, he knew them when we left. That's sure. I actually believe, and the reason it's felt that way is because when -- I think they had a French priest that baptized my mother, and he couldn't -- that was how he felt it. So that's how -- the only other person that has that name is a cousin. SPEAKER 1: And was she named after her? DOTTIE: I think maybe she -- her real name is Virginia. In fact when people refer to her as Virginia… but you knew her as, you know, we always called her [Bunah]. SPEAKER 1: But her first name is Virginia? JENNIEFER: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Okay. DOTTIE: And she was -- her father died before she was born, which was my mother's brother. My mother had two brothers, and the two brothers had large families. Alice comes from -- which there was five and the other was eight. And this last one that was born was the Balderelli, but she never met her father because he died before she was born. The mother was pregnant for him when he died. That's a large family. And my mother's nieces and nephews were all close. They would all stop by and see her -- not every day, but three of the girls were -- I mean, they would come at least once a week to see her. SPEAKER 1: Now, what made them so close?9 DOTTIE: My mother -- one of my mother's niece was getting married and the father didn't approve, so my mother and father did the wedding for them. And for one reason or another, she was -- but even the guys would -- one of the guys worked for my father, and we'd just -- I don't know, I just can't explain it. And my father's family too, we were close, too. I never had any brothers, and my two cousins on my father's side are the brothers that I never had. During the holidays, my father's -- not so much the Balderellis because they were such a large family and they, you know, they but on the holidays, my father's brother and sister, we would always get together on Christmas Eve, and then it got to be too much for my mother, and then one of my cousins took over on Christmas Eve over at his house. And then as we got older, everybody, you know, got their own family. So we started to go to my sister's home. SPEAKER 1: Now, did your mother work? DOTTIE: She worked at the store. UNKNOWN: She also worked at home. DOTTIE: My father never had her on the payroll until later, until the doctor says, you know what, she works as hard as anybody, in fact, when the help saw my mother come, they'd go, oh, my God. She would work as hard as anybody. She cleaned the store. She decorated the store. She did the windows until later on. I mean, she worked as hard, so when she became -- when it came time for her to collect Social Security, they came and interviewed me. I and her. So this little twirp, I said, would you fire your mother? He's such a -- he's so -- he didn't even ask for help if she came into work. I mean, we weren't lying. She worked there as hard as anybody else. SPEAKER 1: But there wasn't any record? DOTTIE: There wasn't any record until later on when he put on her the payroll, but it wasn't really a record type thing. So they said, well, she never -- I says, well she worked harder here than most of us did. SPEAKER 1: So you mentioned the doctor? 10 DOTTIE: Dr. Silva was a close friend of my father's, and he said you should have her on the books because she's there as much as anybody. And so my father said, yeah, you're right. So he put her on his, you know, in [unintelligible - 00:20:43]. SPEAKER 1: So how did you mother feel about that? Was that kind of liberating, or…? DOTTIE: No. She didn't care one way or another. I mean, my father paid for everything. You know, we would just, you know, he would -- my mother'd go uptown and she'd, you know, the [unintelligible - 00:20:58] charges all over. And so she says your father is gonna complain. I says, "Ma, if you spend $5 or $500, he's going to complain. So spend the $500. He's going to complain one way or another." I says, "Ma, he's been saying that since you've been married he's going to shut your account. Did he ever do it? No, he's not going to do it." SPEAKER 1: Before we turn the recorder on, you had mentioned that you're half Italian, half Sicilian. DOTTIE: Yes. SPEAKER 1: So tell me about that. DOTTIE: I mean, I never thought about it. I just said, if anybody asked me what I was, I would say I'm Italian. And so I still say I'm Italian. But people who live in Sicily and other -- see, they figure that's the boot part and we're close to Africa. It was just a big joke. And it still is. But I feel that I'm Italian, and in my heart I know I am. So I say I'm half [Mathogen] and half Sicilian, which I am. And I'm proud of my heritage. SPEAKER 1: Mm-hmm. So if you could think of what attributes are given to the Sicilians? DOTTIE: I don't know. I just think that what I could -- the only thing I could see is because my mother is such a good cook, and that's one thing, and my father was forceful in his -- and that's how I perceive to be a Sicilian. They're kind of, you know, forceful. And the [Mathies] are on the quiet side because my uncles were quiet. Well, I don't remember the one that 11 died early, but my other uncle was just this solemn man and just a sweetheart. I mean, just [unintelligible - 00:22:44]. SPEAKER 1: Was there any good-natured jesting done? DOTTIE: Yes. SPEAKER 1: You know, about being Sicilian in the house. DOTTIE: Oh yes. Oh god, between my Uncle Jeff, you're lucky that my sister married you and you're Sicilian, you're up close to Africa. I mean, just jokingly, you know. But when my uncle was [unintelligible - 00:23:06] took sick, he and my father went on a trip for almost two months. They toured the United States, and my father would say, "Oh my god, if you stopped in this restaurant and your uncle looked at it, he'd say we're not eating here." He said, he'd be starving but if he didn't like the looks of it, he said we'd have to drive another 50 miles. SPEAKER 1: So food was very important? DOTTIE: Yes. SPEAKER 1: To the family? DOTTIE: Yes. My uncle married a French woman, and she cooked as good as my mother. Alice's mother is French. And she was as good a cook as my mother. SPEAKER 1: Tell me about the preparation of the food and the table, you get the impression all of that is very important, the presentation. DOTTIE: Yeah. When I tell you it's -- another thing my mother had a knack to do, if my father came home with five extra people for dinner and didn't call my mother, there was still enough food to serve these people. If he phoned after a meeting with people, my mother would put out a spread, and I'd look at sisters and say, where did she get that? She just had a knack of, you know, putting things together and making it look beautiful. In fact, my husband did all the cooking and I set the table so it looked pretty. SPEAKER 1: But did your mother also set the table each day too? DOTTIE: Well, I guess, us kids did that. But it was -- when we all sat down to dinner together, both sisters got married early so there was -- if I was 12 working she'd say, okay, and I was living in my own apartment, she says, "Well, come for supper before you go home," and I'd say, yeah okay. My sisters say, "Oh, you're lazy. You don't want to cook." I'd go, yep, you're right. So she would make sure that we stopped at least two or three nights, and most of the time if it was someone's birthday, she would have us all for dinner and cook our special, whatever we liked. And it was obvious whoever's birthday it was, and most of the time it was one of the other sisters that was there. So one night we're all there and my father says, whose birthday is it because nobody assisted, and we called everybody. But most of the time, I mean, she'd -- I mean, she could have 10 people at dinner and think nothing of it. SPEAKER 1: So there was always enough to eat? DOTTIE: Oh. If you asked my mother if you wanted her to go shopping at [Filene's] or go to a gourmet grocery store, she'd say I want to go to the gourmet grocery store. I mean, she -- I'm going into Boston in the north end and like to try different -- she says, "Okay, I got to go to the grocery store before you take me home." I said I just got to go in for a loaf of bread and she'd be in there an hour. I'd say, "Ma, Ma, you said a loaf of bread." "Well, I decided I need to get this, this, and this." Mm-hmm. Things that people consider gourmet now. We had polentas growing up. We had risotto growing up. We had baked Alaska pie growing up. I mean, we had lobster [nugood]. We had baked stuffed lobster. We had razor clams. Some people don't even know what razor clams are today. SPEAKER 1: Tell me, how would she make those? I'm familiar with them. DOTTIE: Razor clams. She would just -- what she would do is steam them first, take the, you know, the clams out and then chop them up and make stuffing with it, and then put them back in the shell and put a little bread crumbs and bake them in the oven. I think they were absolutely delicious. I'm telling my husband about razor clams, he says, "I've never hear of razor clams." We're at the [unintelligible - 00:27:18] walk in the beach 13 and I said see, see that, see that clam? That's a razor clam. Of course, I think you had to -- I hadn't seen them in years. SPEAKER 1: I never see them in the stores. I've seen them at the beach. DOTTIE: Yeah. I've never, ever seen them -- I haven't seen them in the stores for years. And another thing is that -- well, she didn't do this because there were certain things that she didn't make. Uncle did. SPEAKER 1: French uncle? DOTTIE: No, my Italian uncle on my father's sister's husband. I think he was from Poland. My middle sister was the finicky eater. I mean, my father would say, "Barbara, have a little wine." "But daddy, I don't like it." "Honey, just try the wine, it'd do you good." So, but my sister and I would, you know, we always had the wine and the champagne. We've had the, you know, he always made sure we had a little just so that when we were older that we were accustomed to drinking and we didn't go out, and you know, and the cabinets would be -- whatever was in the house would be open to all of us. All of us. So now my sister gets married and she lives upstairs from my aunt and uncle, and she called and said, "Oh, Uncle Charlie made me --" we called them "babaluccis" in Italian, and I said, oh yeah. My sister says, "That's nice, thank you. Bye," and hung up. I called and I said, "Uncle Charlie, you like Barbara better than me." He says, no honey—because he had an accent—I like you both the same. I said nope. Oh no, he says, I like you both. I said, well, you make Barbara babaluccis and I didn't get any. The next day I had a pair. SPEAKER 1: What are babaluccis. DOTTIE: They're the snails. They're little snails -- he used to do them in a sauce that was absolutely delicious. And another thing my mother never made was tripe. And I never had it because I didn't like the smell. My grandmother would cook it and it was ugh. It was bad. They bought it and they had to clean it, and it was terrible. So now I used to have to go with Teddy, and we'd go out and they have tripe. I got ugh. So he goes, try it. So I say okay. I tried it. Delicious. Now, my aunt's sister-in-law 14 comes from New Jersey, and she makes a whole batch for my husband, but my mother still never cooked that. That was one thing she never cooked, and baccala. But 99 percent of everything else, she did, so. My favorite was that she used to do this roast pork with the center cut that she used to have, then we cut the bone so that we could have the bone. We would fight for the pork, so she'd make sure that we'd all get a piece of it. But that was my favorite, favorite dish that she did. SPEAKER 1: Now, I know that everyone would sit at the table. Was your father given priority, first serving? DOTTIE: He was given the first serving, but we all had -- the only thing that we didn't have that he had because we didn't like it was liver, because he liked liver occasionally. But he was served first. But whatever he had, we had. And the other thing, I don't think as kids, we didn't like lamb chops, so my mother would make something else for us. But now lamb is my favorite meal now. But you know, like I said whatever my father had, we had. Nothing was taken from us. I mean, he would serve for us. But if he had steak, we had steak. I mean, we'd choose not to have it. That was because didn't want it. But I have a friend that came from a family of nine, and father would have butter and the kids would have margarine, and so we said that if he could have steak and the kids would have something else, and so we had a brother, so this brother says, "When am I going to have this steak and butter?" He says when you start to work, and you know, contribute. They came home and he says, well, here's my money I want steak and butter or whatever, and the father says, oh no, some of it's for your room, some of it's for the clothes, and some of it's for this. You still don't have enough money for steak. SPEAKER 1: Now, who served the food at the table? DOTTIE: My mother never sat down. She did. I should say she was always on the edge. My father -- we always ate in the dining room in Leominster because we'd -- I'd say 90 percent of the time -- we had a large kitchen but my father felt claustrophobic, so 90 percent of the time we ate in the 15 dining room because it was it the stove and this thing was here and the dining room was here. So it was actually closer to the dining room than it was to go across the kitchen to the other part. But my mother served. SPEAKER 1: Now, would your father…? DOTTIE: It didn't matter. No. It didn't matter. SPEAKER 1: You know what I want to do? It's because just that you're… DOTTIE: Sure. I'm sorry. SPEAKER 1: No, right here, because you're… DOTTIE: Oh, I'm sorry. SPEAKER 1: No. It's all right. I'm just afraid it will [unintelligible - 00:33:02]. Okay. Back to your father. Do you have any idea why his parents chose Fitchburg? DOTTIE: They must have had friends here. Not really. No. I don't know why they really, no, I don't -- no, I don't. No, I don't remember hearing why they choose here. SPEAKER 1: And also, but I think the recorder wasn't on; you were talking about an experience… DOTTIE: They just said that it was tough growing up because they originally -- they lived in the patch, which is considered Italian when they were growing up. First it was Irish, and then they moved out and then the Italians moved in, and they moved out. Now I think it's the Puerto Ricans that live mostly in that area. I don't think there's anybody left even down, you know, beyond it, because this is Water Street, and down this way almost every house was Italian. SPEAKER 1: Well, there's Doris… DOTTIE: Oh yeah, she's still there. Yeah, she's still there. I forgot. Yes, she is. She lives down Railroad Street. Yes. Lovely lady. I mean, you see her, she makes you feel she's so happy to see you. She comes and gives you -- so good to see you. SPEAKER 1: She's special. DOTTIE: Yes, she really is. 16 SPEAKER 1: So do you remember any…? DOTTIE: All I can remember is that, you know, I grew up there. I worked there, and so I was, you know, eight years ago. So I was there, you know, all my life, and you see the changes as, you know, you grow up but… SPEAKER 1: So tell me about the changes. DOTTIE: Well, you could walk down the street, and you know, you knew everybody, and it was amazing how many [unintelligible - 00:34:57] that was on that street growing up, and each one of them -- I don't know how they survived, because each one of them had a large family, and there must have been a dozen stores from 5th Street to 1st Street. And they had -- there was [colors] and there was the [Cabones], there was [Ilinestis]. There was another two Cabones. There was a [Casthetes]. There was a Gloria chain, which is -- I still, I don't know if they should have one in Leominster too, but part of the Gloria chain was in where our store is now. It was -- my father's furniture store originally was built as the garage where they would park cars. And when we were across the street, he bought this building, and he converted it into a furniture store. And one time, Coca-Cola had rented the warehouse, and they had 12 trucks on the roof of this building. The building is still standing very, very strong. Some of the parts of the building are fallout shelters. That's how -- 'cause it was built so well. And it is -- it [unintelligible - 00:36:37] Water Street up to Spruce Street up to Hale Street, 'cause when you look at the building in the front, it doesn't appear to be latched. It goes all the way up to Spruce Street and Hale. Spuce Street is the street just before the store. Okay. And Hale Street is the street that runs parallel with Water Street. So that building goes all the way up to Hale Street. SPEAKER 1: And you mentioned that it was a fall out? DOTTIE: Part of it is. SPEAKER 1: Wow. Yeah. And when did that come about? DOTTIE: Well, I think World War II. They came in and they, you know, they check out the buildings and stuff and put up these things. 1953, that's when he 17 converted the garage into the store because, well, right now, if you were to go in there the ceilings don't appear high, but there is six more feet. They dropped the ceiling. Or they dropped it to a, you know, a fall ceiling. But beyond that there's six more feet. SPEAKER 1: I thought you just mentioned -- were those grocery stores? DOTTIE: Yes, they were little groceries, and… SPEAKER 1: Your mother must have been in heaven. DOTTIE: She did -- she [unintelligible - 00:37:49] I said no. I'm going to a different store. Well, this one has this one in her [unintelligible - 00:37:53], and as they stopped, you know, maybe they'll pass away or whatever, they, you know, they spaced up, because there's nothing on there now. There's not a grocery store on Water Street now. Maybe there is, but up for a -- but after they stopped existing -- she bought very, very little meat from the supermarkets. She bought it from Sal's Grocery Store up in -- they would deliver to -- 'cause I've been everywhere in Leominster. They would deliver to the store, then we'd take it. I would say, "I want a pound of this, I want a pound of that. I want two pounds," whatever she wants, she'd give them an order and he'd deliver it. SPEAKER 1: So they still have these grocery stores, they weren't run by the -- they were run from daughters? DOTTIE: Maybe, not really, no. I can just remember just one. It was -- he adopted, but it was not even a son. It was someone that worked for him, but he ran it for a while. And it's actually a parking lot now of this [unintelligible - 00:39:04]. There was a grocery store there in the building up above it. I mean, they had like tenement houses that we needed parking lots, so then my father bought that building and tore it down. SPEAKER 1: Know everyone who lived in the patch more or less. DOTTIE: More or less. In fact, it was about -- I wanna say 12 years ago, they had a patch reunion, and it was wonderful. They had, you know, it was some people you hadn't see in years and wonderful. We should do it again, of 18 course. It's a lot of work, but no one has, you know, taken any initiative and done it again. SPEAKER 1: Did anyone take pictures? DOTTIE: But I do remember, I had this lady, this Mrs. [Impressor], was just a sweetheart of a lady and sometimes she would just come in the store just to fill her -- she was turning 100, and [unintelligible - 00:40:01] called me. She says, "Dottie, how come you haven't sent in your return?" I says, I was hurt, because one of my girlfriends got invited, and I says, I wonder why [unintelligible - 00:40:11] sisters, Dottie? How come you didn't send in the return?" I says, 'cause I didn't get -- that was when, again all Italians were there, so it was, I went to a wedding and hadn't seen people in a lot of years. SPEAKER 1: So do you remember who the organizers were of the class reunion? I may like to talk to them. DOTTIE: I'm going to say Marie Cabone had something to do with it, but that's not her married name, her married name is… SPEAKER 1: We can get it later. DOTTIE: Okay. She may have had something to do with it. I'm not sure. SPEAKER 1: So tell me about the changes in the patch. So when did… DOTTIE: Interesting. You know what? You go to work every day you're going to see some things -- I want to say it started to change -- my aunt was walking down in front of the store, someone knocked her down and stole her bag. I says, I don't this believe this happening. First of all, it's my aunt, and second of all, in front of our store, so that was heartbreaking. SPEAKER 1: When was that about? DOTTIE: I want to say maybe 30 years ago. SPEAKER 1: Wow. DOTTIE: Time goes by so fast, because my aunt's been dead since I want to say '80. Time goes by so fast, maybe it was 25 years ago. At that time they'd leave the doors open, and you know, you never locked your doors or anything. You never thought about it, never thought about having an alarm system.19 SPEAKER 1: Did you ever [unintelligible - 00:41:57]? DOTTIE: No. First of all to let the store, anything [unintelligible - 00:42:04] built a store for furniture must be, and we had it, so we just -- fortunately we had a good clientele, and things were, you know, we were all right as far as, you know, our customers would come in and we'd advertise, so it was fine up until [unintelligible - 00:42:27] and then it just wasn't fun anymore. SPEAKER 1: Did your parents continue living about? DOTTIE: No, no, we moved to Leominster when I was… and we moved to… SPEAKER 1: Why was that done? DOTTIE: Why was that done? Well, my father and mother needed -- they bought the land on I'd say Ellis Street, and at that time my uncle, who was a plasterer and bricklayer, came and said to my father and mother there's a beautiful house in Leominster that's for sale. It's only six months old, and my father and mother went to look at it, and they fell in love with it because it was -- it is a brick Tudor, I want to say an English Tudor. And it was at that time one of the nicest houses in Leominster. So they got it for a good deal so they bought it. SPEAKER 1: Did life change after moving from [unintelligible - 00:43:32] Street? DOTTIE: No, because we still went to church in Fitchburg, I still worked, all my friends were in Fitchburg, I went to school in Fitchburg. In fact, someone said to me later on in life Dottie, how do you like living in Leominster, I said I've lived here most of my life, they said you wouldn't think so. In fact, up until a few years ago, people would ask me where I was from and I would say Fitchburg, and I'd say -- now I'd tell them I'm from Leominster because things have changed you know, it's a different… it's changed immensely. It's not the small community that it was. In fact, up until I worked, because I had property in Fitchburg I voted in Fitchburg up until ten years ago. SPEAKER 1: Ten years ago.20 DOTTIE: I would say. Of course I wasn't active like I was when I was working. I belonged to the Chamber of Commerce; I belonged to the government stations. And when you retire, you get away from that, and it isn't as… see, my father was active in everything, he was active in politics, he was active in the community, he was active in the church, he was active in the Sons of Italy, he was active in politics, so he was very active in the community. In fact he and a couple of his friends were instrumental in him getting elected mayor. SPEAKER 1: So he was instrumental with that. DOTTIE: They were very good friends, yep. In fact he was instrumental in John Volpe becoming governor. SPEAKER 1: Really? Tell me about that. DOTTIE: He and John Volpe became friendly when they belonged to the Sons of Italy on a state level. So John Volpe called my father and said to him, "I am running for governor," and "Can you help?" My father said sure. So he called one of his, campaign manager called my father and he says, "We're coming into Fitchburg on Monday, can you introduce him to -- or can I introduce him to a lot of people in a short period of time?" So he actually closed the store down and had every one of us call our friends, customers that we thought would come, and he had open house at his house. And at that time, well he still, he belonged to the Rotary and he belonged to… I don't know if he belonged to [unintelligible - 00:46:19] we got the book and we just called people up and said… I'm not Republican, they said we don't care, just come, we want faces, a lot of people. So we booked. It was the early part of June so he says we'll have it outside, and at that time there was too many people and it wasn't enough time, so we had to have it catered. 21 So I called the caterer, he had all the summer furniture in the store delivered to the house and was going to have it outside. Well, it poured like you can't believe. We had tons and tons of people still and he called my father a few days later and he says Bill, if I have six friends like you throughout the state I'll be elected, and he was elected. SPEAKER 1: [Unintelligible - 00:47:07]. DOTTIE: No, the only job my father ever got for that was -- and because Joe Adante asked him to take it was to be on the Board of [unintelligible - 00:47:18] and so he took that. The only thing he go from helping so much was people would come in and say can you get me a low number plate, and he would buy the letter, and I got a low number plate. In fact because sometimes you don't think, I got my number plate is 99G, so I got that. But the woman that did it had to do some research because it was the ninth month, the ninth day in [unintelligible - 00:47:54]. And my father had -- in fact my brother-in-law still had, it's 52W, he was 52 years old [unintelligible - 00:48:03] the first time. He had 52W. So now he's running again, and Joe Ward is running against him, and he's from Fitchburg. My father, I says, "Are you crazy? You can't go out and campaign for him," I said, "It's suicide." I said, "You have a business." He said, "I also have the right to choose who I want to vote for." So he called up Joe Ward and he says to him, "Joe, I've known you for a good many years, but you know my affiliation with John. We've been friends for years. I would say that if John wasn't running I would help you campaign." He says, "I can't thank you enough for calling, and I still think you're gentleman." He also was Republican chairman in Fitchburg and Leominster area for a long time. SPEAKER 1: Who was? DOTTIE: My father. SPEAKER 1: Your father? DOTTIE: Yeah.22 SPEAKER 1: How did he get involved in politics? DOTTIE: Well, because [unintelligible - 00:49:15] like Pete Levante was running for mayor. That way, he was active with -- he'd gotten involved with John Volpe, and then he just was campaigning, he was Republican chairman for a long time in Fitchburg and Leominster area. That's how he got involved in it. And he would always take people home to the house and we got involved in it. This is changing the subject because he would say yes to you, if someone asked him something and he couldn't do, well he could do it, but to take someone somewhere he'd say yes that's fine, we'll do it. He'd say, "Dorothy, do this," and I'd get angry and I'd say I can't make a decision on my own, but I always had a -- especially with the nuns, when I was young they didn't drive, they didn't have their own car. So if they had to go somewhere, they would rely on the community of, you know, our parish to take them somewhere. Because we always had two cars, they would call my father and say I have to go such and such a place. "No problem. Dorothy, take them." I'd say, "Why do you do that?" He says, "What do you mean why do I do what?" Make decisions for me. He says "I don't make decisions, you do." But it was fun. One time he called me from Florida and said you have to be in so-and-so's wedding. I says dad, I don't know them. He said that's all right. I knew the family but I didn't really know, you know I didn't know the bride at all. He said that's all right, I do. I said but dad, I'm already in five weddings, I can't afford it. He said that's all right, I'll pay for it. So I'm in this wedding, didn't really -- well, I knew the guy that was with me because it was, you know, I knew the family, but the bride and groom. Marty's father, you know Pete Levante, was because most of them were Italian, he was invited to all of the weddings, but he says Dorothy, I says what, he says, you're doing this for a living. My sisters were quiet and 23 they never worked at the store. I should say my middle sister's quiet, my other sister, we call her Mouth because she has to have last lip Susie, she has to have the last word. SPEAKER 1: And from the church, your father was involved with the church also? DOTTIE: He was, you know he'd collect on Sundays, and also if they needed money they'd come and he'd help collect. When I was young they used to have these carnivals or you know when they have people at merry go rounds with stuff. SPEAKER 1: Like an amusement… DOTTIE: Thank you, yes. And they would run those in summer months, and he became very friendly with the pastor. In fact they would go away for a few -- you know, like to go to Florida. My mother wouldn't go because she had us kids, and so my father would go with the priest. SPEAKER 1: And what was his name? DOTTIE: Father [Campanelli]. He ended up being in Worcester, he was Monsignor Campanelli. And we had Father John Capolano who was at our parish for a long time. So one time I said can I have a new dress, not this week, "Well if Father John came and asked you for money you'd give it to him." He'd say, "Listen here, young lady, anything I gave to the church I always got back tenfold." So he was, you know [unintelligible - 00:53:00] he was involved with that. But I was baptized, communion, confirmation, got married out of there, probably die and be buried out of there. So definitely, definitely. SPEAKER 1: Do you think… DOTTIE: That generation, the men were superior. I have two cousins that my father treated, I mean he was wonderful to us, but he treated these guys like they were his sons. And he was just good to them. In fact one of them worked for him for quite awhile, and he's a multimillionaire now in Leominster. SPEAKER 1: Who's that?24 DOTTIE: Charles Tito. But he started with my father, and his brother worked for -- no, Sam never worked for us, maybe on the summer or something. I was close with them, just thought these guys were the best. SPEAKER 1: Was education? DOTTIE: Yes, but he never had it. But he thought it should be, you know, you should have -- in fact I could have gone longer but I chose not to. Then after, two or three years later I decided, I said I think I want to -- he said well if you want to go back you've got to pay. I said well if the [unintelligible - 00:54:39]. SPEAKER 1: Was it an option for you to work at the store or was it just assumed? DOTTIE: Assumed. Because first of all if I had left, when I left [Deed], I should have gone to work out of town for a few years just to get an idea of how things are run differently. But it was assumed that I would come to the store and stay there. Everything. I said it's a good thing I wasn't a boy because… no, good thing I never learned how to drive the truck, because if I did he would have sent me out on the truck too, because I did everything there. I mean, you didn't say, you know, when you go to a store today they go that's not my department or that's not my job. Those words did not exist with my father. I'll never forget one time he says to me call this person up, they owe us money. I says, okay, "Hello, Mrs. Jones or Mr. [unintelligible - 00:55:49]?" And he says, "You haven't been in for a while," and he hung up. So I said he hung up on me, I mean no one ever did that to me. So he said call him back. He says, "If you don't stop calling me back, I'm going to come down and hit you with a baseball bat." Well, I mean I started to cry. My father said, "Give me that phone." But then after a while you learn how… I mean, if he did that to me now I'd say go ahead, come, I'll have one too. 25 But as a kid, I mean first of all you wouldn't talk to anybody that way, we weren't brought up -- I mean, even to this day you know how you see policemen you get nervous, you were always brought up to respect your elders and authority. But today, you know, even like if you said the teacher said this, you never went home and said the teacher said this because they'd say whatever you did you deserved it. But today… I have a friend that's a teacher. He came in the store and his hands were all scratched. I says, "What happened to you." He says, "I was taking a second grader to the principal and he was scratching me." SPEAKER 1: That would have been unheard of? DOTTIE: You would never, ever. I mean, if the teacher said whatever, you never went home and said the teacher said or did whatever, because they were always right no matter what. SPEAKER 1: Did you ever feel that you were treated differently? DOTTIE: I'll tell you what, because all my friends were Italian. In fact, I told this to Alice just recently. I says I was blessed because there's a big difference between my sister and I, there's like almost eight years difference. I was the first girl born in the family, I was the first child born in my mother and father's close friends. So I was [unintelligible - 00:57:55]. I had grandparents that weren't my grandparents that, you know, my mother and father's friend's parents, I mean they couldn't treat me any better if I was their grandchildren. Back then grandchildren missed out because they passed away before, you know, they had kids. So I had -- everybody was my, you know, I was loved a lot, my uncles, my father's friends, my aunt. Like I said I was the first girl in the family. My aunt had two boys, but I was the only girl. And the others didn't have children until later on, so I came along and my sisters came later. And my father wasn't as busy when I was born. And as my sisters came along, he became more and more active in the community. In fact he was even 26 president -- not president, he was treasurer of the Boy Scouts in Nashoba Valley, and he never had any boys. SPEAKER 1: So it seems as though he… DOTTIE: That's right, he was always, he was president of the Chamber of Commerce a couple of times, he was involved with Rotary. SPEAKER 1: What was that about him? DOTTIE: He liked people. He liked to be active. He liked to be busy. See, that was his hobby more or less because he didn't golf, he didn't do any of those things. So he kept busy and active in politics and whatnot. SPEAKER 1: Did he ever have a talk with you as far as being [unintelligible - 00:59:42]? DOTTIE: Maybe we just kind of -- no, I don't think so. I think he just took it for granted that, you know, it was amazing how far he came, he had a lot of foresight because he took chances where, you know, it was unheard of. Like he bought this building that was like a shell, and he -- the man that built was… bought it to… he built it to park cars and it… and my father turned around and he said, "Well we could put a store there, right?" and he did. SPEAKER 1: Well, how did he get involved in the furniture business? DOTTIE: He started with the oil business, then from the oil business he started -- he went to school to learn how to install burners, you know oil burners, 'cause he was selling the oil then he needed the burners. Then from that there he started to sell appliances, and from appliances he started to -- you know, furniture, you know, little by little, and then he would go to the furniture shows and started the [unintelligible - 01:00:55]. SPEAKER 1: Did he have [unintelligible - 01:00:58]. DOTTIE: No. SPEAKER 1: No. DOTTIE: People would say, "Oh yeah, he had [unintelligible - 01:01:02]." No. One time he went to the bank to borrow money because he didn't have -- he wanted to buy I think a car load of, I don't know, refrigerators or 27 something, and he went to borrow I want to say a thousand dollars. I don't remember the exact amount. And because he was not really established, they said no. And he -- the doctor that was friendly with us, he loaned him the money. SPEAKER 1: What was his name again? DOTTIE: The house. But she was -- I said why don't you use this. Oh I can do it quicker. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, I think sometimes, you know, by the time you rent [unintelligible - 01:01:46] you know. Anyway, we just had to replace the batteries, and now we're back in business. So you said -- you were talking about your father and the furniture business, how the doctor helped him, loaned him money. DOTTIE: Yes, and he paid him back, and then they remained… he was like a brother… they were the closest thing to a brother. I mean, he was Jewish, and -- but they really remained friends until they both passed away. SPEAKER 1: Really? DOTTIE: Yes. He was -- in fact, on Christmas day my father and I would… we would go to visit them, bring a gift to both of them, he and his wife, and we would have coffee or whatever on Christmas. We would do that Christmas morning, or was it before? I can't remember if it was Christmas morning or just before Christmas, because -- I mean, they just were you know… he never ever did, never! He had, you know, basically the same friends that he had all his life. [Unintelligible - 01:03:01] too. Where I have, you know, the same friends as we had since I was a kid, I don't -- you know, you acquire a few on the way, but basically the same people I've been involved with most of my life. Well, of course I never… I never moved out of the area, so… My sister one time said that if I was on welfare, I would still be a millionaire because of my friends. Yes, yes. So like I said feel I've been blessed in 28 that respect. Priest last night says how would I want to be remembered? I want to be remembered that I loved and I was loved. SPEAKER 1: Yes, that's… DOTTIE: Well, if you really want to make money you can make money. But I think friendship is more important than anything, because you can't buy that. 'Cause once the money is gone, the people that you bought are gone. You have money going up and you don't coming down and you have true friends; your friends are going to be there for you. Not really, no, I think that's an individual thing. I don't know, 'cause I -- first of all I think because my mother and father always entertained, I tend to still do that. I don't do it as much because my husband was the one that did the cooking and stuff, so not a lot of, you know, people coming into dinner and… SPEAKER 1: You and me. DOTTIE: I mean we would have brunches like, we'd invite half the, you know, the complex. I mean… SPEAKER 1: Did you live in Maine or was that… DOTTIE: We just had a summer -- I mean, it was the condo that we would go in, in the winter months, but not like going in the summer. We would still just go on the weekends. But I would take Saturday… I'd work Saturday and leave Saturday, and then I would take Monday and Tuesday off instead of taking a -- sometimes I would take a couple of weeks, but towards the end we just would take longer weekends [unintelligible - 01:05:21]. So we had it up until… I sold it -- it's going to be three years. We were together about 25 years but legally married about 12, I guess. Eighty-four, but he was just a -- like I said, like the people that we went last night to the funeral, they said we were just talking about Teddy Christmas time. He was the type that -- like I said, he would holler and scream, but that would be over within two seconds. And I mean, he just 29 [unintelligible - 01:06:00] go get him, give him a cup of coffee, get him a drink, do this. I think so. I'm not so much as business-minded, but personality wise I think he had a lot of my father's traits because they all, they both like people. SPEAKER 1: [Unintelligible - 01:06:20] furniture store? DOTTIE: He was actually a leather [unintelligible - 01:06:25] he managed -- he was bartender and he managed it. It was at that -- right now it's where the weather vane is. It used to be called King's Corner, and he worked there for a good many -- but he looked after when my father passed away and I had to run the store so he would come in to help out, but not really work at it. But he helped out. SPEAKER 1: When did your father pass away? DOTTIE: 1984, the year I got married. SPEAKER 1: Oh. [Unintelligible - 01:06:54] DOTTIE: Yes, yes, yes. SPEAKER 1: What was that like? DOTTIE: That was not as enjoyable, because first of all I loved, I loved to wait on customers, and you know, sew and decorate. That was my forte. Than I had to worry about bills, I had to worry about hiring, I had to worry about firing, I had to worry, had to -- all the responsibilities that go with running a business, and it wasn't as fun. One time Teddy said I stopped doing that because it wasn't fun. I guess it comes to that point when you realize, 'cause I -- you know, sometimes it's "Oh, I hate going to work, I hate it, I hate it, I hate it." But you say that just to [unintelligible - 01:07:41]. Actually I enjoyed working with the customers, and even to this day if I'm out and they said, "Oh, I'm sorry you don't have the store anymore," or, "You know what? I still have the sofa that you sold me 20 years ago." So it's just a store, it was when it was time to close it. So I know what I 30 should have probably done, and I still have the building, which has been up for sale, really, for the last couple of years… of last year, but it's, you know, we should have done it two years ago. SPEAKER 1: So you were involved for so long in this store. How long did you work there about? DOTTIE: I got out at -- let's see I was 18, 19, 20… till I was about 58, so 20 to 58. SPEAKER 1: I imagine your customer base, did it change over time? DOTTIE: Believe it or not, if we started with the grandmother and father, then we got the daughter or the son, and then we got the son's kids, and so we're -- a lot of it was just the same generation. I mean, we got new customers; don't get me wrong. I think the biggest -- at one time we had Devon's, you know, Devon used to have soldiers, okay, so I said it was Fort Devon's. And I had a customer come in and said so and so sent me, and I says -- of course the name didn't hit a bell, and they says, "Oh yeah, they were in Germany." Excuse me? Yeah they said they knew we were coming here, and they said we'll need furniture, and they said to make sure they said you come see us. And we did we got a lot of word of mouth and had one customer that they would come in every week, and I would chat with them and they'd buy a chair or something small. I'd give them -- we always had coffee, we had coffee, so we'd offer my customers coffee. I mean, I would tell the girls or the people that were selling -- when they come in that door you treat them like they are coming into your home and bring me to them. So when a customer -- I would try to cultivate them. And so like this customer buys this enormous house, and now they need it furnished, and so now they also need draperies and… oh, my sister [unintelligible - 01:10:25] just had a flair for decorating. You are going to handle the drapes, you are going to -- we have this company that we 31 dealt with where, you know, on a small basis as far as if you came in and said I want some draperies, I said, "Okay, measure your walls and whatever," and we had a small company that we would deal with. So this was -- and when I tell you, this house, they called it the castle. I mean, it had -- it was unbelievable! Now she did all the draperies, and I sold them every room of furniture except I think they had already bought a dining room set, but everything else I did. Now, at the time -- this is over 20 years ago, thousand dollars, so that was a lot of money, but with the furniture, [unintelligible - 01:11:19] says, "Well, how are they going to pay for this?" I says, "I don't know." I just was going crazy. About two or three days later the lady walks in and she says, "Can we go somewhere?" "Yeah, we can go in my father's office," so she closed the door, and she goes boom-boom-boom, she whipped out $20,000 of cash. I almost had a heart attack. That was my biggest sale. I mean, one person. Did they have a complaint on anything? Nothing, except something I gave them -- the man says, "Oh, the top of the shelf is scratched." I said, "Oh, you didn't pay for that." Oh, okay. It was pebble stone base, and it was going to be [unintelligible - 01:12:07] going to put a statue on it. So I said well, I'm not going to charge you for this because it's got a few scratches on it. So he says everything's okay except, you know, the base of this is scratched. I said, "Well, you didn't pay for that." "Oh, okay. Thank you." SPEAKER 1: So how in the beginning of your involvement, how did customers pay? DOTTIE: How do they pay? On a weekly basis. They would come in, and they would -- I don't even know if we charged them interest. I guess then we started doing what we called a pre-payment plan, which was considered cash in 90 days, but it had to be broken into three payments. 32 And then we had the company that would buy the paper if, you know, rather than carry -- I forget the company we used. I don't know if it was… one of those companies. And then sometimes if it was a good customer that's been doing business they didn't want to go through that, then we would charge them the interest for the year, however long it took. And then we had customers that just paid weekly that came in for years and years and years. That was part of their, I mean, weekly… I had friends that would come in just to have coffee. I mean, they would have the day off, and they'd come in with their -- one friend had a grandmother that was -- she says, "Oh, let's go see Dottie. We'll have a cup of coffee." That like that Mrs. [unintelligible - 01:13:42], she's like, "Oh, let's go see Dottie. We'll have coffee with her." So I miss that part; I miss that closeness with the customers. Like I said, I treated my customers like they were my friends. Just because -- I did it mainly because it was easier to sell them, and then they kept coming back. And like I said, I enjoyed that part of it. Well, the trends went from outer out -- you know, they have the outer margin, and then it went to your country, which stayed in for until I almost closed, and then they had a lot of traditional, which was -- I remember one time a customer came in and said, "That sofa is down the street for $500 less," and I says, "I don't think… /AT/pa/mb/es
FEBRUARY, J900 ■ Gettysbur Mercury CONTENTS. Puzzles and their Value in Men-tal Training, 261 How Obtain Equilibrium be-tween Production and Con-sumption, 265 Scene in the Forest, Orlando Soliloquizing, 271 Education more than a Means of Gaining a Livelihood, 272 A Comparative Study in Ruskin, 274 Editorials 278 Economic Results of Gambling, 279 Results of the Art of Healing,. 282 Public Control of Industries 285 The Power of Ignorance; 292 KAVOR THOSE WHO FAVOR US. For Fine. Printing go to p o ,,0 CARLISLE ST. GETTYSBURG, PA. C. B. Kitzmiller Dealer in Hats, Caps, Boots and . Douglas Shoes GETTYSBURG, PA. J. H. Myers Fashionable Tailor, Clothier and Gents' Furnisher. The best place in town to taaveyourCloth-ing made to order. All workmanship and Trimmings guaranteed. No charge for re-pairs and pressing for one year. Dyeing and Repairing a specialty. Ready-made Clothing the largest stock in town. Up-to-date styles. 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HINDS & HOBLE, Publishers 4-5-13-14 Cooper Institute H. Y. City Schoolbnohs of all publishers atone store. R. A. WONDERS, Corner Cigar Parlors. A full line of Cigars, Tobacco, Pipes, Etc. Scott's Corner, Opp. Eagle Hotel. GETTYSBURG, PA. JOHN M. MINNIGH, Confectionery, Ice, andIee Cpeankjj-* Oysters Stewed and Fried. No. 17 BALTIMORE ST. I .THE. GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter. VOL. VIII. GETTYSBURG, PA., FEBRUARY, 1900. No. 8 Editor-in-Chief. J. FRANK HEILMAN, '00. Assistant Editors. LUTHER A. WEIGLE, '00. S. A. VAN ORMER, '01. Alumni Editor. REV. F. D. GARLAND. Business Manager. JOHN K. HAMACHER. '00. Assistant Business Manager. CLARENCE MOORE, '02. Advisory Board. PROF. J. A. HIMES, LIT. D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M. D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D. D. Published monthly by the students of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price One Dollar a year in advance, single copies Fifteen Cents. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Business Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. PUZZLES AND THEIR VALUE IN MENTAL TRAINING. [GIES PRIZE ESSAY, FIRST PRIZE.] OF all the powers of the human soul, the imagination is one of the most universal in its application and pleasing in its products, the earliest activity of the infant mind, and the last to cling to old age. Without the exercise of this faculty, the world would be a barren waste of material facts, in which would dwell the human race, passive recipients of objective im-pressions, without the power to revel in the beauties of imaged thought and conception of the Divine. Poetry, philosophy, art, science, invention, religion—all would be lost to mankind. L,ittle wonder, then, that the products of the imagination have ever been present and cultivated among men. The word "puzzle" has been variously defined, and the objects of thought and action to which it may be applied are widely different. But a common ground may be assumed—a puzzle is an invented contrivance, either intellectual or material, mtmllM - 262 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. whose solution requires time and ingenuity. It will be seen that the puzzle is pre-eminently the product ot the inventive imagina-tion and in turn its highest application is in the exercise of that power for its solution. Intellectual puzzles are in many senses the most important and also most ancient, being generally cast in the form of riddles. From the earliest times of history we can find evidence of the existence of puzzles, either as a form of intellectual amusement or didactic discipline. Among the Eastern nations obscure forms of expression were the inevitable associates of their symbolical modes of thought. It is certain that such methods of statement were in use among the Egyptians, while several books of riddles exist in old Arabic and Persian. One of the most well-known of puzzles is the riddle which Samson propounded to the Philistines, and many other examples are found in the Bible. The proverbs of Solomon are at times excellent types of the didactic form of the riddle. The parables of the Savior were skillful methods of teaching important truths veiled under an interesting narrative which drew the attention of the crowd, and would be very accept-able to an Eastern mind. In Greece the riddle was a favorite mode of intellectual enter-tainment at symposia. To the active mind of the Greek nothing was more pleasing than a well-directed turn of expression which would give room for play of the imagination. There is abundant evidence of this among their writers. Some of their poets even did not hesitate to write whole books of riddles, and Kleobulus, one of the seven wise men, was especially noted for his composi-tions along this line. The famous riddle of the Sphinx as told in the Oedipus Tyrannus, is probably the best known puzzle of Greek literature, though the most interesting form was a part of their very religious life and character—the oracles of the inspired priests, on which hung sometimes the fate of nations, even of the world. The raveling of such obscurities of expression was a source of the keenest pleasure to the Greek mind, and, while a product of the imagination, was an efficient agent in bringing it to that perfection shown in attic literature, thought and philosophy. The Roman mind, more earnest and grave, found small pleas-ure in these modes of intellectual activity, and very little is known of their use of puzzles until the later republic and empire, when they were introduced with the passion for everything Greek, and ■■■■HH THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 263 professional riddle-makers soon began to take a prominent part in their entertainments and banquets. During the middle ages puzzles were cultivated more as a pleasant means of entertainment than for any other purpose, and until recently the same idea has clung to them. Many manu-script and printed editions of collections of puzzles, riddles and conundrums are in existence. Much of their content consists of coarse jests, but there are some real gems of wit and valuable aids to a true estimate of mediaeval life. The Reformation put a stop to this merry jesting for a time, but it soon crept into favor again, and during the eighteenth century the most brilliant minds of Europe were engaged in the intellectual pastime. At the present day puzzles are still in great favor with both young and old, and their educational worth is becoming more and more realized. As a mental training the value of the puzzle lies chiefly in its power of cultivating quickness and strength of the constructive imagination. An obscurity of expression or mechanical con-struction may require time to solve its intricacies, but the mind is certainly the better for having mastered it. All the faculties of memory and imagination are brought into play, and side by side comes development of the reasoning power as we attempt to deduce from our problem its elements, or to arrive by induction at the result of certain assumed forces. These are the things which made the riddle so attractive to the Greek, with his quick imagination and active reasoning power. When we solve a dif-ficult puzzle, we in fact repeat the very processes by which as children we began to learn, for then everything was a puzzle; and in doing so we strengthen the faculties of the mind which are most essential, and besides strength impart to them a facility and quickness of action, which is in itself most valuable. The subject-matter of the puzzle may be another source of con-siderable benefit. The didactic riddles of the East have already been mentioned as examples of what may be taught in this way. A truth given an obscure expression which requires mental effort to unravel will be impressed upon the mind when it has been gained. A mechanical construction whose every portion has been carefully studied with a view to its possible part in the function of the whole, will not soon be forgotten. In this fact alone may be grounded a strong argument in favor of the puzzle's part in mental training. 264 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Puzzles are beginning to play a more and more important part in the education of the child. Almost the first book placed in its hands, "Mother Goose," is full of simple riddles. Froebel's kindergarten method, so generally acknowledged now-a-days, em-bodies the puzzle idea to a great extent, developing as it does the powers of observation, invention and reasoning. As the child passes into school, puzzles of graded difficulty are used for several years, and his toys always include a number of puzzles and games, many of which contain subject-matter of educational value. Many firms now publish educational games, whose benefit to the child will be revealed by even a superficial examination. The use of puzzles may be carried too far, however; for they may be made an end in themselves. Men may become so infatu-ated with the delicacy of reasoning and exhilaration of discovery as to lose sight entirely of the practical use of the mind. So did the School-men of the middle ages, who waged long controversies on trivial and absurd questions merely for sake of the argument. Neither should puzzles take the place of more legitimate means of education, for it must be kept in mind that they are for the more developed merely an intellectual pastime which will benefit instead of harm ; and for the child a means of starting its mind upon the path which it must shortly travel with the more able guides of language, art and science. Puzzles seem to be trivial things, and are so in a certain sense. But they present wonderful capabilities to the student of Psy-chology and the teacher of the child's mind. Used within proper bounds, as a means and not an end, they may become, in devel-opment of strength and facility of the imagination and the reas-oning power, and in didactic force, a powerful factor in mental training. —L. A. W., '00. Hold fast to the Bible as the sheet anchor of your liberties; write its precepts in your hearts, and practice them in your lives. —U. S. Grant. A broken reputashun is like a broken vase—it may be mend-ed, but alwuss shows whare the brak waz.—Josh Billings. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 265 MOW OBTAIN EQUILIBRIUM BETWEEN PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION. AS a matter of course, the first thing to consider in searching for a remedy for any evil, whether in economics or else-where, is to seek to find the causes of that evil, and to discover a means of removing these causes. Whether the means proposed be beneficial in other respects or advisable upon other grounds we do not need to inquire in this paper. All that is necessary is to find some measure which gives fair promise of bettering matters in this one department of economic life which we have under consideration, namely, of establishing a more stable and more nearly correct relation between the producer and consumer. Briefly and roughly stated, it seems to us that the whole difficulty arises from the fact that the producer is not able to foretell how much of a demand there will be for his goods and incidental to this, how many of those who create the demand will be able to pay within a reasonable time, provided he is willing to sell on credit. As to the second point, demand un-doubtedly is defined to be how much certain persons are ready to take at a certain price. But we must remember that an enormous part of economic operations are conducted on a credit basis and we cannot overlook this as it exercises such a potent influence in increasing or lowering the demand or supply at any time. For if a man believes the credit of his purchasers is good, he will be willing to sell a greater quantity of goods on credit and at a lower price than if he is doubtful as to their credit, and so we might illustrate further. This second point then is incidental to the first, but it is so important in the view we take of the matter that we mention it at once in connection with what we regard the leading difficulty, namely, the producer's ignorance of the con-sumer's future demand for his goods. For he must anticipate the future. It is possible in so few industries to carry on production by filling orders already filed, that we may almost neglect them. And where there are such, the difficulties which we find elsewhere between producer and consumer do not exist, since they work on a solid basis with regard to the future, and are not compelled to base their output upon a supposed state of the market. In other words, they know 266 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. what the market will be and this is the element which is ordinar-ily lacking and which is the cause, as we believe, of the mis-understandings. Now it becomes important to try to answer the question "Why are these producers in ignorance of the future demand for their goods ?" Necessarily an important factor, in all economic life, is the large mass of natural products which are so dependent on the forces of nature, and as it is impossible to control the workings of these to any appreciable extent, the period between the planting for the future and the realization of it, between "seedtime and harvest," must always be one of doubt. It is apparently impossible to control the amount of production in this sphere, and, so far as this operates as an agent in causing misunderstandings between the producer and consumer, we do not attempt to suggest a remedy. As long as it is impossible for a man to know that he can meet a certain demand, even though he is sure that demand will exist, and that impossibility depends on the fact that the agents which cause the uncertainty are beyond human control, the cure seems also to be without the bounds of human power. From this class of cases where there is an impossibility for the producer to tell what supply he can put upon the market, we pass, by almost imperceptible gradations, to cases where the producer needs only know the demand and he can meet it with an ample supply. No doubt there are natural products which lie on the line between these extremes, as, for example, the output of mines which can be regulated to a fair extent, and there are products, not strictly natural, which are very uncertain as to the possible supply, but as a rule the further removed the product is from the soil, the more completely is the extent of its production within the control of man. It is to this class of products that we wish to direct particular attention. Assuming then that the demand could be met if it could be known, we come again to the question "Why cannot the demand be known ?" The producer can find from his table ofstatistics how many producers there are in the same business with him, how large an amount of their products has been sold during the year previous to that one, and the year previous and soon back, and then, by dividing his capital into the total capital invested in the business, he can find how much of that output should belong --. Sira :-:.'; . THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 267 to him. A simple problem, no doubt, but with no correctness in its application, and why not ? Simply because no one of his fellow producers, nor himself either, will be satisfied with the amount as he would thus work it out, but partly through natural aggressive-ness, partly though a desire to protect himself against aggressive-ness on the part of his competitors, he will seek to produce and to sell a little more than his share. He will devise new means by which he can bring his goods a little more in favor with the pub-lic than his rivals. He will reduce his prices, allowing himself a narrower margin of profits, hoping to make himself even by larger sales. No doubt in this way he will sell more goods than his slower going neighbor and will get some of the trade which would otherwise have gone to him. His neighbor's trade falls off and he finds that he provided for more trade than he is getting and is burdened with an unsalable stock. This is so much idle capi-tal and makes him so much less able to carry on a successful business. This single illustration, on a small scale, though it is, shows the inherent tendency of competition to make uncertain what share of a given demand will fall to a producer's lot. The same amount of goods may be sold, as he had anticipated, but he has not sold his share, for some one has succeeded in selling it ahead of him. We believe, therefore, that competition is the main reason. why the producer cannot foretell what the demand for his goods will be, and as it is this inability to foretell which leads to the mis-understandings between producer and consumer, the natural conclusion is that we should remove competition. We wish to make mention again that we do not argue that this is necessarily a beneficial or advisable means generally. ■ All we are concerned with is the question whether it will tend to remove the misunderstandings we have been speaking of. Of course it is not far to seek a means of accomplishing this. The means have been thrust upon us rather generously during the past few years. The tendency toward industrial combination, seeming to be the logical outgrowth of competition, appears, like Zeus, to threaten the reign of its progenitor. No doubt, it ap-pears startling to those economists who have been accustomed to regard competition with a kind of solemn awe, as containing a remedy for "all the heartaches and the thousand natural shocks 268 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. that flesh is heir to ;" but perhaps its partial disappearance may be attended by some results not altogether detrimental. The trust can estimate the demand which it will be called upon to meet. The total demand for a given article during any given period, does not vary through so large a range as to render this estimate one of great uncertainty. No doubt seasons of unusual depression or excitement may render calculations imperfect, but, all in all, the total output which the consumer stands ready to dispose of, is a matter of far higher certainty than the numerous possibilities existing when the producers are multiplied. By the immense amount of capital invested, the trust is better able to adapt itself to an unusual season of excitement or depres-sion. For example, the American Sugar Refining Company a few years ago built a new refinery furnished with the newest techni-cal improvements, to serve only as a safeguard in the case of a suddenly increased demand, or of stoppage in other factories. President Hadley in an article on Trusts, says, " A consoli-dated company has advantages in its power of adapting the amount of production to the needs of consumption. Where several con-cerns with large plants are competing and no one knows exactly what the others are doing, we are apt to have an alternation between years of over-production and years of scarcity, an alter-nation no less unfortunate for the public than for the parties im-mediatety concerned. A wisely managed combination can do much to avoid this. By making its production more even, it can give a constant supply of goods to the consumers and a constant opportunity of work to the laborers; and the resulting steadiness of prices is so great an advantage to all concerned that the public can well afford to pay a very considerable profit to those whose organizing power has rendered such useful service. Morever, the consolidation of all competing concerns avoids many unnecessary expenses of distribution. Under the old sys-tem, these expenses are very great. The multiplication of selling agencies involves much waste. Competitive advertisement is often an unnecessary and unprofitable use of money. Delivery of goods from independent producers, whether by wagon or by rail-road, often costs more than the better organized shipmeuts of a single large concern. All of these evils can be avoided by con-solidation." The same writer compares the trusts with an army, and the THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 269 comparison is apt for more purposes than one. The effectiveness with which a thoroughly organized and wealthy trust can meet an unexpected crisis, as compared with a large number of disorgan-ized and quarrelsome companies or individuals,is well paralleled by the difference between the manner in which a thoroughly equipped and organized army will overcome a sudden and severe attack, where a host of stragglers would have been cut to pieces. The very organization constitutes an element of tremendous strength. It must be concluded, we think, then, that trusts, would, or rather do furnish a means by which the future demand for the goods of the producer may be rendered more certain and hence they tend to remove the misunderstandings between the producer and the consumer. And now, how would such a remedy apply when we consider the matter of selling on credit. The man who sells, necessarily is not satisfied merely because he can tell how many goods his cus-tomer will buy. He wants to know how many he can and will pay for. Here in addition to the fact that their superior mastery of all the details of their business renders them more capable of judging of the credit of their purchasers, we seem to find another and very important fact. When competition exists, the producer is all the time seeking to hold out more inducement than his com-petitor. One of the common forms these inducements take is a sale on credit, and then competition arises as to extending the time of credit. Now, when the backbone of competition is broken, the trust no longer needs to use such means to secure purchasers. It stands in a position to dictate, to a great degree, its own terms, and can provide much more fully against dangerous credit than can be done where competition has full play. It is worth while, too, to mention the indirect effects flowing from those above mentioned. As the future is more closely anti-cipated, and as the sales made are more fully realized on than formerly, the financial embarrassments of various producers, under the old regime become a gradually disappearing quantity in the disturbing influences on trade. Of course the increased danger from the possibility of the trust must be omitted, but we believe it is overbalanced by the failures due to competition. When we entered upon the analysis of the causes which ren-dered demand uncertain, we supposed for the time being that the 'JO THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. demand, if known, could be met. We now return to that point to inquire briefly how the trust would effect that side of the ques-tion, though we have already incidentally touched upon it. Necessarily, one thing which renders uncertain the ability of the producer to meet a given demand is the possibility of dissatis-faction among his employees, leading to a strike. The same argument applies here as applies to selling on credit. The employee is, to a certain extent, able to make more at the kind of work he is engaged in than at any other, for the simple reason that he knows more about it. Now when there are a number of producers in the same business he knows, if he leaves one, he can probably find work with another, while, where there is but one employer, he loses this advantage. But writers on Trusts and Industrial Combinations in the United States agree that the information given by the working-men, themselves, seems to prove that generally a reduction of hours for labor, seldom a reduction of wages and occasionally, an increase, have taken place, especially where the workingmen were well organized themselves. "It is pretty clear that the laborers in centralized undertakings have not been worse off than in decentralized ones." So that it appears that there is less likeli-hood of a strike under such organization than under the decen-tralized form, so that less opposition to the free course of produc-tion would be met with here. And again the indirect results would be beneficial. For, as the demand becomes more certain, and there is less waste from imperfect attempts to meet it, more and more the production of the trust becomes near to a uniform standard and thus tends to give the workmen steady employment at regular wages, which is a strong barrier against a strike on their part. From the direct and indirect results, therefore, of the consoli-dated form of production, we are led to believe that it presents a means of establishing a far better understanding between the pro-ducer and consumer. That in some minor details the result might be otherwise we do not deny, but looking at it in its broad out-lines and confining our attention carefully to theparticularsubject we have under discussion, we conclude that trusts furnish a method for removing much of the friction between the producer and the consumer. 'oo. ItttfSM&B&iSaSB THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 271 SCENE IN THE FOREST, ORLANDO SOLILOQUIZING. IS it so that in this guise she sought me? My heart is sick within me. I'll take me back to a wilder region in the forest and there the remainder of my days I'll spend in mourn-ing for my lost love. Aye, virtue is modesty and modesty is a virtue and in that is she lacking. Seek her ? Speak with her ? But strike me dead if I may speak one word with her, I'll write it, fold it, give it to her and fly. 'Twill be a testimony of my love that was, that is no more. She merits now nothing but my scorn. If I had wit, I'd make her blush for very shame, if shame there be in her. But my last breath is drawn. Oh how I loved her to distraction ! I ought to go, but how to move? What is this feeling within me that holds me back ? Is it because the road is long and I am tired. No, 'tis an accursed lingering of that love that once so filled me that I knew naught else. Will it never be in my power to shake it off? 'Twassent from Heaven and not from earth; 'twas given by God and not by man. And yet I'll rid me of it. Can one so unworthy hold my affections thus ? I have a dim vague unrest, can it be removed ? I hear a rustle in the autumn leaves. Ay, here she comes, do I love her yet ? I know not how strong my passion is. I faint from fear. I see her so plain, yet must seem to see her not. She speaks— Enter Ros. and Alia. Ros. (Dressed as a woman.) I am much distressed and faint for succor, must I fall with my true love standing near me and aiding me not ? Alia. Perhaps he sees us not. Shall I go touch him on the arm ? Ros. Yes, ask him if he loves me still. Tell him if when I need it his love fails me it is not love. ' Alia. (Goes up and touches him.) Rosalind has come to seek her lover. Do you not. see her ? She is in need of your aid ? What ails you ? Your eyes look wild and you seem to know me not. Orl. If any of pity exists in your heart for me leave me alone. Alas, I know not what I say; I want you to leave me and yet I fain would have you stay. Ros. (Coming up.) Pray pardon me for calling you my lover, you received it with such melancholy dignity, methinks 272 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. you do not half appreciate the honor placed upon you. Can I relieve you of the burden of the title? But why do you look at me thus ? Have I done aught against you ? Orl. I show no bravery by standing before you thus. I would that I could die before your very eyes to let you know what havoc you have wrought. But I leave you now this very minute to go far into the forest, perchance to take of my abode with a shepherd and thus spend my remaining days. I leave yet I stay. I cannot stir an inch, (aside.) Sweet Rosalind, has turned my head, Howl love her! Despite her faults, despite her lack of modesty.' Why came you to me thus? Tell me wished you again with your wiles to torment my morbid feelings. Ah, Rosalind, I still shall call you mine. Ros. Orlando, why did you think so ill of me ? Could you not see in my glowing eyes the story of my love. I would rather have had you woo me but bashful man makes maidens bold and love will find a way. We were parted but I could not abide far from thee. Wherever fate led I followed swayed by love alone. And as the days grow brighter and our hearts grow lighter we shall sing for joy, yes, joy without alloy. EDUCATION MORE THAN A MEANS OP GAINING A LIVELIHOOD. THAT education is a means of gaining a livelihood is a fact that needs no proof. Almost every day we are brought into contact with those who are gaining a comfortable liveli-hood by means of their education. In our day there are many others who are striving to get possession of the same means for no other purpose than that of making a living. It is to be regretted, however, that too many look at education as if it were a mere instrument for easily securing the things which satisfy their physical wants. Through this motive men have lost sight of the real and lasting value of education. I would not say that it is wrong to consider education as a means of gaining a livelihood, but I think that it is a very grievous error to consider education as having no other use or value. Indeed, education without any other purpose than that of a means of gaining a livelihood would be of little value to beings created as we are. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 273 Herbert Spencer in his work on Education says, "In education the question of questions is how to decide among the conflicting claims of subjects and determine the relative values of knowledge. Every one in contending for the worth of any particular order of information, does so by showing its bearing upon some part of life. All effort, either directly or by implication, must appeal to the ultimate test of what use is it?" In other words, the writer affirms that the essential question for us to ponder is "How to live." Not how to live in the mere material sense only, but in the widest sense. The general problem which comprehends every special prob-lem is the right ruling of conduct in all directions, under all circumstances. In what way to treat the body; in what way to treat the mind; in what way to manage our affairs; in what way to bring up a family; in what way to behave as a citizen; in what way to utilize all those sources of happiness which nature supplies—how to use all our faculties to the greatest advantage of ourselves and others—how to live completely! And this being the great thing needful for us to learn, it is, by conse-quence the great aim of education. The leading kinds of activities which constitutes human life are: (1) Those activities which directly minister to self preserva-tion; (2) Those activities which, by securing the necessaries of life, indirectly administer to self preservation; (3) Those activities which are involved in the maintenance of proper social and political relations; (4) Those miscellaneous activities which make up the leisure part of life, devoted to the gratification of tastes and feelings. Is it not education which prepares the individual for direct and indirect self-preservation, for parent-hood, for citizenship, and for the miscellaneous refinements of life? Of course ideal education is complete preparation in all these divisions. Some one has said that education is to the soul what sculpture is to the marble. As the sculpture brings out of the marble the god-like form, the symmetrical proportion, the life-like attitude of the finished and polished statue, so education brings out of man as an animal man, a rational being, making him a complete creature after his kind. To his frame it gives vigor, activity and beauty; to his senses correctness and acuteness; to his intellect, power and truthfulness; to his heart, virtue. r
Introducción
El actual desarrollo y crecimiento de las ciudades, crea la necesidad de que la ciudad no sólo sea un espacio en el que residan sus habitantes sino un lugar en el que se ven plasmados los cambios que surgen en ella; es por ello que constantemente se implementan fuentes para el turismo y la exportación de productos que generen el crecimiento económico. Debido a esto y como contribución al desarrollo, se crean estrategias de comunicación visual para representar una ciudad por medio de un sello que la identifique y diferencie de otras locaciones de su región y del planeta.
En la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires, teniendo en consideración a los tres últimos jefes de gobierno, partiendo desde el periodo del año 2000 al 2015 se ha intentado establecer una marca ciudad, que en todos los casos, ha terminado siendo interpretada por sus ciudadanos como una marca política. Desde la gestión de Aníbal Ibarra (2000-2003), siendo reelecto durante el siguiente período el cual no logró terminar ya que fue destituido de su cargo por un juicio político en marzo del 2006, manejó la marca ciudad con los colores de su partido de gobierno, Frente Progresista Popular. Época en que en el cual la ciudad se vistió con los colores naranja y negro y cuyo signo distintivo se reconoció como "gobBsAs" desplegada por toda la ciudad.
Luego de la destitución de Ibarra asume la gestión de gobierno, Jorge Telerman haciendo leves cambios en la marca que se había instaurada por el líder anterior, por razones de tiempo. Su marca la cual fue considerada un sello marcario multicolor con el nombre "a+BA" y trabajó bajo el claim "actitudBsAs".
A su vez Mauricio Macri quien fue electo como jefe de gobierno por dos ocasiones entre el (2007-2015), impulsó una nueva propuesta de marca ciudad, desde su primer periodo con los colores de su partido de gobierno Propuesta Republicana (PRO), la cual fue y ha sido impulsada durante el período mencionado por la agencia de publicidad Don, dando los primeros pasos con el claim "Haciendo Buenos Aires" hasta su evolución final que es "En todo estás vos".
Según el manual de identidad corporativa de la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires "El nuevo claim de la ciudad proviene de la evolución del anterior 'Haciendo Buenos Aires'. 'En todo estás vos' significa que cada plan de gestión, cada obra realizada o cada evento que se haga, está hecho pensando en cada uno de los vecinos" (Manual de normas / de identidad visual institucional, 2014, p. 51). Entonces para su manual de identidad corporativa la marca ciudad, está trabajada pensando en cada uno de sus habitantes, es por ello que se los incluye en su comunicación.
A partir de los análisis que se exponen durante la introducción de este tema de investigación, lo que se busca es analizar la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires como una estrategia de gobierno, para hacer difusión política durante todo el periodo del proceso ejecutivo.
Planteamiento del problema
Una marca ciudad, es una estrategia de marketing y comunicación para posicionar una ciudad como un lugar turístico y atraer la inversión interna como extranjera. Trabaja como un elemento de identificación, creando un certificado de calidad de un producto o servicio. Estas marcas son administradas o dirigidas por municipios o instituciones públicas trabajando en conjunto con sus habitantes y empresas privadas.
La ciudad de Buenos Aires desde el año 2007 cuenta con una nueva marca, siendo una ventaja competitiva, considerando la efectividad que han tenido otras ciudades en el mundo que han desarrollado su activo intangible más preciado. Dicha marca es dirigida por el gobernador de la ciudad Mauricio Macri.
El autor de la investigación antes de visitar la Capital Federal de Argentina, observó a través de la televisión pagada, un spot promocional de la ciudad de Buenos Aires invitando al turista a conocerla. En dicho spot que tenía como fondo de la canción de Palito Ortega "un muchacho como yo" en el cual aparecía el gobernador de la ciudad Mauricio Macri, haciendo una invitación para Buenos Aires como la ciudad de todos, por su diversidad cultural y su gente, llamando mucho la atención del autor, por esta estrategia de marketing turístico de ciudad.
Al llegar a Buenos Aires lo que más le llamo la atención fueron los colores amarillo y negro que se utilizaban en la marca, llevándolo a generarse una primera pregunta que fue ¿por qué del uso de estos colores? A su vez, al indagar entre los habitantes de la Capital Federal, la percepción de casi todos a los que se le consultó desde su punto de vista empírico fue que era una propaganda política del (PRO).
Fue a partir de ello, que surgió la iniciativa de analizar la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires como una estrategia de gobierno, para hacer propaganda política durante todo el periodo del proceso ejecutivo, haciendo presencia del actor político y sus obras en la ciudad a manera de comunicar a los ciudadanos aquí "en todo estoy yo" en vez de su claim que dice "en todo estás vos".
Es por esto, que durante el proceso de esta investigación se vincula a la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires como una estrategia de marketing de ciudad para posicionar a su actor principal, que en este caso es el gobernador. Siendo así que en este sentido se lo puede definir como marketing político a la "(…) disciplina orientada al estudio de los procesos de los intercambios entre las entidades políticas, su entorno, y entre ellas mismas, con particular referencia al posicionamiento de estas entidades y sus comunicaciones". (Carlín, 2006, p. 7). Lo que se busca por medio del marketing político es posicionar a un actor electoral, para ganar adeptos a una ideología política y conseguir a través de los ellos un lugar en el manejo político de un sector de la población.
Este tema de investigación examina la comunicación gráfica de los contenidos de la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires "en todo estás vos" desde el período 2007 al 2015, con el fin de diferenciar una estrategia de marketing político con el concepto de una marca ciudad en la que la participación política no se vea reflejada en su totalidad con la identidad de la marca. Por lo que surge la pregunta de investigación que es: ¿en qué punto la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires se unifica con la marca partidaria del "PRO"? y si es posible contestar también ¿qué efectos tiene la mediatización de un actor político en una marca pública?, razón por la cual entre sus principales objetivos generales está, indagar la función de la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires (2007-2015) y su vinculación como una marca partidaria. Asimismo, evaluar la participación del actor político en ésta marca ciudad y cómo afecta la mediatización en un proceso de campaña.
Sus objetivos específicos tratan de establecer la vinculación de la comunicación pública con la comunicación partidaria; establecer los principios que fundamentan el diseño y propuesta de la marca ciudad Buenos Aires; relacionar los elementos de la comunicación gráfica de la marca ciudad con las estrategias de marketing político del "PRO"; fundamentar cómo a través de una comunicación pública se puede persuadir a los habitantes.
Por lo que se propone como hipótesis que: El partido "Propuesta Republicana" "PRO" identificó los elementos de diseño y comunicación gráfica de la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires (2007-2015) con una estrategia de marketing político, y de este modo unificó la comunicación partidaria con la comunicación pública.
Estado de la cuestión
Esta investigación surge en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires, con respecto al uso de la marca ciudad Buenos Aires "en todo estas vos". El gobernador Mauricio Macri está al frente de la marca ciudad y su comunicación, en los distintos eventos realizados por la gobernación de la Ciudad.
Manuel Cruz (2013), menciona que las ciudades no son sólo poblaciones, infraestructuras a la orilla de un río o a la cercanía del mar, las sociedades se conforman a partir de la participación de los habitantes; el lenguaje coloquial, las costumbres, la forma de habitar, la cultura, forma parte de una ciudad. Con todo esto se puede construir una marca que afiance en su estructura, una esencia de lo que es y la representa. Una marca ciudad es una herramienta utilizada por los países y ciudades por medio de sus gobiernos, para impulsar la economía, turismo e inversión en el sector público y privado y así poder mostrar todos sus atributos ante el mundo.
La obsolescencia de ciertas herramientas de la administración pública local, lleva la mirada hacia nuevas formas de gestión de lo público donde se expone la necesidad de integrar al ciudadano a dicho esquema. Con base en un recorrido por los tres momentos de la marca de ciudad, donde se aportan los ingredientes básicos para el desarrollo exitoso de esta herramienta, nos concentramos en la participación de la ciudadanía como una herramienta insoslayable. (Paz, 2008, p. 184).
Una marca ciudad es un canal en el que se ve reflejada la participación de la ciudadanía. Entre los distintos tipos de uso que se puede tener de ella, ya sea en eventos en la ciudad en los cuales se hace una gran presencia de marcaría, fundaciones públicas, espectáculos públicos, eventos culturales, lo cual crea posicionamiento en los usuarios del sello marcario de ciudad. La socióloga y publicitaria Capurro (2006) se refiere a la Marca Ciudad como una necesidad de diferenciación no sólo en infraestructura sino también en valores.
Añade que las infraestructuras no dejan de ser importantes pero se las da por supuestas en el desarrollo de la misma, pues una marca ciudad logra materializar los intangibles y competir por captar iniciativas que creen mejores oportunidades en sus ciudadanos.
El estudio en Argentina de la marca ciudad se ha desarrollado en la provincia de Buenos Aires, ha tomado en cuenta procesos exitosos como la Marca Tandil y Villa Gesell, donde se hace un estudio de las características, fortalezas y debilidades que se adquieren en los procesos en las ciudades argentinas, visto en tres pasos de análisis: creación, implementación y comparación de otras marcas.
En la Universidad Nacional del Centro de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, Calvento y Colombo (2009), desarrollaron una investigación sobre la marca ciudad.
Plantean que la marca ciudad es definida como una estrategia de gestión de imagen, que ha sido desarrollada en algunas ciudades importantes del mundo e indican que las marcas son administradas y coordinadas por políticas públicas, por el estado subnacional, es decir, por la unidad institucional o nivel del Poder Ejecutivo, componente de un gobierno en un Estado Nacional, como son sus ciudades, municipios, regiones u otros poderes locales. En su estudio comparan a las ciudades de Tandil y Villa Gesell, donde se señala que la marca de Villa Gesell se presenta muy sólida y sigue una metodología consistente con la creación de la marca país Argentina, e indican que mientras que la marca Tandil ha tenido éxito, sufre de fuertes críticas que la muestran como una marca que no hace referencia a la ciudad sino que establece una conexión entre la marca y el gobierno del intendente.
A su vez, Lorenzo y Calvento (2011) investigaron que la marca ciudad de Tandil, no se encuentra parcialmente definida por su marca turística, y que no cuenta con una gestión marcaria integral, que complete y difunda otros aspectos igualmente relevantes de la misma. Indican que la marca Tandil, no posee una orientación estratégica ya que no define sus atributos y no cuenta con los elementos de marketing de ciudades, para promover y generar diferenciación y posicionamiento integral tanto a nivel provincial regional, nacional e internacional.
Hacen referencia a que desde hace algunos años se promueve un proyecto marcario, bajo el lema "Tandil, lugar soñado" el cual está bien posicionado, sin embargo, son acciones enfocadas al turismo y sus precedentes se encuentran exclusivamente relacionados al sector, olvidando hacer referencia a sus valores, su identidad, su gente, su cultura, su educación, sus empresas o su potencial económico y productivo.
A partir de la metodología manejada por las autoras. Utilizaron como herramienta, las encuestas para generar respuestas en su investigación, a través de 25 temas claves que vinculan a la ciudad con el fin de relevar la imagen interna de Tandil, lo que les permitió lograr un análisis estratégico de la imagen interna y externa, y el reposicionamiento de la ciudad a nivel nacional, pero sin embargo a nivel internacional la imagen sigue siendo un poco difusa, y es conocida sólo por algunos países en lo que respecta a logros de personalidades tandilenses reconocidas en el exterior.
El proceso de desarrollo de la marca Mar Del Plata ha tenido un significativo crecimiento en el posicionamiento turístico y ha construido una fidelización de esta, ya que para los argentinos es uno de sus principales destinos turísticos en la época de verano. En la Universidad Nacional De Mar Del Plata, Biasone (2010) realizó el estudio del caso de la marca Mar Del Plata para reposicionarla. Allí indica que el sello marcario se puso en marcha en el año 1996 con un eslogan que contenía un lenguaje coloquial y amistoso. La investigadora plantea que su estudio es de tipo exploratorio y descriptivo, ya que el abordaje de su tema se realiza desde la comunicación institucional turística, a modo que permita conocer las causas que confluyeron y dieron origen a la marca como destino turístico. En su abordaje relata la creación, la evolución y el posicionamiento de la marca Mar Del Plata.
El trabajo de los investigadores: Fernández, Madoery, Gaveglio, Angelone, del Huerto Romero, en la Universidad Nacional de Rosario (1997), se basa en una estrategia que resalta la importancia de la competitividad territorial, por lo que hacen uso del marketing territorial o marketing de ciudades como una maniobra para definir la segmentación y el posicionamiento de la marca en la ciudad de Rosario.
Fernández y Paz en la Universidad Nacional de Quilmes (2005), realizaron un estudio que trata sobre el marketing de ciudades hacia una política pública de diseño y gestión de los signos de identificación de la ciudad. Comienzan haciendo una introducción desde los años 1990, como producto de una combinación de factores socioeconómicos, las modalidades de gestión urbanas experimentaron transformaciones que representaron un gran cambio en el desarrollo de las ciudades, en gran parte de características irreversibles. Aducen que en el marco de las reformas estructurales practicadas y el retiro del aparato estatal de la escena de las políticas sociales y protagonismo económico de las tres ultimas décadas, las estrategias de intervención han cambiado radicalmente, las exigencias actuales en materia de gobernabilidad, competitiva y calidad de vida, en ese sentido las políticas públicas orientadas a crear y fortalecer o reinstalar la marca de territorio se presenta como un poderoso activo de la gestión contemporánea en el camino del desarrollo de una imagen pública, interna y externa, de aceptación en referencia a la ciudad o región.
En su trabajo investigativo se analizan dos de los procesos, que ellos plantean como relevantes al momento de indagar en las causas y consecuencias de las transformaciones del sistema urbano mundial. Como primer punto proponen la adopción de nuevos enfoques de planificación y gestión urbana. En particular consideran el diseño de la imagen y los procesos de construcción de identidad en la definición de estrategias de desarrollo urbano. El segundo punto se centra en las nuevas demandas de saberes e instrumentos que participen a fortalecer los procesos de diseño y gestión de marca desde un enfoque que incorpore la creatividad e imaginación ciudadana a los conocimientos especializados de los técnicos en diseño y comunicación.
A modo de conclusión de toda su investigación, postulan la necesidad de ir más allá de los límites que se ha propuesto originalmente el marketing de ciudades con un enfoque de gestión urbana, ya que en este sentido se intenta ampliar las fronteras del campo de intervención del enfoque de marketing de ciudades en dirección a las problemáticas que consideran propias de la publicidad y la comunicación.
En su artículo, los investigadores abordan una de estas dimensiones, la marca ciudad diseño de las marca territoriales, debe ingresar en las agendas de políticas públicas, como una estrategia de fortalecimiento de los rasgos identitarios de las ciudades y regiones, con el objetivo de promover la localización de actividades productivas e intensificar los flujos turísticos. La marca ciudad es una herramienta para potenciar la devoción cívica de los actuales habitantes, y difundir las bondades de una ciudad entre potenciales residentes, para así enfrentar con éxito los desafíos complejos propios de la realidad urbana, incentivando la necesidad recurrir a enfoques que permiten activar el potencial creativo, que existe en todos los ámbitos de la vida urbana, de manera tal que los actores locales y ciudadanos se transformen en co-creadores de su futuro, fortaleciendo el desarrollo de la marca que se quiere para el futuro; mencionan que la gestión de marca para ciudad y su objetivo prioritario, es fomentar procesos de creación comunitaria de marca y valor de marca, donde se alcance a diseños consensuados de logo y eslogan en términos de un atributo o conjunto de atributos de identidad territorial.
Rodrigues L. (2010) investigó, el marketing territorial en el contexto del subdesarrollo: el caso de la periferia de la región metropolitana de Rio de Janeiro - Brasil. Su estudio se basa en la competencia, entre las ciudades asociadas a los efectos del proceso de globalización sobre el territorio, donde resalta que no quedan dudas sobre la incorporación del marketing territorial como una herramienta potente, para complementar el desarrollo de las ciudades. Sin embargo, cuestiona que las herramientas estratégicas que tuvieron éxito en las ciudades de países de gran economía como países europeos, sean aplicables en las circunstancias a las especificidades de un entorno territorial sudamericano, por lo que analiza bajo una perspectiva crítica las contribuciones teóricas de tres investigaciones de marketing territorial, para ser adaptadas a la realidad de las ciudades subdesarrolladas situadas a la periferia de la región metropolitana de Río de Janeiro.
Cordeiro Braga y Veiga Shibaki (2010), analizan y evalúan cómo los elementos turísticos de una metrópolis, en este caso, la avenida Paulista se destaca como un ícono turístico y se fortalece por el turismo de negocios. Plantean que el desarrollo de su investigación se divide en cuatro ejes fundamentales para su estudio que son el turismo urbano, metropolitano, de negocios y marketing de ciudades, este último favoreció la realización de un estudio exploratorio de los datos secundarios obtenidos, en documentos de organismos y asociaciones relacionadas con la gestión turística en São Paulo. Señalan que incluyeron en su estudio datos ganados en el trabajo de campo de los establecimientos comerciales, elementos culturales, información sobre la estructura hotelera y los atractivos ubicados en la avenida, de esa forma pudo probarse que el carácter del ícono, facilita la difusión de la oferta turística en la región.
Any Brito Leal Ivo (2011), estudió la intervención urbanística y la creación de ciudades en el mundial de fútbol Brasil 2014. En su artículo discute cómo las intervenciones contemporáneas de remodelaciones urbanas intensas y legitimadas han contribuido para la construcción de marca país, y su impacto en la ciudad y espacios, indica que los grandes eventos se convierten en nuevas estrategias de intereses económicos nacionales en un ámbito global, y las intervenciones urbanas pasan a ser clave, para la re significación de la nación en ese contexto.
Quien hace una definición entre marca de producto y marca país, donde la marca producto se asocia a gestión de venta y creación simbólica de producto, mientras que marca ciudad, se relaciona o se puede aplicar al marketing de ciudades y se refiere a la comercialización de un lugar para diversos turistas, inversionistas directos, habitantes y mercado de exportación de profesionales. La investigadora afirma que en ese caso las ciudades se toman como bienes de consumo inmersas en el turismo, la cultura y el entretenimiento entre otros sectores del mercado. Asimismo, pone como ejemplo a ciudades que se venden como productores en sectores públicos y privados de la industria turística nacional e internacional en la que nombra a Salvador en Brasil y Barcelona en España. Indica que según la definición de Simon Anaholt, el mayor desafío para la construcción de la imagen nacional fuerte y competitiva, es conseguir que las diversas formas de divulgación y los agentes, como los actores políticos produzcan mensajes coherentes y uniformes sobre el país, tanto para el público interno como externo, a fin de que las políticas se dirijan a transformar el país según esa imagen diferencial en el mercado mundial. Durante su proceso de desarrollo menciona que pensar en estado nación según marca país, es redefinir el estado como una corporación inmersa en el mercado contemporáneo, fuera del sentido político. Concreta de la misma manera que el estado estaría fundando gradualmente sus estrategias sobre el desarrollo de esos nuevos prototipos del mercado.
Haciendo un análisis de varios autores, Any Brito Leal Ivo (2010), plantea una hipótesis que sostiene que la adopción de nuevos valores en el mercado, como valores nacionales y los daños en los procesos políticos puede ir en varias direcciones, desde un vacío en la imagen creada y la realidad, hasta la dominación y direccionamiento de las políticas culturales. Añade que el Mundial de Fútbol 2014, en Brasil, consolida una nueva imagen del país y que es –"El Brasil que despega"– en el escenario global. Ya que el mundial es un evento de gran importancia que se ajusta a la mecánica de gestión con reputación nacional, que posibilita que los juegos tengan sedes en diferentes ciudades del país, afirma que más allá del marketing de lugares, se construye también una idea de Brasil de acuerdo en expectativas distintivas y se refiere, al intento de forjar elementos claramente identificables, como representaciones visiblemente reconocidas como brasileras, mediante las ciudades escogidas y presentadas como la cara de Brasil.
Agrega que la intención del gobierno brasileño va más allá de ser sede del Mundial 2014 y recibir a los turistas, ya que el evento construye un proceso para el futuro próximo, mostrando la modernización nacional, su capacidad y su fuerza económica, convirtiéndose en proyecto legítimo que busca una nueva posición del país en la geopolítica mundial.
Como conclusión indica que la grandeza y la intensidad del volumen de obras se imponen como objetivo no sólo por el rito y el impacto simbólico de las noticias, sino por los negocios involucrados. La ciudad se libera de las ataduras de la regulación de las leyes, paradójicamente, los nuevos instrumentos legales favorecen la permisividad del uso del espacio urbano y el avance de los intereses particulares sobre los colectivos, así el desarrollo del evento trae nuevos cuestionamientos a la construcción y trascendencia del espacio urbano y la ciudad en la búsqueda desenfrenada de forjar una ciudad global.
En la Universidad de Palermo, Vélez Jaramillo (2008), realizó una tesis titulada: Los circuitos culturales en la construcción de marca ciudad. Caso Medellín. Su estudio se refiere a la construcción de marca en Medellín. Menciona que para el trabajo de desarrollo de una marca ciudad es necesario contar con un equipo de profesionales en varios campos como arquitectos, administradores, sociólogos, empleados del sector publico, diseñadores, comunicadores, que tratan en última instancia, en la elaboración de una propuesta en la que se deben considerar una serie de cuestiones, en lo que refiere al diseño. De acuerdo a los estudios en que se basó, divide al trabajo en cuatro ramas, el diseño de lo simbólico y la comunicación visual, el diseño de materiales para la industria, el diseño de actividades y servicios programados en lo que respecta al uso de espacios públicos para eventos y relaciones públicas, y el diseño de sistemas y entornos físicos, en el que se refiere a la arquitectura y diseño forestal en áreas verdes. Indica que además del trabajo interdisciplinario debe destacarse la importancia del Estado, no sólo en cuanto a la financiación del proyecto, sino más bien para el despliegue de políticas entre las cuales puede ubicarse el crecimiento de una marca ciudad en la integración de los sectores privados.
El enfoque que aporta con su trabajo desde el diseño contempla conceptos tales como marca, submarca y marca ciudad, relacionados con otros conocimientos como es consumo cultural y política cultural, no obstante hace énfasis en que hará proyección de los circuitos culturales de la ciudad de Medellín. Así, plantea como hipótesis que el desarrollo de los circuitos culturales opera como elemento clave para la integración y la dinámica entre las submarcas que conforman la marca ciudad. Entre sus objetivos plantea definir los conceptos de marca, identidad de marca, y marca ciudad, como una aproximación a las manifestaciones culturales en la ciudad antes mencionada. Señala que el relevamiento de actividades culturales durante el segundo semestre de 2006 y el primer semestre del 2007, comprendió un período en el que comenzó a desarrollarse un plan de mercadeo en la ciudad 2006 - 2016 auspiciado por la Alcaldía de Medellín.
En ese sentido según afirma, debe destacarse el papel impulsor del estado municipal, los cambios en el desarrollo urbano registrados en la ciudad durante el año 2000, configurando el contexto en el cual el estado ha trabajado en el espacio público, como política de integración ciudadana y democratización del acceso y la participación en la vida cultural para los diversos sectores de la sociedad, en relación con el panorama de las actividades culturales, que actualmente se observan en Medellín. Su propuesta consiste en una serie de circuitos culturales para la ciudad, para hacer visible los lugares y establecer conexión entre ellos y principiar posibles recorridos a través de distintos medios: sistema de señalización, publicación de mapas y guías impresas, desarrollo y actualización permanente de su sitio web, resulta imprescindible una mirada analítica más amplia y contextual sobre la ciudad, en el espacio en el que se despliegan las actividades culturales.
Señala que en su trabajo investigativo, su hipótesis hizo hincapié en el carácter interdisciplinario que implica la construcción de una imagen marcaria. Uno de sus objetivos contempló el diseño de los conceptos de marca, submarca y marca ciudad, presentó toda una serie de consideraciones al concepto de marca y a la construcción de una marca ciudad y otros elementos que componen submarcas y circuitos culturales relacionando otros conceptos mencionados como consumo y política cultural. Consideró pertinente para el caso de Medellín la construcción de marcas alternas en la imagen marcaria de la ciudad que agrupen diferentes áreas de trabajo o de interés: educación, turismo, cultura, servicios sociales, salud y espacio público. En participación del sector público y privado, ya que por medio de las marcas alternas ayudan a estructurar y clasificar la oferta y servicios ofrecidos por ambos sectores.
Por su parte, Miguel Badillo (2010), realizó una investigación de City-marketing en ciudades intermedias: caso Palmira - Colombia. Su estudio plantea que se basa específicamente en su etapa de diseño, ya que su proyecto surgió de la necesidad de generar acciones diná- micas y metodológicas, a fin de implementar un mecanismo que permita el diseño de un instrumento de gestión y promoción de la ciudad. La población de su estudio se integró con habitantes de la ciudad, visitantes y dirigentes de diversos sectores del Valle del Cauca en Colombia. La metodología empleada se basó en un estudio documental y el uso de instrumentos, cualitativos y se apoyó en cartografías urbanas, estudio de imaginarios y mediciones cualitativas de comunicación publicitaria, por lo cual para su realización, el investigador estableció un eje conceptual para la implementación de un plan de city-marketing en Palmira y una segunda fase donde desarrolló la sensibilización, la caracterización de la ciudad, los lineamientos estratégicos y los parámetros para la construcción de la marca y el diseño del plan de comunicación.
Su proyecto inició en el año 2003 donde a través del Centro Integrado para el Desarrollo de la Investigación (CIDI), conjuntó con un equipo de estudiantes liderados por un docente, quienes estructuraron el proyecto plataforma de posicionamiento Palmira hasta el 2006. Luego pasa al programa de publicidad y es continuado por un nuevo grupo de estudiantes dirigidos por una docente quienes estructuran la primera fase que es la auditoría de la imagen Palmira, para el desarrollo de un proyecto de citymarketing.
Menciona que durante el año 2007 el grupo de investigación publicitaria retomó el tema y realizó una investigación documental, partiendo de los resultados que existían en la misma universidad de estudios anteriores, tomando en cuenta un tema de gran importancia para su caso, por lo cual el investigador indica que la primera fase fue la visualización del tema. En el año 2009 se avanzó en una segunda fase, que fue el proceso de oficialización, donde trabajó en una propuesta integrada como parte de las diversas acciones que el actual gobierno implementaría en el plan de desarrollo.
En la Universidad de Palermo, Carlos Calle (2008), desarrolló un estudió basado en la marca ciudad de Cuenca como un elemento de participación social. Su estudió está basado en la ciudad de Cuenca que es la tercera ciudad más importante del Ecuador y para ello en su introducción se refiere al actual contexto de la globalización que propicia nuevos escenarios, para la comunicación, las exportaciones y el turismo, por lo cual en la ciudad antes mencionada a través de su alcalde se implementó una estrategia de marca ciudad, que comprende un elemento gráfico identificador y una campaña de posicionamiento como punto turístico enfocado en un diferenciador que posee ya que es patrimonio cultural de la humanidad, compuesto por elementos tangibles e intangibles.
Para ello se enfoca en establecer un concepto más claro de marca ciudad, analizando a la misma desde el acoplamiento de la globalización y la mundialización para tomarla como herramienta para fomentar la participación social. Analiza la implementación y promoción de la marca estudiada y su contribución en el marco del turismo, ya que en su trabajo se ejecuta un estudio estructural de los principios que conforman la marca ciudad y su relación con el diseño, su importancia, su interacción con el desarrollo diario de la ciudad. Resalta la importancia de un sello marcario para la misma, dirigiéndose al municipio con miras a mejorar el uso y la actual promoción de la propuesta para reconocerla como un instrumento social que contribuya a la mejor calidad de vida. En su hipótesis plantea desarrollar una estrategia mucho mejor de lo que funcionaba hasta el 2005, donde no se cumplía lo que tenia que dar de una Marca Ciudad, para lo cual piensa posicionarla e instaurarla como herramienta comunicativa real; como elemento gráfico y no como símbolo. Para posicionar a la ciudad de Cuenca como un destino turístico debido a que en la ciudad el turismo representa un rubro muy importante, ya que según menciona existe un estudio que afirma que un 51,7% del ingreso económico proviene del turismo. A través de la investigación se trata no sólo de explotar la parte turística sino también la comercial y lograr la integración de la ciudadanía para el desarrollo de la marca ciudad.
Como aporte se integra su estudio para mejorar la promoción de la propuesta para reconocer la marca ciudad como instrumento social.
En España, Sánchez Moya (2010), efectuó una tesis sobre Barcelona y Estambul y la imagen de la ciudad como valor de cambio. Introduce el tema haciendo una introducción breve al concepto de marca ciudad y su importancia, para luego introducir al lector en la concepción de marca Barcelona. Afirma que los proyectos que se han llevado a cabo en la ciudad la han transformado en una marca. Como prueba de esa transformación aduce que la película de Woody Allen que se filmó en la ciudad de Condal, se presentó simplemente como "Vicky - Cristina Barcelona" entendiéndose la palabra Barcelona como un modelo de ciudad, como una marca. Mediante una construcción visual del territorio, Barcelona se presenta a través de distintas marcas, con la intención de atraer turistas y capital extranjero a la ciudad. En su estudio escogió tres de las marcas de Barcelona que estuvieron presentes durante las cuatro últimas décadas, desde principio de los años 1980 hasta el año 2010.
Comienza por hacer el análisis de la marca Barcelona Mediterránea, explicando el concepto que da inicio al nombre para el desarrollo de la misma, como una ciudad mediterránea donde explica brevemente los proyectos que se llevaron a cabo en el litoral de Barcelona con el fin de abrir la ciudad al mar. Siguiendo con la marca Barcelona fue reinventada y trata de las transformaciones urbanas que se desarrollaron desde la democracia, con el fin de convertir a la ciudad en una metrópolis moderna, como un modelo Barcelona.
En el mismo país, Paz Balibrea (2004), efectuó una investigación sobre el concepto de modelo de Barcelona. Indica que la idea es utilizada de forma dominante en los círculos internacionales de urbanistas, arquitectos, geógrafos, sociólogos, políticos municipales y expertos en políticas culturales, para definir lo que llama una estrategia de regeneración urbana redefinida. Considera que el modelo Barcelona es positivo y se considera como un gran éxito de las resoluciones urbanísticas adoptadas en diseño y arquitectura tenidas como de alta calidad formal y estética. Se propuso hacer un recorrido crítico por la historia del modelo hasta esos momentos, y muestra que el consenso entregado y/o apático que ha caracterizado la actitud de la mayoría de los ciudadanos ante su ciudad y especialistas ante su objeto de estudio manifiesta que existen signos de resquebrajamiento.
Su aporte proviene de la historia y la crítica cultural por lo cual integró dos elementos de análisis en el debate crítico sobre la ciudad, aunque los presenta por separado, se necesitan mutuamente en la argumentación. Uno es la importancia del estudio de la cultura como eje transversal que recorre y da sentido a las transformaciones que constituyen el modelo de Barcelona, y el otro elemento a consideración es su hipótesis, que propone la utilidad crí- tica de distinguir los conceptos de modelo y marca, a la hora de definir la naturaleza de las transformaciones urbanísticas de la ciudad, a su entendimiento y uso desde la transición.
La investigadora se basa en que para construir la imagen modelo de Barcelona, el cine hizo un gran aporte en el modelo de construcción de Barcelona. Por ello en la medida en que escogió seis películas de directores españoles, norteamericanos y europeos, el cine pertenece a las industrias culturales que en los últimos años han aportado al desarrollo de dicho modelo. Indica que Barcelona ha experimentado un crecimiento exponencial desde la segunda mitad de los años noventa. En la ciudad se incorporó un organismo institucional que da soporte a la idea de introducir, el poder de la difusión de la imagen en la ciudad, por medio de espectáculos gratuitos en salas de cines públicas. Lo que crea uno de los medios más eficaces de propaganda infundada en la ciudad y su gran difusión se convierte en un agente ideológico, capaz de contribuir eficazmente en la construcción de un modelo a seguir.
Luego del análisis de las películas de varios directores, la investigadora hace énfasis en que no todas las muestras de cine pueden crear un modelo eficaz, he indica que los aspectos más progresistas en el origen del modelo Barcelona, que provenían de configuraciones socio-políticas catalanas y españolas heredadas del empuje del fin de la dictadura, no deben llevar a los ciudadanos ni a la negación, ni a la nostalgia de su existencia, ya que desde y gracias a aquella época, Barcelona tiene elementos urbanismo democratizante e integrador que siguen presentes en el espacio social y constituido de la ciudad.
La ciudad se regeneró bajo la premisa de conectar la nueva urbanidad con una memoria colectiva arquitectónica muy parcial, de la gran burguesía catalana de la que muchos de los agentes del modelo Barcelona eran, en definitiva, herederos; por no hablar de cómo la agenda terciaria impuesta sobre la ciudad, desvirtúa y resignifica, pero no hace desaparecer lo más socialmente progresista del modelo, vaciándolo en marca. Es por ello que deduce que el modelo ha muerto ahogado por las imposiciones de la marca. Sin embargo, aduce que se recuperó el concepto de modelo como una particular forma de entender la relación con el espacio urbano que consiste en afirmar el derecho de todos los ciudadanos a la ciudad.
Richard Eugenie (2008), expone un tema que no tiene que ver con la marca ciudad, pero aborda un punto que es significativo para el proyecto de investigación, con un tema titulado Álvaro Uribe: la comunicación por la imagen. Principios de marketing político. Menciona que en Colombia en cercanías de los procesos de elección presidencial en el año 2006, Álvaro Uribe Vélez, se lanzaba a la reelección. Los habitantes de Colombia tenían al candidato presidencial como un personaje de imagen política bien fuerte por la construcción sólida a través de los medios de comunicación, en la que se aplicó una campa- ña permanente haciendo uso de los medios de comunicación masivos a su alcance tanto tradicionales, audiovisuales y directos con una posición que lo privilegiada a pesar de las garantías que ofrece la Ley colombiana. Su campaña se dividió en dos etapas en la cual la primera fase, se recolectaron testimonios por parte de los colombianos en apoyo a Uribe haciendo notar en apoyo popular para luego ser utilizados con fines electorales, en su segunda fase se procede a crear la estrategia de comunicación visual para los afiches de campaña, a través del website www.adelantepresidente.com en la que los votantes podían elegir la imagen de campaña por medio de votación. La importancia en el uso de todos estos medios influyeron en la agenda mediática en los meses siguientes, el autor afirma que la construcción de todas estas estrategias construyeron un amplio dispositivo de persuasión a los futuros electores. Es por ello que Eugenie (2008), propone en su investigación un estudio semiológico de los afiches de campaña, para apreciar el alcance que tuvieron las herramientas de marketing político, para explicar el éxito obtenido por el actor político durante el 2002 y la facilidad con la que logró ser presidente en el 2006, examinando las imágenes de campaña en cinco etapas, para lo cual analizó la construcción del sentido de la imagen, las relaciones interpersonales, el relato, modalidades de acción y por último pero no menos importante las pasiones y sensaciones que producían los mensajes en la población. En su análisis de las imágenes reconoce todos los elementos gráficos contenidos en el afiche de campaña en el que destaca la construcción de la imagen en cuanto a simbologías y en la discursiva aplicada en el texto. En todas las etapas de su investigación de la imagen campaña presidencial de Uribe, el autor concluye con que todos los elementos gráficos no fueron puestos por casualidad, ya que la conformación de los mismos construye una realidad que resalta los valores del actor político.
Por otro lado Leyvi Castro Martínez (2012), estudió el caso el caso del presidente Barack Obama, a través de las técnicas del marketing político utilizadas en los medios de comunicación directos, como son las redes sociales, website, mensajes de texto, correo electrónico, etc., con el fin de llegar a más adeptos logrando posicionar al candidato como un producto a partir de toda la constante mediatización, logrando consolidar el voto duro e incursionando en una nueva forma de hacer política.
En el estado de la cuestión realizado se da cuenta de la ausencia de trabajos que aborden la problemática especifica de este proyecto, por tanto se cree que con el desarrollo de esta investigación se contribuirá, a la construcción de una marca ciudad que cumpla con los objetivos que se deben tener para crear una marca que aporte a la edificación de nuevas marcas. Con los interrogantes abiertos en este proyecto de investigación, sobre el tema específico de la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires con las siguientes preguntas ¿en qué punto la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires se unifica con la marca partidaria del "PRO"? y ¿qué efectos tiene la mediatización de un actor político en una marca pública?
Si bien en los trabajos mencionados se abordan las estrategias para la construcción de una marca ciudad y el desarrollo que se ha venido proyectando, muy poco se tiene en consideración acerca del tipo de estrategia que usan los administradores o coordinadores políticos, para el tratamiento del sello marcario de la ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires.
Línea temática
Esta investigación se encuentra enmarcada en dos líneas temáticas: 1) Medios y estrategias de comunicación. 2) Diseño y producción de objetos, espacios e imágenes.
Además está como objeto el estudio la marca de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires entre el periodo (2007-2015) con el fin de evidenciar una estrategia de marketing político, en el concepto de una marca ciudad unificando la comunicación pública con la comunicación partidaria.
Lo que Brindará soporte a nuevas investigaciones y tratamientos de futuras marcas, en las que la ideología política no intervenga en su totalidad para el desarrollo y creación de las mismas, así de esta forma pueden evolucionar durante cada período de gobierno y continúe siendo administrada por el siguiente gobierno que la dirija.
Orden de trabajo y justificación
Capítulo I: La Comunicación Política desde los medios de comunicación masivos.
En este capítulo, se aborda el tema en referencia al papel que ejercen los medios de comunicación masivos en la comunicación política. Iniciando en la diferenciación entre lo público y lo partidario, para posteriormente dejar en claro la marca pública, la marca partidaria y la vinculación que estas tienen en la participación con los habitantes, como un comportamiento democrático por parte de las políticas públicas de los gobiernos pertinentes. A su vez en este capitulo se pone en contexto, acerca de la comunicación masiva y la persuasión que esta ejerce en el elector dando paso a la opinión pública y la transformación que sufre con los medios de comunicación masivos (llamada opinión publicada), la cual interviene en la agenda setting de los actores políticos y por medio de ésta se da la construcción de la imagen de la realidad social, que puede persuadir al elector de forma directa o indirecta sobre su entorno social.
A modo de cierre, para este capítulo se presentan las campañas políticas en la Argentina y la participación de la prensa en los gobiernos democráticos, a comienzos del año 1983, como un proceso de vinculación de los medios de comunicación masivos con la política.
Capítulo II: Estrategias de marketing político.
En este capítulo se exponen las estrategias que se despliegan en el marketing político para la comunicación electoral, en el que se definen las nociones de esta disciplina, mencionando términos como construcción de la imagen política y como afecta ésta en la percepción del elector. Diferenciación entre marketing comercial y marketing político. Candidato y posicionamiento que definen el papel del candidato y la importancia del posicionamiento en el marketing político, el discurso en la disciplina mencionada y cómo funciona en las estrategias de campaña. A su vez se nombran las características de la publicidad política y las campañas electorales. Asimismo las herramientas del marketing político entre las que destacan las herramientas tradicionales, audiovisuales y de marketing directo, por último el elector y rol en el centro de todas estrategias que se mencionan.
Capítulo III: Construyendo la marca en la ciudad.
En este capítulo se define el concepto de marca e introduce al término de marca ciudad, qué es, y la importancia de sus públicos tanto interno como externo, el funcionamiento de las marcas de ciudad y por medio de quién se gestionan, la construcción de las marcas territoriales como un término que también se les da a estas estrategias de sello marcario, el city-marketing y sus estrategias en la marca ciudad, estrategias de reconstrucción de marcas que apostaron por la reconstrucción desde lo social para posteriormente fortalecerse en su estrategia marcaria, casos que han transcendido como: Berlín, Barcelona, Curitiba y Medellín al mismo tiempo que se hacen referencia de dos casos de comunicación de sello marcario en Argentina, ya que el caso de estudio se sitúa en el país mencionado.
Capítulo IV: Desarrollo Metodológico.
En este capítulo se desarrollan las herramientas metodológicas del tema de investigación que es de tipo descriptivo y de carácter cualitativo, en el cual se desarrollarán entrevistas en profundidad y un análisis de contenido de los elementos de comunicación de la marca pública con la marca partidaria, con lo que se busca comprobar la hipótesis y los objetivos de la investigación.
Introducción El actual desarrollo y crecimiento de las ciudades, crea la necesidad de que la ciudad no sólo sea un espacio en el que residan sus habitantes sino un lugar en el que se ven plasmados los cambios que surgen en ella; es por ello que constantemente se implementan fuentes para el turismo y la exportación de productos que generen el crecimiento económico. Debido a esto y como contribución al desarrollo, se crean estrategias de comunicación visual para representar una ciudad por medio de un sello que la identifique y diferencie de otras locaciones de su región y del planeta. En la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires, teniendo en consideración a los tres últimos jefes de gobierno, partiendo desde el periodo del año 2000 al 2015 se ha intentado establecer una marca ciudad, que en todos los casos, ha terminado siendo interpretada por sus ciudadanos como una marca política. Desde la gestión de Aníbal Ibarra (2000-2003), siendo reelecto durante el siguiente período el cual no logró terminar ya que fue destituido de su cargo por un juicio político en marzo del 2006, manejó la marca ciudad con los colores de su partido de gobierno, Frente Progresista Popular. Época en que en el cual la ciudad se vistió con los colores naranja y negro y cuyo signo distintivo se reconoció como "gobBsAs" desplegada por toda la ciudad. Luego de la destitución de Ibarra asume la gestión de gobierno, Jorge Telerman haciendo leves cambios en la marca que se había instaurada por el líder anterior, por razones de tiempo. Su marca la cual fue considerada un sello marcario multicolor con el nombre "a+BA" y trabajó bajo el claim "actitudBsAs". A su vez Mauricio Macri quien fue electo como jefe de gobierno por dos ocasiones entre el (2007-2015), impulsó una nueva propuesta de marca ciudad, desde su primer periodo con los colores de su partido de gobierno Propuesta Republicana (PRO), la cual fue y ha sido impulsada durante el período mencionado por la agencia de publicidad Don, dando los primeros pasos con el claim "Haciendo Buenos Aires" hasta su evolución final que es "En todo estás vos". Según el manual de identidad corporativa de la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires "El nuevo claim de la ciudad proviene de la evolución del anterior 'Haciendo Buenos Aires'. 'En todo estás vos' significa que cada plan de gestión, cada obra realizada o cada evento que se haga, está hecho pensando en cada uno de los vecinos" (Manual de normas / de identidad visual institucional, 2014, p. 51). Entonces para su manual de identidad corporativa la marca ciudad, está trabajada pensando en cada uno de sus habitantes, es por ello que se los incluye en su comunicación. A partir de los análisis que se exponen durante la introducción de este tema de investigación, lo que se busca es analizar la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires como una estrategia de gobierno, para hacer difusión política durante todo el periodo del proceso ejecutivo. Planteamiento del problema Una marca ciudad, es una estrategia de marketing y comunicación para posicionar una ciudad como un lugar turístico y atraer la inversión interna como extranjera. Trabaja como un elemento de identificación, creando un certificado de calidad de un producto o servicio. Estas marcas son administradas o dirigidas por municipios o instituciones públicas trabajando en conjunto con sus habitantes y empresas privadas. La ciudad de Buenos Aires desde el año 2007 cuenta con una nueva marca, siendo una ventaja competitiva, considerando la efectividad que han tenido otras ciudades en el mundo que han desarrollado su activo intangible más preciado. Dicha marca es dirigida por el gobernador de la ciudad Mauricio Macri. El autor de la investigación antes de visitar la Capital Federal de Argentina, observó a través de la televisión pagada, un spot promocional de la ciudad de Buenos Aires invitando al turista a conocerla. En dicho spot que tenía como fondo de la canción de Palito Ortega "un muchacho como yo" en el cual aparecía el gobernador de la ciudad Mauricio Macri, haciendo una invitación para Buenos Aires como la ciudad de todos, por su diversidad cultural y su gente, llamando mucho la atención del autor, por esta estrategia de marketing turístico de ciudad. Al llegar a Buenos Aires lo que más le llamo la atención fueron los colores amarillo y negro que se utilizaban en la marca, llevándolo a generarse una primera pregunta que fue ¿por qué del uso de estos colores? A su vez, al indagar entre los habitantes de la Capital Federal, la percepción de casi todos a los que se le consultó desde su punto de vista empírico fue que era una propaganda política del (PRO). Fue a partir de ello, que surgió la iniciativa de analizar la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires como una estrategia de gobierno, para hacer propaganda política durante todo el periodo del proceso ejecutivo, haciendo presencia del actor político y sus obras en la ciudad a manera de comunicar a los ciudadanos aquí "en todo estoy yo" en vez de su claim que dice "en todo estás vos". Es por esto, que durante el proceso de esta investigación se vincula a la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires como una estrategia de marketing de ciudad para posicionar a su actor principal, que en este caso es el gobernador. Siendo así que en este sentido se lo puede definir como marketing político a la "(…) disciplina orientada al estudio de los procesos de los intercambios entre las entidades políticas, su entorno, y entre ellas mismas, con particular referencia al posicionamiento de estas entidades y sus comunicaciones". (Carlín, 2006, p. 7). Lo que se busca por medio del marketing político es posicionar a un actor electoral, para ganar adeptos a una ideología política y conseguir a través de los ellos un lugar en el manejo político de un sector de la población. Este tema de investigación examina la comunicación gráfica de los contenidos de la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires "en todo estás vos" desde el período 2007 al 2015, con el fin de diferenciar una estrategia de marketing político con el concepto de una marca ciudad en la que la participación política no se vea reflejada en su totalidad con la identidad de la marca. Por lo que surge la pregunta de investigación que es: ¿en qué punto la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires se unifica con la marca partidaria del "PRO"? y si es posible contestar también ¿qué efectos tiene la mediatización de un actor político en una marca pública?, razón por la cual entre sus principales objetivos generales está, indagar la función de la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires (2007-2015) y su vinculación como una marca partidaria. Asimismo, evaluar la participación del actor político en ésta marca ciudad y cómo afecta la mediatización en un proceso de campaña. Sus objetivos específicos tratan de establecer la vinculación de la comunicación pública con la comunicación partidaria; establecer los principios que fundamentan el diseño y propuesta de la marca ciudad Buenos Aires; relacionar los elementos de la comunicación gráfica de la marca ciudad con las estrategias de marketing político del "PRO"; fundamentar cómo a través de una comunicación pública se puede persuadir a los habitantes. Por lo que se propone como hipótesis que: El partido "Propuesta Republicana" "PRO" identificó los elementos de diseño y comunicación gráfica de la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires (2007-2015) con una estrategia de marketing político, y de este modo unificó la comunicación partidaria con la comunicación pública. Estado de la cuestión Esta investigación surge en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires, con respecto al uso de la marca ciudad Buenos Aires "en todo estas vos". El gobernador Mauricio Macri está al frente de la marca ciudad y su comunicación, en los distintos eventos realizados por la gobernación de la Ciudad. Manuel Cruz (2013), menciona que las ciudades no son sólo poblaciones, infraestructuras a la orilla de un río o a la cercanía del mar, las sociedades se conforman a partir de la participación de los habitantes; el lenguaje coloquial, las costumbres, la forma de habitar, la cultura, forma parte de una ciudad. Con todo esto se puede construir una marca que afiance en su estructura, una esencia de lo que es y la representa. Una marca ciudad es una herramienta utilizada por los países y ciudades por medio de sus gobiernos, para impulsar la economía, turismo e inversión en el sector público y privado y así poder mostrar todos sus atributos ante el mundo. La obsolescencia de ciertas herramientas de la administración pública local, lleva la mirada hacia nuevas formas de gestión de lo público donde se expone la necesidad de integrar al ciudadano a dicho esquema. Con base en un recorrido por los tres momentos de la marca de ciudad, donde se aportan los ingredientes básicos para el desarrollo exitoso de esta herramienta, nos concentramos en la participación de la ciudadanía como una herramienta insoslayable. (Paz, 2008, p. 184). Una marca ciudad es un canal en el que se ve reflejada la participación de la ciudadanía. Entre los distintos tipos de uso que se puede tener de ella, ya sea en eventos en la ciudad en los cuales se hace una gran presencia de marcaría, fundaciones públicas, espectáculos públicos, eventos culturales, lo cual crea posicionamiento en los usuarios del sello marcario de ciudad. La socióloga y publicitaria Capurro (2006) se refiere a la Marca Ciudad como una necesidad de diferenciación no sólo en infraestructura sino también en valores. Añade que las infraestructuras no dejan de ser importantes pero se las da por supuestas en el desarrollo de la misma, pues una marca ciudad logra materializar los intangibles y competir por captar iniciativas que creen mejores oportunidades en sus ciudadanos. El estudio en Argentina de la marca ciudad se ha desarrollado en la provincia de Buenos Aires, ha tomado en cuenta procesos exitosos como la Marca Tandil y Villa Gesell, donde se hace un estudio de las características, fortalezas y debilidades que se adquieren en los procesos en las ciudades argentinas, visto en tres pasos de análisis: creación, implementación y comparación de otras marcas. En la Universidad Nacional del Centro de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, Calvento y Colombo (2009), desarrollaron una investigación sobre la marca ciudad. Plantean que la marca ciudad es definida como una estrategia de gestión de imagen, que ha sido desarrollada en algunas ciudades importantes del mundo e indican que las marcas son administradas y coordinadas por políticas públicas, por el estado subnacional, es decir, por la unidad institucional o nivel del Poder Ejecutivo, componente de un gobierno en un Estado Nacional, como son sus ciudades, municipios, regiones u otros poderes locales. En su estudio comparan a las ciudades de Tandil y Villa Gesell, donde se señala que la marca de Villa Gesell se presenta muy sólida y sigue una metodología consistente con la creación de la marca país Argentina, e indican que mientras que la marca Tandil ha tenido éxito, sufre de fuertes críticas que la muestran como una marca que no hace referencia a la ciudad sino que establece una conexión entre la marca y el gobierno del intendente. A su vez, Lorenzo y Calvento (2011) investigaron que la marca ciudad de Tandil, no se encuentra parcialmente definida por su marca turística, y que no cuenta con una gestión marcaria integral, que complete y difunda otros aspectos igualmente relevantes de la misma. Indican que la marca Tandil, no posee una orientación estratégica ya que no define sus atributos y no cuenta con los elementos de marketing de ciudades, para promover y generar diferenciación y posicionamiento integral tanto a nivel provincial regional, nacional e internacional. Hacen referencia a que desde hace algunos años se promueve un proyecto marcario, bajo el lema "Tandil, lugar soñado" el cual está bien posicionado, sin embargo, son acciones enfocadas al turismo y sus precedentes se encuentran exclusivamente relacionados al sector, olvidando hacer referencia a sus valores, su identidad, su gente, su cultura, su educación, sus empresas o su potencial económico y productivo. A partir de la metodología manejada por las autoras. Utilizaron como herramienta, las encuestas para generar respuestas en su investigación, a través de 25 temas claves que vinculan a la ciudad con el fin de relevar la imagen interna de Tandil, lo que les permitió lograr un análisis estratégico de la imagen interna y externa, y el reposicionamiento de la ciudad a nivel nacional, pero sin embargo a nivel internacional la imagen sigue siendo un poco difusa, y es conocida sólo por algunos países en lo que respecta a logros de personalidades tandilenses reconocidas en el exterior. El proceso de desarrollo de la marca Mar Del Plata ha tenido un significativo crecimiento en el posicionamiento turístico y ha construido una fidelización de esta, ya que para los argentinos es uno de sus principales destinos turísticos en la época de verano. En la Universidad Nacional De Mar Del Plata, Biasone (2010) realizó el estudio del caso de la marca Mar Del Plata para reposicionarla. Allí indica que el sello marcario se puso en marcha en el año 1996 con un eslogan que contenía un lenguaje coloquial y amistoso. La investigadora plantea que su estudio es de tipo exploratorio y descriptivo, ya que el abordaje de su tema se realiza desde la comunicación institucional turística, a modo que permita conocer las causas que confluyeron y dieron origen a la marca como destino turístico. En su abordaje relata la creación, la evolución y el posicionamiento de la marca Mar Del Plata. El trabajo de los investigadores: Fernández, Madoery, Gaveglio, Angelone, del Huerto Romero, en la Universidad Nacional de Rosario (1997), se basa en una estrategia que resalta la importancia de la competitividad territorial, por lo que hacen uso del marketing territorial o marketing de ciudades como una maniobra para definir la segmentación y el posicionamiento de la marca en la ciudad de Rosario. Fernández y Paz en la Universidad Nacional de Quilmes (2005), realizaron un estudio que trata sobre el marketing de ciudades hacia una política pública de diseño y gestión de los signos de identificación de la ciudad. Comienzan haciendo una introducción desde los años 1990, como producto de una combinación de factores socioeconómicos, las modalidades de gestión urbanas experimentaron transformaciones que representaron un gran cambio en el desarrollo de las ciudades, en gran parte de características irreversibles. Aducen que en el marco de las reformas estructurales practicadas y el retiro del aparato estatal de la escena de las políticas sociales y protagonismo económico de las tres ultimas décadas, las estrategias de intervención han cambiado radicalmente, las exigencias actuales en materia de gobernabilidad, competitiva y calidad de vida, en ese sentido las políticas públicas orientadas a crear y fortalecer o reinstalar la marca de territorio se presenta como un poderoso activo de la gestión contemporánea en el camino del desarrollo de una imagen pública, interna y externa, de aceptación en referencia a la ciudad o región. En su trabajo investigativo se analizan dos de los procesos, que ellos plantean como relevantes al momento de indagar en las causas y consecuencias de las transformaciones del sistema urbano mundial. Como primer punto proponen la adopción de nuevos enfoques de planificación y gestión urbana. En particular consideran el diseño de la imagen y los procesos de construcción de identidad en la definición de estrategias de desarrollo urbano. El segundo punto se centra en las nuevas demandas de saberes e instrumentos que participen a fortalecer los procesos de diseño y gestión de marca desde un enfoque que incorpore la creatividad e imaginación ciudadana a los conocimientos especializados de los técnicos en diseño y comunicación. A modo de conclusión de toda su investigación, postulan la necesidad de ir más allá de los límites que se ha propuesto originalmente el marketing de ciudades con un enfoque de gestión urbana, ya que en este sentido se intenta ampliar las fronteras del campo de intervención del enfoque de marketing de ciudades en dirección a las problemáticas que consideran propias de la publicidad y la comunicación. En su artículo, los investigadores abordan una de estas dimensiones, la marca ciudad diseño de las marca territoriales, debe ingresar en las agendas de políticas públicas, como una estrategia de fortalecimiento de los rasgos identitarios de las ciudades y regiones, con el objetivo de promover la localización de actividades productivas e intensificar los flujos turísticos. La marca ciudad es una herramienta para potenciar la devoción cívica de los actuales habitantes, y difundir las bondades de una ciudad entre potenciales residentes, para así enfrentar con éxito los desafíos complejos propios de la realidad urbana, incentivando la necesidad recurrir a enfoques que permiten activar el potencial creativo, que existe en todos los ámbitos de la vida urbana, de manera tal que los actores locales y ciudadanos se transformen en co-creadores de su futuro, fortaleciendo el desarrollo de la marca que se quiere para el futuro; mencionan que la gestión de marca para ciudad y su objetivo prioritario, es fomentar procesos de creación comunitaria de marca y valor de marca, donde se alcance a diseños consensuados de logo y eslogan en términos de un atributo o conjunto de atributos de identidad territorial. Rodrigues L. (2010) investigó, el marketing territorial en el contexto del subdesarrollo: el caso de la periferia de la región metropolitana de Rio de Janeiro - Brasil. Su estudio se basa en la competencia, entre las ciudades asociadas a los efectos del proceso de globalización sobre el territorio, donde resalta que no quedan dudas sobre la incorporación del marketing territorial como una herramienta potente, para complementar el desarrollo de las ciudades. Sin embargo, cuestiona que las herramientas estratégicas que tuvieron éxito en las ciudades de países de gran economía como países europeos, sean aplicables en las circunstancias a las especificidades de un entorno territorial sudamericano, por lo que analiza bajo una perspectiva crítica las contribuciones teóricas de tres investigaciones de marketing territorial, para ser adaptadas a la realidad de las ciudades subdesarrolladas situadas a la periferia de la región metropolitana de Río de Janeiro. Cordeiro Braga y Veiga Shibaki (2010), analizan y evalúan cómo los elementos turísticos de una metrópolis, en este caso, la avenida Paulista se destaca como un ícono turístico y se fortalece por el turismo de negocios. Plantean que el desarrollo de su investigación se divide en cuatro ejes fundamentales para su estudio que son el turismo urbano, metropolitano, de negocios y marketing de ciudades, este último favoreció la realización de un estudio exploratorio de los datos secundarios obtenidos, en documentos de organismos y asociaciones relacionadas con la gestión turística en São Paulo. Señalan que incluyeron en su estudio datos ganados en el trabajo de campo de los establecimientos comerciales, elementos culturales, información sobre la estructura hotelera y los atractivos ubicados en la avenida, de esa forma pudo probarse que el carácter del ícono, facilita la difusión de la oferta turística en la región. Any Brito Leal Ivo (2011), estudió la intervención urbanística y la creación de ciudades en el mundial de fútbol Brasil 2014. En su artículo discute cómo las intervenciones contemporáneas de remodelaciones urbanas intensas y legitimadas han contribuido para la construcción de marca país, y su impacto en la ciudad y espacios, indica que los grandes eventos se convierten en nuevas estrategias de intereses económicos nacionales en un ámbito global, y las intervenciones urbanas pasan a ser clave, para la re significación de la nación en ese contexto. Quien hace una definición entre marca de producto y marca país, donde la marca producto se asocia a gestión de venta y creación simbólica de producto, mientras que marca ciudad, se relaciona o se puede aplicar al marketing de ciudades y se refiere a la comercialización de un lugar para diversos turistas, inversionistas directos, habitantes y mercado de exportación de profesionales. La investigadora afirma que en ese caso las ciudades se toman como bienes de consumo inmersas en el turismo, la cultura y el entretenimiento entre otros sectores del mercado. Asimismo, pone como ejemplo a ciudades que se venden como productores en sectores públicos y privados de la industria turística nacional e internacional en la que nombra a Salvador en Brasil y Barcelona en España. Indica que según la definición de Simon Anaholt, el mayor desafío para la construcción de la imagen nacional fuerte y competitiva, es conseguir que las diversas formas de divulgación y los agentes, como los actores políticos produzcan mensajes coherentes y uniformes sobre el país, tanto para el público interno como externo, a fin de que las políticas se dirijan a transformar el país según esa imagen diferencial en el mercado mundial. Durante su proceso de desarrollo menciona que pensar en estado nación según marca país, es redefinir el estado como una corporación inmersa en el mercado contemporáneo, fuera del sentido político. Concreta de la misma manera que el estado estaría fundando gradualmente sus estrategias sobre el desarrollo de esos nuevos prototipos del mercado. Haciendo un análisis de varios autores, Any Brito Leal Ivo (2010), plantea una hipótesis que sostiene que la adopción de nuevos valores en el mercado, como valores nacionales y los daños en los procesos políticos puede ir en varias direcciones, desde un vacío en la imagen creada y la realidad, hasta la dominación y direccionamiento de las políticas culturales. Añade que el Mundial de Fútbol 2014, en Brasil, consolida una nueva imagen del país y que es –"El Brasil que despega"– en el escenario global. Ya que el mundial es un evento de gran importancia que se ajusta a la mecánica de gestión con reputación nacional, que posibilita que los juegos tengan sedes en diferentes ciudades del país, afirma que más allá del marketing de lugares, se construye también una idea de Brasil de acuerdo en expectativas distintivas y se refiere, al intento de forjar elementos claramente identificables, como representaciones visiblemente reconocidas como brasileras, mediante las ciudades escogidas y presentadas como la cara de Brasil. Agrega que la intención del gobierno brasileño va más allá de ser sede del Mundial 2014 y recibir a los turistas, ya que el evento construye un proceso para el futuro próximo, mostrando la modernización nacional, su capacidad y su fuerza económica, convirtiéndose en proyecto legítimo que busca una nueva posición del país en la geopolítica mundial. Como conclusión indica que la grandeza y la intensidad del volumen de obras se imponen como objetivo no sólo por el rito y el impacto simbólico de las noticias, sino por los negocios involucrados. La ciudad se libera de las ataduras de la regulación de las leyes, paradójicamente, los nuevos instrumentos legales favorecen la permisividad del uso del espacio urbano y el avance de los intereses particulares sobre los colectivos, así el desarrollo del evento trae nuevos cuestionamientos a la construcción y trascendencia del espacio urbano y la ciudad en la búsqueda desenfrenada de forjar una ciudad global. En la Universidad de Palermo, Vélez Jaramillo (2008), realizó una tesis titulada: Los circuitos culturales en la construcción de marca ciudad. Caso Medellín. Su estudio se refiere a la construcción de marca en Medellín. Menciona que para el trabajo de desarrollo de una marca ciudad es necesario contar con un equipo de profesionales en varios campos como arquitectos, administradores, sociólogos, empleados del sector publico, diseñadores, comunicadores, que tratan en última instancia, en la elaboración de una propuesta en la que se deben considerar una serie de cuestiones, en lo que refiere al diseño. De acuerdo a los estudios en que se basó, divide al trabajo en cuatro ramas, el diseño de lo simbólico y la comunicación visual, el diseño de materiales para la industria, el diseño de actividades y servicios programados en lo que respecta al uso de espacios públicos para eventos y relaciones públicas, y el diseño de sistemas y entornos físicos, en el que se refiere a la arquitectura y diseño forestal en áreas verdes. Indica que además del trabajo interdisciplinario debe destacarse la importancia del Estado, no sólo en cuanto a la financiación del proyecto, sino más bien para el despliegue de políticas entre las cuales puede ubicarse el crecimiento de una marca ciudad en la integración de los sectores privados. El enfoque que aporta con su trabajo desde el diseño contempla conceptos tales como marca, submarca y marca ciudad, relacionados con otros conocimientos como es consumo cultural y política cultural, no obstante hace énfasis en que hará proyección de los circuitos culturales de la ciudad de Medellín. Así, plantea como hipótesis que el desarrollo de los circuitos culturales opera como elemento clave para la integración y la dinámica entre las submarcas que conforman la marca ciudad. Entre sus objetivos plantea definir los conceptos de marca, identidad de marca, y marca ciudad, como una aproximación a las manifestaciones culturales en la ciudad antes mencionada. Señala que el relevamiento de actividades culturales durante el segundo semestre de 2006 y el primer semestre del 2007, comprendió un período en el que comenzó a desarrollarse un plan de mercadeo en la ciudad 2006 - 2016 auspiciado por la Alcaldía de Medellín. En ese sentido según afirma, debe destacarse el papel impulsor del estado municipal, los cambios en el desarrollo urbano registrados en la ciudad durante el año 2000, configurando el contexto en el cual el estado ha trabajado en el espacio público, como política de integración ciudadana y democratización del acceso y la participación en la vida cultural para los diversos sectores de la sociedad, en relación con el panorama de las actividades culturales, que actualmente se observan en Medellín. Su propuesta consiste en una serie de circuitos culturales para la ciudad, para hacer visible los lugares y establecer conexión entre ellos y principiar posibles recorridos a través de distintos medios: sistema de señalización, publicación de mapas y guías impresas, desarrollo y actualización permanente de su sitio web, resulta imprescindible una mirada analítica más amplia y contextual sobre la ciudad, en el espacio en el que se despliegan las actividades culturales. Señala que en su trabajo investigativo, su hipótesis hizo hincapié en el carácter interdisciplinario que implica la construcción de una imagen marcaria. Uno de sus objetivos contempló el diseño de los conceptos de marca, submarca y marca ciudad, presentó toda unaserie de consideraciones al concepto de marca y a la construcción de una marca ciudad y otros elementos que componen submarcas y circuitos culturales relacionando otros conceptos mencionados como consumo y política cultural. Consideró pertinente para el caso de Medellín la construcción de marcas alternas en la imagen marcaria de la ciudad que agrupen diferentes áreas de trabajo o de interés: educación, turismo, cultura, servicios sociales, salud y espacio público. En participación del sector público y privado, ya que por medio de las marcas alternas ayudan a estructurar y clasificar la oferta y servicios ofrecidos por ambos sectores. Por su parte, Miguel Badillo (2010), realizó una investigación de City-marketing en ciudades intermedias: caso Palmira - Colombia. Su estudio plantea que se basa específicamente en su etapa de diseño, ya que su proyecto surgió de la necesidad de generar acciones diná- micas y metodológicas, a fin de implementar un mecanismo que permita el diseño de un instrumento de gestión y promoción de la ciudad. La población de su estudio se integró con habitantes de la ciudad, visitantes y dirigentes de diversos sectores del Valle del Cauca en Colombia. La metodología empleada se basó en un estudio documental y el uso de instrumentos, cualitativos y se apoyó en cartografías urbanas, estudio de imaginarios y mediciones cualitativas de comunicación publicitaria, por lo cual para su realización, el investigador estableció un eje conceptual para la implementación de un plan de city-marketing en Palmira y una segunda fase donde desarrolló la sensibilización, la caracterización de la ciudad, los lineamientos estratégicos y los parámetros para la construcción de la marca y el diseño del plan de comunicación. Su proyecto inició en el año 2003 donde a través del Centro Integrado para el Desarrollo de la Investigación (CIDI), conjuntó con un equipo de estudiantes liderados por un docente, quienes estructuraron el proyecto plataforma de posicionamiento Palmira hasta el 2006. Luego pasa al programa de publicidad y es continuado por un nuevo grupo de estudiantes dirigidos por una docente quienes estructuran la primera fase que es la auditoría de la imagen Palmira, para el desarrollo de un proyecto de citymarketing. Menciona que durante el año 2007 el grupo de investigación publicitaria retomó el tema y realizó una investigación documental, partiendo de los resultados que existían en la misma universidad de estudios anteriores, tomando en cuenta un tema de gran importancia para su caso, por lo cual el investigador indica que la primera fase fue la visualización del tema. En el año 2009 se avanzó en una segunda fase, que fue el proceso de oficialización, donde trabajó en una propuesta integrada como parte de las diversas acciones que el actual gobierno implementaría en el plan de desarrollo. En la Universidad de Palermo, Carlos Calle (2008), desarrolló un estudió basado en la marca ciudad de Cuenca como un elemento de participación social. Su estudió está basado en la ciudad de Cuenca que es la tercera ciudad más importante del Ecuador y para ello en su introducción se refiere al actual contexto de la globalización que propicia nuevos escenarios, para la comunicación, las exportaciones y el turismo, por lo cual en la ciudad antes mencionada a través de su alcalde se implementó una estrategia de marca ciudad, que comprende un elemento gráfico identificador y una campaña de posicionamiento como punto turístico enfocado en un diferenciador que posee ya que es patrimonio cultural de la humanidad, compuesto por elementos tangibles e intangibles. Para ello se enfoca en establecer un concepto más claro de marca ciudad, analizando a la misma desde el acoplamiento de la globalización y la mundialización para tomarla como herramienta para fomentar la participación social. Analiza la implementación y promoción de la marca estudiada y su contribución en el marco del turismo, ya que en su trabajo se ejecuta un estudio estructural de los principios que conforman la marca ciudad y su relación con el diseño, su importancia, su interacción con el desarrollo diario de la ciudad. Resalta la importancia de un sello marcario para la misma, dirigiéndose al municipio con miras a mejorar el uso y la actual promoción de la propuesta para reconocerla como un instrumento social que contribuya a la mejor calidad de vida. En su hipótesis plantea desarrollar una estrategia mucho mejor de lo que funcionaba hasta el 2005, donde no se cumplía lo que tenia que dar de una Marca Ciudad, para lo cual piensa posicionarla e instaurarla como herramienta comunicativa real; como elemento gráfico y no como símbolo. Para posicionar a la ciudad de Cuenca como un destino turístico debido a que en la ciudad el turismo representa un rubro muy importante, ya que según menciona existe un estudio que afirma que un 51,7% del ingreso económico proviene del turismo. A través de la investigación se trata no sólo de explotar la parte turística sino también la comercial y lograr la integración de la ciudadanía para el desarrollo de la marca ciudad. Como aporte se integra su estudio para mejorar la promoción de la propuesta para reconocer la marca ciudad como instrumento social. En España, Sánchez Moya (2010), efectuó una tesis sobre Barcelona y Estambul y la imagen de la ciudad como valor de cambio. Introduce el tema haciendo una introducción breve al concepto de marca ciudad y su importancia, para luego introducir al lector en la concepción de marca Barcelona. Afirma que los proyectos que se han llevado a cabo en la ciudad la han transformado en una marca. Como prueba de esa transformación aduce que la película de Woody Allen que se filmó en la ciudad de Condal, se presentó simplemente como "Vicky - Cristina Barcelona" entendiéndose la palabra Barcelona como un modelo de ciudad, como una marca. Mediante una construcción visual del territorio, Barcelona se presenta a través de distintas marcas, con la intención de atraer turistas y capital extranjero a la ciudad. En su estudio escogió tres de las marcas de Barcelona que estuvieron presentes durante las cuatro últimas décadas, desde principio de los años 1980 hasta el año 2010. Comienza por hacer el análisis de la marca Barcelona Mediterránea, explicando el concepto que da inicio al nombre para el desarrollo de la misma, como una ciudad mediterránea donde explica brevemente los proyectos que se llevaron a cabo en el litoral de Barcelona con el fin de abrir la ciudad al mar. Siguiendo con la marca Barcelona fue reinventada y trata de las transformaciones urbanas que se desarrollaron desde la democracia, con el fin de convertir a la ciudad en una metrópolis moderna, como un modelo Barcelona. En el mismo país, Paz Balibrea (2004), efectuó una investigación sobre el concepto de modelo de Barcelona. Indica que la idea es utilizada de forma dominante en los círculos internacionales de urbanistas, arquitectos, geógrafos, sociólogos, políticos municipales y expertos en políticas culturales, para definir lo que llama una estrategia de regeneración urbana redefinida. Considera que el modelo Barcelona es positivo y se considera como un gran éxito de las resoluciones urbanísticas adoptadas en diseño y arquitectura tenidas como de alta calidad formal y estética. Se propuso hacer un recorrido crítico por la historia del modelo hasta esos momentos, y muestra que el consenso entregado y/o apático que ha caracterizado la actitud de la mayoría de los ciudadanos ante su ciudad y especialistas ante su objeto de estudio manifiesta que existen signos de resquebrajamiento. Su aporte proviene de la historia y la crítica cultural por lo cual integró dos elementos de análisis en el debate crítico sobre la ciudad, aunque los presenta por separado, se necesitan mutuamente en la argumentación. Uno es la importancia del estudio de la cultura como eje transversal que recorre y da sentido a las transformaciones que constituyen el modelo de Barcelona, y el otro elemento a consideración es su hipótesis, que propone la utilidad crí- tica de distinguir los conceptos de modelo y marca, a la hora de definir la naturaleza de las transformaciones urbanísticas de la ciudad, a su entendimiento y uso desde la transición. La investigadora se basa en que para construir la imagen modelo de Barcelona, el cine hizo un gran aporte en el modelo de construcción de Barcelona. Por ello en la medida en que escogió seis películas de directores españoles, norteamericanos y europeos, el cine pertenece a las industrias culturales que en los últimos años han aportado al desarrollo de dicho modelo. Indica que Barcelona ha experimentado un crecimiento exponencial desde la segunda mitad de los años noventa. En la ciudad se incorporó un organismo institucional que da soporte a la idea de introducir, el poder de la difusión de la imagen en la ciudad, por medio de espectáculos gratuitos en salas de cines públicas. Lo que crea uno de los medios más eficaces de propaganda infundada en la ciudad y su gran difusión se convierte en un agente ideológico, capaz de contribuir eficazmente en la construcción de un modelo a seguir. Luego del análisis de las películas de varios directores, la investigadora hace énfasis en que no todas las muestras de cine pueden crear un modelo eficaz, he indica que los aspectos más progresistas en el origen del modelo Barcelona, que provenían de configuraciones socio-políticas catalanas y españolas heredadas del empuje del fin de la dictadura, no deben llevar a los ciudadanos ni a la negación, ni a la nostalgia de su existencia, ya que desde y gracias a aquella época, Barcelona tiene elementos urbanismo democratizante e integrador que siguen presentes en el espacio social y constituido de la ciudad. La ciudad se regeneró bajo la premisa de conectar la nueva urbanidad con una memoria colectiva arquitectónica muy parcial, de la gran burguesía catalana de la que muchos de los agentes del modelo Barcelona eran, en definitiva, herederos; por no hablar de cómo la agenda terciaria impuesta sobre la ciudad, desvirtúa y resignifica, pero no hace desaparecer lo más socialmente progresista del modelo, vaciándolo en marca. Es por ello que deduce que el modelo ha muerto ahogado por las imposiciones de la marca. Sin embargo, aduce que se recuperó el concepto de modelo como una particular forma de entender la relación con el espacio urbano que consiste en afirmar el derecho de todos los ciudadanos a la ciudad. Richard Eugenie (2008), expone un tema que no tiene que ver con la marca ciudad, pero aborda un punto que es significativo para el proyecto de investigación, con un tema titulado Álvaro Uribe: la comunicación por la imagen. Principios de marketing político. Menciona que en Colombia en cercanías de los procesos de elección presidencial en el año 2006, Álvaro Uribe Vélez, se lanzaba a la reelección. Los habitantes de Colombia tenían al candidato presidencial como un personaje de imagen política bien fuerte por la construcción sólida a través de los medios de comunicación, en la que se aplicó una campa- ña permanente haciendo uso de los medios de comunicación masivos a su alcance tanto tradicionales, audiovisuales y directos con una posición que lo privilegiada a pesar de las garantías que ofrece la Ley colombiana. Su campaña se dividió en dos etapas en la cual la primera fase, se recolectaron testimonios por parte de los colombianos en apoyo a Uribe haciendo notar en apoyo popular para luego ser utilizados con fines electorales, en su segunda fase se procede a crear la estrategia de comunicación visual para los afiches de campaña, a través del website www.adelantepresidente.com en la que los votantes podían elegir la imagen de campaña por medio de votación. La importancia en el uso de todos estos medios influyeron en la agenda mediática en los meses siguientes, el autor afirma que la construcción de todas estas estrategias construyeron un amplio dispositivo de persuasión a los futuros electores. Es por ello que Eugenie (2008), propone en su investigación un estudio semiológico de los afiches de campaña, para apreciar el alcance que tuvieron las herramientas de marketing político, para explicar el éxito obtenido por el actor político durante el 2002 y la facilidad con la que logró ser presidente en el 2006, examinando las imágenes de campaña en cinco etapas, para lo cual analizó la construcción del sentido de la imagen, las relaciones interpersonales, el relato, modalidades de acción y por último pero no menos importante las pasiones y sensaciones que producían los mensajes en la población. En su análisis de las imágenes reconoce todos los elementos gráficos contenidos en el afiche de campaña en el que destaca la construcción de la imagen en cuanto a simbologías y en la discursiva aplicada en el texto. En todas las etapas de su investigación de la imagen campaña presidencial de Uribe, el autor concluye con que todos los elementos gráficos no fueron puestos por casualidad, ya que la conformación de los mismos construye una realidad que resalta los valores del actor político. Por otro lado Leyvi Castro Martínez (2012), estudió el caso el caso del presidente Barack Obama, a través de las técnicas del marketing político utilizadas en los medios de comunicación directos, como son las redes sociales, website, mensajes de texto, correo electrónico, etc., con el fin de llegar a más adeptos logrando posicionar al candidato como un producto a partir de toda la constante mediatización, logrando consolidar el voto duro e incursionando en una nueva forma de hacer política. En el estado de la cuestión realizado se da cuenta de la ausencia de trabajos que aborden la problemática especifica de este proyecto, por tanto se cree que con el desarrollo de esta investigación se contribuirá, a la construcción de una marca ciudad que cumpla con los objetivos que se deben tener para crear una marca que aporte a la edificación de nuevas marcas. Con los interrogantes abiertos en este proyecto de investigación, sobre el tema específico de la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires con las siguientes preguntas ¿en qué punto la marca ciudad de Buenos Aires se unifica con la marca partidaria del "PRO"? y ¿qué efectos tiene la mediatización de un actor político en una marca pública? Si bien en los trabajos mencionados se abordan las estrategias para la construcción de una marca ciudad y el desarrollo que se ha venido proyectando, muy poco se tiene en consideración acerca del tipo de estrategia que usan los administradores o coordinadores políticos, para el tratamiento del sello marcario de la ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires. Línea temática Esta investigación se encuentra enmarcada en dos líneas temáticas: 1) Medios y estrategias de comunicación. 2) Diseño y producción de objetos, espacios e imágenes. Además está como objeto el estudio la marca de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires entre el periodo (2007-2015) con el fin de evidenciar una estrategia de marketing político, en el concepto de una marca ciudad unificando la comunicación pública con la comunicación partidaria. Lo que Brindará soporte a nuevas investigaciones y tratamientos de futuras marcas, en las que la ideología política no intervenga en su totalidad para el desarrollo y creación de las mismas, así de esta forma pueden evolucionar durante cada período de gobierno y continúe siendo administrada por el siguiente gobierno que la dirija. Orden de trabajo y justificación Capítulo I: La Comunicación Política desde los medios de comunicación masivos. En este capítulo, se aborda el tema en referencia al papel que ejercen los medios de comunicación masivos en la comunicación política. Iniciando en la diferenciación entre lo público y lo partidario, para posteriormente dejar en claro la marca pública, la marca partidaria y la vinculación que estas tienen en la participación con los habitantes, como un comportamiento democrático por parte de las políticas públicas de los gobiernos pertinentes. A su vez en este capitulo se pone en contexto, acerca de la comunicación masiva y la persuasión que esta ejerce en el elector dando paso a la opinión pública y la transformación que sufre con los medios de comunicación masivos (llamada opinión publicada), la cual interviene en la agenda setting de los actores políticos y por medio de ésta se da la construcción de la imagen de la realidad social, que puede persuadir al elector de forma directa o indirecta sobre su entorno social. A modo de cierre, para este capítulo se presentan las campañas políticas en la Argentina y la participación de la prensa en los gobiernos democráticos, a comienzos del año 1983, como un proceso de vinculación de los medios de comunicación masivos con la política. Capítulo II: Estrategias de marketing político. En este capítulo se exponen las estrategias que se despliegan en el marketing político para la comunicación electoral, en el que se definen las nociones de esta disciplina, mencionando términos como construcción de la imagen política y como afecta ésta en la percepción del elector. Diferenciación entre marketing comercial y marketing político. Candidato y posicionamiento que definen el papel del candidato y la importancia del posicionamiento en el marketing político, el discurso en la disciplina mencionada y cómo funciona en las estrategias de campaña. A su vez se nombran las características de la publicidad política y las campañas electorales. Asimismo las herramientas del marketing político entre las que destacan las herramientas tradicionales, audiovisuales y de marketing directo, por último el elector y rol en el centro de todas estrategias que se mencionan. Capítulo III: Construyendo la marca en la ciudad. En este capítulo se define el concepto de marca e introduce al término de marca ciudad, qué es, y la importancia de sus públicos tanto interno como externo, el funcionamiento de las marcas de ciudad y por medio de quién se gestionan, la construcción de las marcas territoriales como un término que también se les da a estas estrategias de sello marcario, elcity-marketing y sus estrategias en la marca ciudad, estrategias de reconstrucción de marcas que apostaron por la reconstrucción desde lo social para posteriormente fortalecerse en su estrategia marcaria, casos que han transcendido como: Berlín, Barcelona, Curitiba y Medellín al mismo tiempo que se hacen referencia de dos casos de comunicación de sello marcario en Argentina, ya que el caso de estudio se sitúa en el país mencionado. Capítulo IV: Desarrollo Metodológico. En este capítulo se desarrollan las herramientas metodológicas del tema de investigación que es de tipo descriptivo y de carácter cualitativo, en el cual se desarrollarán entrevistas en profundidad y un análisis de contenido de los elementos de comunicación de la marca pública con la marca partidaria, con lo que se busca comprobar la hipótesis y los objetivos de la investigación.
On 2017 August 17 a binary neutron star coalescence candidate (later designated GW170817) with merger time 12:41:04 UTC was observed through gravitational waves by the Advanced LIGO and Advanced Virgo detectors. The Fermi Gamma-ray Burst Monitor independently detected a gamma-ray burst (GRB 170817A) with a time delay of similar to 1.7 s with respect to the merger time. From the gravitational-wave signal, the source was initially localized to a sky region of 31 deg(2) at a luminosity distance of 40(-8)(+8) Mpc and with component masses consistent with neutron stars. The component masses were later measured to be in the range 0.86 to 2.26 M-circle dot. An extensive observing campaign was launched across the electromagnetic spectrum leading to the discovery of a bright optical transient (SSS17a, now with the IAU identification of AT 2017gfo) in NGC 4993 (at similar to 40 Mpc) less than 11 hours after the merger by the One-Meter, Two Hemisphere (1M2H) team using the 1 m Swope Telescope. The optical transient was independently detected by multiple teams within an hour. Subsequent observations targeted the object and its environment. Early ultraviolet observations revealed a blue transient that faded within 48 hours. Optical and infrared observations showed a redward evolution over similar to 10 days. Following early non-detections, X-ray and radio emission were discovered at the transient's position similar to 9 and similar to 16 days, respectively, after the merger. Both the X-ray and radio emission likely arise from a physical process that is distinct from the one that generates the UV/optical/near-infrared emission. No ultra-high-energy gamma-rays and no neutrino candidates consistent with the source were found in follow-up searches. These observations support the hypothesis that GW170817 was produced by the merger of two neutron stars in NGC4993 followed by a short gamma-ray burst (GRB 170817A) and a kilonova/macronova powered by the radioactive decay of r-process nuclei synthesized in the ejecta. ; Kavli Foundation; Danish National Research Foundation; Niels Bohr International Academy; DARK Cosmology Centre; NSF [AST-1518052, AST-141242, AST-1411763, AST-1714498, AST-1517649, PHY-1607291, AST-1412421, AST-1313484]; Gordon AMP; Betty Moore Foundation; Heising-Simons Foundation; Alfred P. Sloan Foundation; David and Lucile Packard Foundation; DNRF; UCMEXUS-CONACYT; NASA - Space Telescope Science Institute [HST-HF-51348.001, HST-HF-51373.001]; NASA [NAS5-26555, NNX15AE50G, NNX16AC22G, NAS5-00136, NNX08AR22G, NNX12AR65G, NNX14AM74G, NNX12AR55G, NNM13AA43C, NNM11AA01A, NNX15AE60G, PF6-170148, PF7-180162]; INAF; INFN; ASI [I/028/12/2]; Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), France; Commissariat a l'energie atomique et aux energies alternatives (CEA), France; Commission Europeenne (FEDER), France; Commission Europeenne, France; Institut Universitaire de France (IUF), France; IdEx, France; Sorbonne Paris Cite, France [ANR-10-LABX-0023, ANR-11-IDEX-0005-02]; Labex OCEVU, France [ANR-11-LABX-0060]; A*MIDEX, France [ANR-11-IDEX-0001-02]; Region Ile-de-France (DIM-ACAV), France; Region Alsace (CPER), France; Region Provence-Alpes-Cite d'Azur, France; Departement du Var and Ville de La Seyne-sur-Mer, France; Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung (BMBF), Germany; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN), Italy; Nederlandse organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek (NWO), the Netherlands; Council of the President of the Russian Federation, Russia; National Authority for Scientific Research (ANCS), Romania; Ministerio de Economia y Competitividad (MINECO): Plan Estatal de Investigacion (MINECO/FEDER), Spain [FPA2015-65150-C3-1-P, FPA2015-65150-C3-2-P, FPA2015-65150-C3-3-P]; Severo Ochoa Centre of Excellence and MultiDark Consolider (MINECO), Spain; Prometeo program (Generalitat Valenciana), Spain; Grisolia program (Generalitat Valenciana), Spain; Ministry of Higher Education, Scientific Research and Professional Training, Morocco; National Basic Research Program (973 Program) of China [2013CB834901, 2013CB834900, 2013CB834903]; Chinese Polar Environment Comprehensive Investigation AMP; Assessment Program [CHINARE2016-02-03-05]; Tsinghua University; Nanjing University; Beijing Normal University; University of New South Wales; Texas AM University; 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National Science Foundation [0450696]; Grainger Foundation; Marie Curie-IRSES/EPLANET; European Particle Physics Latin American Network; European Union 7th Framework Program [PIRSES-2009-GA-246806]; European Union's Horizon research and innovation programme [646623]; UNESCO; Australian Research Council [FT150100099, FL15010014]; Australian Research Council; Australian Government; Australian Government (NCRIS); Western Australian and Australian Governments; National Collaborative Research Infrastructure Strategy; Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for All-sky Astrophysics in 3D (ASTRO 3D) [CE170100013]; Spanish Ministry [AYA 2015-71718-R]; Junta de Andalucia Proyecto de Excelencia [TIC-2839]; National Research Foundation [NRF-2015R1A2A1A01006870, DGE-1144469]; Korea Basic Science Research Program [NRF2014R1A6A3A03057484, NRF-2015R1D1A4A01020961]; Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (Mexico) through Laboratorios Nacionales Program (Mexico); Instituto de Astrofisica de Andalucia (IAA-CSIC, Spain); 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Wallenberg Foundation; Swedish Research Council; National Space Board (Sweden); INAF (Italy); CNES (France); DOE [DE-AC02-76SF00515]; Office of Naval Research [N00014-07-C0147]; National Science Foundation under University Radio Observatory [AST-1139963, AST-1139974]; ESO Telescopes at the Paranal Observatory [099.D-0382, 099.D-0622, 099.D-0191, 099.D-0116]; REM telescope at the ESO La Silla Observatory [35020]; Department of University and Research (MIUR); Italian Space Agency (ASI); Autonomous Region of Sardinia (RAS); National Institute for Astrophysics (INAF); BIC [114332KYSB20160007]; Hundred Talent Program; Chinese Academy of Sciences [KJZD-EW-M06]; National Natural Science Foundation of China [11673062]; Oversea Talent Program of Yunnan Province; STFC (Science and Technology Facilities Council); Slovenian Research Agency [P1-0188]; Sorbonne Paris Cite [ANR-10-LABX-0023, ANR-11-IDEX-0005-02]; JSPS [15H05437]; JST Consortia; GROWTH (Global Relay of Observatories Watching Transients Happen) - National Science Foundation under PIRE [1545949]; California Institute of Technology (USA); University of Maryland College Park (USA); University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee (USA); Texas Tech University (USA); San Diego State University (USA); Los Alamos National Laboratory (USA); Tokyo Institute of Technology (Japan); National Central University (Taiwan); Indian Institute of Astrophysics (India); Inter-University Center for Astronomy and Astrophysics (India); Weizmann Institute of Science (Israel); Oskar Klein Centre at Stockholm University (Sweden); Humboldt University (Germany); Liverpool John Moores University (UK); Planning and Budgeting Committee; Israel Science Foundation; Large Synoptic Survey Telescope Corporation; National Science Foundation CAREER [1455090]; ERC grant TReX; Naval Research Laboratory (NRL); NRL; Oxford Centre for Astrophysical Surveys; Hintze Family Charitable Foundation; Swedish Research Council (V.R.); Israel Science Foundation, Minerva, Israeli ministry of Science; US-Israel Binational Science Foundation; I-CORE of the Planning and Budgeting Committee; Swedish Research Council (VR) [2016 03657 3]; Swedish National Space Board [Dnr. 107/16]; Gravitational Radiation and Electromagnetic Astrophysical Transients (GREAT) - Swedish Research council (V.R.) [Dnr. 2016-06012]; Science and Engineering Research Board, Department of Science and Technology, India; Indo-US Science and Technology Foundation; US National Science Foundation (NSF); US Department of Energy Office of High-Energy Physics; Laboratory Directed Research and Development (LDRD) program of Los Alamos National Laboratory; Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACyT), Mexico [271051, 232656, 167281, 260378, 179588, 239762, 254964, 271737, 258865, 243290]; Red HAWC, Mexico; DGAPA-UNAM [RG100414, IN111315, IN111716-3, IA102715, 109916]; VIEP-BUAP; University of Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation; Institute of Geophysics, Planetary Physics, and Signatures at Los Alamos National Laboratory; Polish Science Centre [DEC-2014/13/B/ST9/945]; German Ministry for Education and Research (BMBF); Max Planck Society; German Research Foundation (DFG); Alexander von Humboldt Foundation; Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft; French Ministry for Research; CNRS-IN2P3; Astroparticle Interdisciplinary Programme of the CNRS; U.K. Science and Technology Facilities Council (STFC); IPNP of the Charles University; Czech Science Foundation; Polish National Science Centre; South African Department of Science and Technology; National Research Foundation; University of Namibia; National Commission on Research, Science and Technology of Namibia (NCRST); Innsbruck University; Austrian Science Fund (FWF); Austrian Federal Ministry for Science, Research and Economy; University of Adelaide; Japan Society for the Promotion of Science; University of Amsterdam; EGI Federation; China National Space Administration (CNSA); Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS) [XDB23040400]; Ministry of Science and Technology of China (MOST) [2016YFA0400800]; U.S. National Science Foundation-Office of Polar Programs; U.S. National Science Foundation-Physics Division; Grid Laboratory of Wisconsin (GLOW) grid infrastructure at the University of Wisconsin-Madison; Open Science Grid (OSG) grid infrastructure; U.S. Department of Energy; National Energy Research Scientific Computing Center; Louisiana Optical Network Initiative (LONI) grid computing resources; Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada; WestGrid and Compute/Calcul Canada; Swedish Research Council, Sweden; Swedish Polar Research Secretariat, Sweden; Swedish National Infrastructure for Computing (SNIC), Sweden; Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; German Ministry for Education and Research (BMBF), Germany; Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG), Germany; Helmholtz Alliance for Astroparticle Physics (HAP), Germany; Initiative and Networking Fund of the Helmholtz Association, Germany; Fund for Scientific Research (FNRS-FWO); FWO Odysseus programme; Flanders Institute; Belgian Federal Science Policy Office (Belspo); Marsden Fund, New Zealand; Japan Society for Promotion of Science (JSPS); Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF), Switzerland; National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF); Villum Fonden, Denmark; Danish National Research Foundation (DNRF), Denmark; Russian Science Foundation [15-1230015, 14-22-00271]; Science and Education Ministry of Kazakhstan [0075/GF4]; RUSTAVELI [FR/379/6-300/14]; ESA Denmark; ESA France; ESA Germany; ESA Italy; ESA Switzerland; ESA Spain; ESA Russia; ESA USA; CEA; CNES; DLR; ESA; INTA; OSTC; ASI/INAF [2013-025-R.1]; German INTEGRAL through DLR [50 OG 1101]; Spanish MINECO/FEDER [ESP2015-65712-C5-1-R]; RFBR [16-29-13009-ofi-m]; JSPS KAKENHI [JP16H02183, JP15H02075, JP15H02069, JP26800103, JP25800103]; Inter-University Cooperation Program of the MEXT; NINS program; Toyota Foundation [D11-R-0830]; Mitsubishi Foundation; Yamada Science Foundation; Inoue Foundation for Science; National Research Foundation of South Africa; NRF [2017R1A3A3001362]; KASI [2017-1-830-03]; Israel Science Foundation [541/17]; Council of Scientific and Industrial Research of India; Department of Science and Technology, India; Science AMP; Engineering Research Board (SERB), India; Ministry of Human Resource Development, India; Spanish Agencia Estatal de Investigacion; Vicepresidencia i Conselleria d'Innovacio Recerca i Turisme; Conselleria d'Educacio i Universitat del Govern de les Illes Balears; Conselleria d'Educacio Investigacio Cultura i Esport de la Generalitat Valenciana; National Science Centre of Poland; Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF); Russian Foundation for Basic Research; Russian Science Foundation; European Commission; European Regional Development Funds (ERDF); Royal Society; Scottish Funding Council; Scottish Universities Physics Alliance; Hungarian Scientific Research Fund (OTKA); Lyon Institute of Origins (LIO); National Research, Development and Innovation Office Hungary (NKFI); National Research Foundation of Korea; Industry Canada and Province of Ontario through Ministry of Economic Development and Innovation; Natural Science and Engineering Research Council Canada; Canadian Institute for Advanced Research; Brazilian Ministry of Science, Technology, Innovations, and Communications; International Center for Theoretical Physics South American Institute for Fundamental Research (ICTP-SAIFR); Council of Hong Kong; National Natural Science Foundation of China (NSFC); Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS); Ministry of Science and Technology of China (MOST); Leverhulme Trust; Research Corporation; Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST), Taiwan; RIKEN; MEXT; KAKENHI [JP 17H06362]; EVN [RP029]; European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme [653477]; ERC [647208]; Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research through NWO VIDI [639.042.612-Nissanke]; NWO TOP [62002444-Nissanke]; VISIR [60.A-9392]; [MOST104-2923-M-008-004-MY5]; [MOST106-2112-M-008-007] ; (1M2H) We thank J. McIver for alerting us to the LVC circular. We thank J. Mulchaey (Carnegie Observatories director), L. Infante (Las Campanas Observatory director), and the entire Las Campanas staff for their extreme dedication, professionalism, and excitement, all of which were critical in the discovery of the first gravitational-wave optical counterpart and its host galaxy as well as the observations used in this study. We thank I. Thompson and the Carnegie Observatory Time Allocation Committee for approving the Swope Supernova Survey and scheduling our program. We thank the University of Copenhagen, DARK Cosmology Centre, and the Niels Bohr International Academy for hosting D.A.C., R.J.F., A.M.B., E.R., and M.R.S. during the discovery of GW170817/SSS17a. R.J.F., A.M.B., and E.R. were participating in the Kavli Summer Program in Astrophysics, "Astrophysics with gravitational wave detections." This program was supported by the the Kavli Foundation, Danish National Research Foundation, the Niels Bohr International Academy, and the DARK Cosmology Centre. The UCSC group is supported in part by NSF grant AST-1518052, the Gordon & Betty Moore Foundation, the Heising-Simons Foundation, generous donations from many individuals through a UCSC Giving Day grant, and from fellowships from the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation (R.J.F.), the David and Lucile Packard Foundation (R.J.F. and E.R.) and the Niels Bohr Professorship from the DNRF (E.R.). AMB acknowledges support from a UCMEXUS-CONACYT Doctoral Fellowship. Support for this work was provided by NASA through Hubble Fellowship grants HST-HF-51348.001 (B.J.S.) and HST-HF-51373.001 (M.R.D.) awarded by the Space Telescope Science Institute, which is operated by the Association of Universities for Research in Astronomy, Inc., for NASA, under contract NAS5-26555. This paper includes data gathered with the 1 meter Swope and 6.5 meter Magellan Telescopes located at Las Campanas Observatory, Chile.r (AGILE) The AGILE Team thanks the ASI management, the technical staff at the ASI Malindi ground station, the technical support team at the ASI Space Science Data Center, and the Fucino AGILE Mission Operation Center. AGILE is an ASI space mission developed with programmatic support by INAF and INFN. We acknowledge partial support through the ASI grant No. I/028/12/2. We also thank INAF, Italian Institute of Astrophysics, and ASI, Italian Space Agency.r (ANTARES) The ANTARES Collaboration acknowledges the financial support of: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), Commissariat a l'energie atomique et aux energies alternatives (CEA), Commission Europeenne (FEDER fund and Marie Curie Program), Institut Universitaire de France (IUF), IdEx program and UnivEarthS Labex program at Sorbonne Paris Cite (ANR-10-LABX-0023 and ANR-11-IDEX-0005-02), Labex OCEVU (ANR-11-LABX-0060) and the A*MIDEX project (ANR-11-IDEX-0001-02), Region Ile-de-France (DIM-ACAV), Region Alsace (contrat CPER), Region Provence-Alpes-Cite d'Azur, Departement du Var and Ville de La Seyne-sur-Mer, France; Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung (BMBF), Germany; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN), Italy; Nederlandse organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek (NWO), the Netherlands; Council of the President of the Russian Federation for young scientists and leading scientific schools supporting grants, Russia; National Authority for Scientific Research (ANCS), Romania; Ministerio de Economia y Competitividad (MINECO): Plan Estatal de Investigacion (refs.; r r FPA2015-65150-C3-1-P, -2-P and -3-P; MINECO/FEDER), Severo Ochoa Centre of Excellence and MultiDark Consolider (MINECO), and Prometeo and Grisolia programs (Generalitat Valenciana), Spain; Ministry of Higher Education, Scientific Research and Professional Training, Morocco. We also acknowledge the technical support of Ifremer, AIM and Foselev Marine for the sea operation and the CC-IN2P3 for the computing facilities.r (AST3) The AST3 project is supported by the National Basic Research Program (973 Program) of China (Grant Nos. 2013CB834901, 2013CB834900, 2013CB834903), and the Chinese Polar Environment Comprehensive Investigation & Assessment Program (grant No. CHINARE2016-02-03-05). The construction of the AST3 telescopes has received fundings from Tsinghua University, Nanjing University, Beijing Normal University, University of New South Wales, and Texas A&M University, the Australian Antarctic Division, and the National Collaborative Research Infrastructure Strategy (NCRIS) of Australia. It has also received funding from Chinese Academy of Sciences through the Center for Astronomical Mega-Science and National Astronomical Observatory of China (NAOC).r (Auger) The successful installation, commissioning, and operation of the Pierre Auger Observatory would not have been possible without the strong commitment and effort from the technical and administrative staff in Malargue. We are very grateful to the following agencies and organizations for financial support: Argentina-Comision Nacional de Energia Atomica; Agencia Nacional de Promocion Cientifica y Tecnologica (ANPCyT); Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Cientificas y Tecnicas (CONICET); Gobierno de la Provincia de Mendoza; Municipalidad de Malargue; NDM Holdings and Valle Las Lenas; in gratitude for their continuing cooperation over land access; Australia-the Australian Research Council; Brazil-Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cientifico e Tecnologico (CNPq); Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos (FINEP); Fundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Rio de Janeiro (FAPERJ); Sao Paulo Research Foundation (FAPESP) grant Nos. 2010/07359-6 and 1999/05404-3; Ministerio da Ciencia, Tecnologia, Inovacoes e Comunicacoes (MCTIC); Czech Republic-grant Nos. MSMT CR LG15014, LO1305, LM2015038 and CZ.02.1.01/0.0/0.0/16_013/0001402; France-Centre de Calcul IN2P3/CNRS; Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS); Conseil Regional Ile-de-France; Departement Physique Nucleaire et Corpusculaire (PNC-IN2P3/CNRS); Departement Sciences de l'Univers (SDU-INSU/CNRS); Institut Lagrange de Paris (ILP) grant No. LABEX ANR-10-LABX-63 within the Investissements d'Avenir Programme Grant No. ANR-11-IDEX-0004-02; Germany-Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung (BMBF); Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG); Finanzministerium Baden-Wurttemberg; Helmholtz Alliance for Astroparticle Physics (HAP); Helmholtz-Gemeinschaft Deutscher Forschungszentren (HGF); Ministerium fur Innovation, Wissenschaft und Forschung des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen; Ministerium fur Wissenschaft, Forschung und Kunst des Landes Baden-Wurttemberg; Italy-Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN); Istituto Nazionale di Astrofisica (INAF); Ministero dell'Istruzione, dell'Universita e della Ricerca (MIUR); CETEMPS Center of Excellence; Ministero degli Affari Esteri (MAE); Mexico-Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACYT) No.; r r 167733; Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico (UNAM); PAPIIT DGAPA-UNAM; The Netherlands - Ministerie van Onderwijs, Cultuur en Wetenschap; Nederlandse Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek (NWO); Stichting voor Fundamenteel Onderzoek der Materie (FOM); Poland-National Centre for Research and Development, grant Nos. ERA-NET-ASPERA/01/11 and ERA-NET-ASPERA/02/11; National Science Centre, grant Nos. 2013/08/M/ST9/00322, 2013/08/M/ST9/00728, and HARMONIA 5-2013/10/M/ST9/00062, UMO-2016/22/M/ST9/00198; Portugal-Portuguese national funds and FEDER funds within Programa Operacional Factores de Competitividade through Fundacao para a Ciencia e a Tecnologia (COMPETE); Romania-Romanian Authority for Scientific Research ANCS; CNDI-UEFISCDI partnership projects grant Nos. 20/2012 and 194/2012 and PN 16 42 01 02; Slovenia-Slovenian Research Agency; Spain-Comunidad de Madrid; Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER) funds; Ministerio de Economia y Competitividad; Xunta de Galicia; European Community 7th Framework Program grant No. FP7-PEOPLE-2012-IEF-328826; USA-Department of Energy, Contract Nos. DE-AC02-07CH11359, DE-FR02-04ER41300, DE-FG02-99ER41107, and DE-SC0011689; National Science Foundation, grant No.r 0450696; The Grainger Foundation; Marie Curie-IRSES/EPLANET; European Particle Physics Latin American Network; European Union 7th Framework Program, grant No. PIRSES-2009-GA-246806; European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (grant No. 646623); and UNESCO.r (Australian Radio) T.M. acknowledges the support of the Australian Research Council through grant FT150100099. S.O. acknowledges the Australian Research Council grant Laureate Fellowship FL15010014. D.L.K. and I.S.B. are additionally supported by NSF grant AST-141242. P.A.B. and the DFN team acknowledge the Australian Research Council for support under their Australian Laureate Fellowship scheme. The Australia Telescope Compact Array is part of the Australia Telescope National Facility, which is funded by the Australian Government for operation as a National Facility managed by CSIRO. This scientific work makes use of the Murchison Radio-astronomy Observatory, operated by CSIRO. We acknowledge the Wajarri Yamatji people as the traditional owners of the Observatory site. Support for the operation of the MWA is provided by the Australian Government (NCRIS), under a contract to Curtin University administered by Astronomy Australia Limited. We acknowledge the Pawsey Supercomputing Centre, which is supported by the Western Australian and Australian Governments. The Australian SKA Pathfinder is part of the Australia Telescope National Facility, which is managed by CSIRO. Operation of ASKAP is funded by the Australian Government with support from the National Collaborative Research Infrastructure Strategy. ASKAP uses the resources of the Pawsey Supercomputing Centre. Establishment of ASKAP, the Murchison Radio-astronomy Observatory and the Pawsey Supercomputing Centre are initiatives of the Australian Government, with support from the Government of Western Australia and the Science and Industry Endowment Fund. Parts of this research were conducted by the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for All-sky Astrophysics in 3D (ASTRO 3D) through project number CE170100013.r (Berger Time-Domain Group) The Berger Time-Domain Group at Harvard is supported in part by the NSF through grants AST-1411763 and AST-1714498, and by NASA through grants NNX15AE50G and NNX16AC22G.r (Bootes) A.J.C.T.; r r acknowledges support from the Spanish Ministry Project AYA 2015-71718-R (including FEDER funds) and Junta de Andalucia Proyecto de Excelencia TIC-2839. I.H.P. acknowledges the support of the National Research Foundation (NRF-2015R1A2A1A01006870). S.J. acknowledges the support of Korea Basic Science Research Program (NRF2014R1A6A3A03057484 and NRF-2015R1D1A4A01020961). The BOOTES-5/JGT observations were carried out at Observatorio Astronomico Nacional in San Pedro Martir (OAN-SPM, Mexico), operated by Instituto de Astronomia, UNAM and with support from Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (Mexico) through the Laboratorios Nacionales Program (Mexico), Instituto de Astrofisica de Andalucia (IAA-CSIC, Spain) and Sungkyunkwan University (SKKU, South Korea). We also thank the staff of OAN-SPM for their support in carrying out the observations.r (CAASTRO) Parts of this research were conducted by the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for All-sky Astrophysics (CAASTRO), through project number CE110001020. The national facility capability for SkyMapper has been funded through ARC LIEF grant LE130100104 from the Australian Research Council, awarded to the University of Sydney, the Australian National University, Swinburne University of Technology, the University of Queensland, the University of Western Australia, the University of Melbourne, Curtin University of Technology, Monash University, and the Australian Astronomical Observatory. SkyMapper is owned and operated by The Australian National University's Research School of Astronomy and Astrophysics.r (CALET) The CALET team gratefully acknowledges support from NASA, ASI, JAXA, and MEXT KAKENHI grant numbers JP 17H06362, JP26220708, and JP17H02901.r (Chandra/McGill) This work was supported in part by Chandra Award Number GO7-18033X, issued by the Chandra X-ray Observatory Center, which is operated by the Smithsonian Astrophysical Observatory for and on behalf of the National Aeronautics Space Administration (NASA) under contract NAS8-03060. D.H., M.N., and J.J.R. acknowledge support from a Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC) Discovery Grant and a Fonds de recherche du Quebec-Nature et Technologies (FRQNT) Nouveaux Chercheurs Grant. P.A.E. acknowledges UKSA support. J.A.K. acknowledges the support of NASA grant NAS5-00136. D.H. also acknowledges support from the Canadian Institute for Advanced Research (CIFAR).r (CZTI/AstroSat) CZTI is built by a TIFR-led consortium of institutes across India, including VSSC, ISAC, IUCAA, SAC, and PRL. The Indian Space Research Organisation funded, managed, and facilitated the project.r (DLT40) D.J.S. acknowledges support for the DLT40 program from NSF grant AST-1517649.r (EuroVLBI) The European VLBI Network is a joint facility of independent European, African, Asian, and North American radio astronomy institutes. Scientific results from data presented in this publication are derived from the following EVN project code: RP029. e-MERLIN is a National Facility operated by the University of Manchester at Jodrell Bank Observatory on behalf of STFC. The collaboration between LIGO/Virgo and EVN/e-MERLIN is part of a project that has received funding from the European Unions Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No. 653477.r (ePESSTO) We acknowledge ESO programs 199.D-0143 and 099.D-0376. PS1 and ATLAS are supported by NASA grants NNX08AR22G, NNX12AR65G, NNX14AM74G, and NNX12AR55G. We acknowledge the Leibniz-Prize to Prof. G.; r r Hasinger (DFG grant HA 1850/28-1), EU/FP7-ERC grants 291222, 615929, 647208, 725161, STFC grants ST/P000312/1 and ERF ST/M005348/1, ST/P000495/1. Marie Sklodowska-Curie grant No 702538. Polish NCN grant OPUS 2015/17/B/ST9/03167, Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation. PRIN-INAF 2014. David and Ellen Lee Prize Postdoctoral Fellowship at the California Institute of Technology. Alexander von Humboldt Sofja Kovalevskaja Award. Royal Society-Science Foundation Ireland Vilho, Yrjo and Kalle Vaisala Foundation. FONDECYT grant number 3160504. US NSF grant AST-1311862. Swedish Research Council and the Swedish Space Board. The Quantum Universe I-Core program, the ISF, BSF, and Kimmel award. IRC grant GOIPG/2017/1525. Australian Research Council CAASTRO CE110001020 and grant FT160100028. We acknowledge Millennium Science Initiative grant IC120009.r (Fermi-GBM) B.C., V.C., A.G., and W.S.P. gratefully acknowledge NASA funding through contract NNM13AA43C. M.S.B., R.H., P.J., C.A.M., S.P., R.D.P., M.S., and P.V. gratefully acknowledge NASA funding from cooperative agreement NNM11AA01A. E.B. is supported by an appointment to the NASA Postdoctoral Program at the Goddard Space Flight Center, administered by Universities Space Research Association under contract with NASA. D.K., C.A.W.H., C.M.H., and J.R. gratefully acknowledge NASA funding through the Fermi-GBM project. Support for the German contribution to GBM was provided by the Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung (BMBF) via the Deutsches Zentrum fur Luft und Raumfahrt (DLR) under contract number 50 QV 0301. A.v.K. was supported by the Bundesministeriums fur Wirtschaft und Technologie (BMWi) through DLR grant 50 OG 1101. S.M.B. acknowledges support from Science Foundation Ireland under grant 12/IP/1288.r (Fermi-LAT) The Fermi-LAT Collaboration acknowledges support for LAT development, operation, and data analysis from NASA and DOE (United States), CEA/Irfu and IN2P3/CNRS (France), ASI and INFN (Italy), MEXT, KEK, and JAXA (Japan), and the K. A. Wallenberg Foundation, the Swedish Research Council and the National Space Board (Sweden). Science analysis support in the operations phase from INAF (Italy) and CNES (France) is also gratefully acknowledged. This work performed in part under DOE Contract DE-AC02-76SF00515.r (FRBSG) S.L.L. is supported by NSF grant PHY-1607291 (LIU). Construction of the LWA has been supported by the Office of Naval Research under Contract N00014-07-C0147. Support for operations and continuing development of the LWA1 is provided by the National Science Foundation under grants AST-1139963 and AST-1139974 of the University Radio Observatory program.r (GRAWITA) We acknowledge INAF for supporting the project "Gravitational Wave Astronomy with the first detections of adLIGO and adVIRGO experiments-GRAWITA" PI: E. Brocato. Observations are made with ESO Telescopes at the Paranal Observatory under programmes ID 099.D-0382 (PI: E. Pian), 099.D-0622 (PI: P. D'Avanzo), 099.D-0191 (PI: A. Grado), 099.D-0116 (PI: S. Covino) and with the REM telescope at the ESO La Silla Observatory under program ID 35020 (PI: S. Campana). We thank the ESO operation staff for excellent support of this program. The Sardinia Radio Telescope (SRT) is funded by the Department of University and Research (MIUR), the Italian Space Agency (ASI), and the Autonomous Region of Sardinia (RAS) and is operated as National Facility by the National Institute for Astrophysics (INAF). Z.J. is supported by the External Cooperation Program of BIC (number 114332KYSB20160007). J.M.; r r is supported by the Hundred Talent Program, the Major Program of the Chinese Academy of Sciences (KJZD-EW-M06), the National Natural Science Foundation of China 11673062, and the Oversea Talent Program of Yunnan Province. R.L.C. Starling, K.W., A.B.H., N.R.T., and C.G.M. are supported by the STFC (Science and Technology Facilities Council). D.K., acknowledges the financial support from the Slovenian Research Agency (P1-0188). S.K. and A.N.G. acknowledge support by grant DFG Kl 766/16-3. D.G. acknowledges the financial support of the UnivEarthS Labex program at Sorbonne Paris Cite (ANR-10-LABX-0023 and ANR-11-IDEX-0005-02). K.T. was supported by JSPS grant 15H05437 and by a JST Consortia grant.r (GROND) Part of the funding for GROND was generously granted from the Leibniz-Prize to Prof. G. Hasinger (DFG grant HA 1850/28-1). "We acknowledge the excellent help in obtaining GROND data from Angela Hempel, Markus Rabus and Regis Lachaume on La Silla."r (GROWTH, JAGWAR, Caltech-NRAO, TTU-NRAO, and NuSTAR) This work was supported by the GROWTH (Global Relay of Observatories Watching Transients Happen) project funded by the National Science Foundation under PIRE grant No. 1545949. GROWTH is a collaborative project among California Institute of Technology (USA), University of Maryland College Park (USA), University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee (USA), Texas Tech University (USA), San Diego State University (USA), Los Alamos National Laboratory (USA), Tokyo Institute of Technology (Japan), National Central University (Taiwan), Indian Institute of Astrophysics (India), Inter-University Center for Astronomy and Astrophysics (India), Weizmann Institute of Science (Israel), The Oskar Klein Centre at Stockholm University (Sweden), Humboldt University (Germany), Liverpool John Moores University (UK). A.H. acknowledges support by the I-Core Program of the Planning and Budgeting Committee and the Israel Science Foundation. T.M. acknowledges the support of the Australian Research Council through grant FT150100099. Parts of this research were conducted by the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for All-sky Astrophysics (CAASTRO), through project number CE110001020. The Australia Telescope Compact Array is part of the Australia Telescope National Facility which is funded by the Australian Government for operation as a National Facility managed by CSIRO. D.L.K. is additionally supported by NSF grant AST-1412421. A.A.M. is funded by the Large Synoptic Survey Telescope Corporation in support of the Data Science Fellowship Program. P.C.Y., C.C.N., and W.H.I. thank the support from grants MOST104-2923-M-008-004-MY5 and MOST106-2112-M-008-007. A.C. acknowledges support from the National Science Foundation CAREER award 1455090, "CAREER: Radio and gravitational-wave emission from the largest explosions since the Big Bang." T.P. acknowledges the support of Advanced ERC grant TReX. B.E.C. thanks SMARTS 1.3 m Queue Manager Bryndis Cruz for prompt scheduling of the SMARTS observations. Basic research in radio astronomy at the Naval Research Laboratory (NRL) is funded by 6.1 Base funding. Construction and installation of VLITE was supported by NRL Sustainment Restoration and Maintenance funding. K.P.M.'s research is supported by the Oxford Centre for Astrophysical Surveys, which is funded through the Hintze Family Charitable Foundation. J.S. and A.G. are grateful for support from the Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation. GREAT is funded by the Swedish Research Council (V.R.). E.O.O.; r r is grateful for the support by grants from the Israel Science Foundation, Minerva, Israeli ministry of Science, the US-Israel Binational Science Foundation, and the I-CORE Program of the Planning and Budgeting Committee and The Israel Science Foundation. We thank the staff of the GMRT that made these observations possible. The GMRT is run by the National Centre for Radio Astrophysics of the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research. AYQH was supported by a National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship under grant No. DGE-1144469. S.R. has been supported by the Swedish Research Council (VR) under grant number 2016 03657 3, by the Swedish National Space Board under grant number Dnr. 107/16 and by the research environment grant "Gravitational Radiation and Electromagnetic Astrophysical Transients (GREAT)" funded by the Swedish Research council (V.R.) under Dnr. 2016-06012.r We acknowledge the support of the Science and Engineering Research Board, Department of Science and Technology, India and the Indo-US Science and Technology Foundation for the GROWTH-India project.r (HAWC) We acknowledge the support from: the US National Science Foundation (NSF); the US Department of Energy Office of High-Energy Physics; the Laboratory Directed Research and Development (LDRD) program of Los Alamos National Laboratory; Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACyT), Mexico (grants 271051, 232656, 167281, 260378, 179588, 239762, 254964, 271737, 258865, 243290); Red HAWC, Mexico; DGAPA-UNAM (grants RG100414, IN111315, IN111716-3, IA102715, 109916); VIEP-BUAP; the University of Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation; the Institute of Geophysics, Planetary Physics, and Signatures at Los Alamos National Laboratory; Polish Science Centre grant DEC-2014/13/B/ST9/945. We acknowledge the support of the Science and Engineering Research Board, Department of Science and Technology, India and the Indo-US Science and Technology Foundation for the GROWTH-India project.r (H.E.S.S.) The support of the Namibian authorities and of the University of Namibia in facilitating the construction and operation of H.E.S.S. is gratefully acknowledged, as is the support by the German Ministry for Education and Research (BMBF), the Max Planck Society, the German Research Foundation (DFG), the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation, the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, the French Ministry for Research, the CNRS-IN2P3 and the Astroparticle Interdisciplinary Programme of the CNRS, the U.K. Science and Technology Facilities Council (STFC), the IPNP of the Charles University, the Czech Science Foundation, the Polish National Science Centre, the South African Department of Science and Technology and National Research Foundation, the University of Namibia, the National Commission on Research, Science and Technology of Namibia (NCRST), the Innsbruck University, the Austrian Science Fund (FWF), and the Austrian Federal Ministry for Science, Research and Economy, the University of Adelaide and the Australian Research Council, the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science and by the University of Amsterdam. We appreciate the excellent work of the technical support staff in Berlin, Durham, Hamburg, Heidelberg, Palaiseau, Paris, Saclay, and in Namibia in the construction and operation of the equipment. This work benefited from services provided by the H.E.S.S. Virtual Organisation, supported by the national resource providers of the EGI Federation.; r r r (Insight-HXMT) The Insight-HXMT team acknowledges the support from the China National Space Administration (CNSA), the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS; grant No. XDB23040400), and the Ministry of Science and Technology of China (MOST; grant No. 2016YFA0400800).r (IceCube) We acknowledge the support from the following agencies: U.S. National Science Foundation-Office of Polar Programs, U.S. National Science Foundation-Physics Division, University of Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation, the Grid Laboratory of Wisconsin (GLOW) grid infrastructure at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, the Open Science Grid (OSG) grid infrastructure; U.S. Department of Energy, and National Energy Research Scientific Computing Center, the Louisiana Optical Network Initiative (LONI) grid computing resources; Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada, WestGrid and Compute/Calcul Canada; Swedish Research Council, Swedish Polar Research Secretariat, Swedish National Infrastructure for Computing (SNIC), and Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; German Ministry for Education and Research (BMBF), Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG), Helmholtz Alliance for Astroparticle Physics (HAP), Initiative and Networking Fund of the Helmholtz Association, Germany; Fund for Scientific Research (FNRS-FWO), FWO Odysseus programme, Flanders Institute to encourage scientific and technological research in industry (IWT), Belgian Federal Science Policy Office (Belspo); Marsden Fund, New Zealand; Australian Research Council; Japan Society for Promotion of Science (JSPS); the Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF), Switzerland; National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF); Villum Fonden, Danish National Research Foundation (DNRF), Denmark.r (IKI-GW) A.S.P., A.A.V., E.D.M., and P.Y.u.M. acknowledge the support from the Russian Science Foundation (grant 15-1230015). V.A.K., A.V.K., and I.V.R. acknowledge the Science and Education Ministry of Kazakhstan (grant No. 0075/GF4). R.I. is grateful to the grant RUSTAVELI FR/379/6-300/14 for partial support. We acknowledge the excellent help in obtaining Chilescope data from Sergei Pogrebsskiy and Ivan Rubzov.r (INTEGRAL) This work is based on observations with INTEGRAL, an ESA project with instruments and science data center funded by ESA member states (especially the PI countries: Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, Switzerland, Spain), and with the participation of Russia and the USA. The INTEGRAL SPI project has been completed under the responsibility and leadership of CNES. The SPI-ACS detector system has been provided by MPE Garching/Germany. The SPI team is grateful to ASI, CEA, CNES, DLR, ESA, INTA, NASA, and OSTC for their support. The Italian INTEGRAL team acknowledges the support of ASI/INAF agreement No. 2013-025-R.1. R.D. and A.v.K. acknowledge the German INTEGRAL support through DLR grant 50 OG 1101. A.L. and R.S. acknowledge the support from the Russian Science Foundation (grant 14-22-00271). A.D. is funded by Spanish MINECO/FEDER grant ESP2015-65712-C5-1-R.r (IPN) K.H. is grateful for support under NASA grant NNX15AE60G. R.L.A. and D.D.F. are grateful for support under RFBR grant 16-29-13009-ofi-m.; r r r (J-GEM) MEXT KAKENHI (JP17H06363, JP15H00788, JP24103003, JP10147214, JP10147207), JSPS KAKENHI (JP16H02183, JP15H02075, JP15H02069, JP26800103, JP25800103), Inter-University Cooperation Program of the MEXT, the NINS program for cross-disciplinary science study, the Toyota Foundation (D11-R-0830), the Mitsubishi Foundation, the Yamada Science Foundation, Inoue Foundation for Science, the National Research Foundation of South Africa.r (KU) The Korea-Uzbekistan Consortium team acknowledges the support from the NRF grant No. 2017R1A3A3001362, and the KASI grant 2017-1-830-03. This research has made use of the KMTNet system operated by KASI.r (Las Cumbres) Support for I. A. and J.B. was provided by NASA through the Einstein Fellowship Program, grants PF6-170148 and PF7-180162, respectively. D.A.H., C.M., and G.H. are supported by NSF grant AST-1313484. D.P. and D.M acknowledge support by Israel Science Foundation grant 541/17. This work makes use of observations from the LCO network.r (LIGO and Virgo) The authors gratefully acknowledge the support of the United States National Science Foundation (NSF) for the construction and operation of the LIGO Laboratory and Advanced LIGO as well as the Science and Technology Facilities Council (STFC) of the United Kingdom, the Max-Planck- Society (MPS), and the State of Niedersachsen/Germany for support of the construction of Advanced LIGO and construction and operation of the GEO600 detector. Additional support for advanced LIGO was provided by the Australian Research Council. The authors gratefully acknowledge the Italian Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN), the French Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) and the Foundation for Fundamental Research on Matter supported by the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research, for the construction and operation of the Virgo detector and the creation and support of the EGO consortium.; r r The authors also gratefully acknowledge research support from these agencies as well as by the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research of India, the Department of Science and Technology, India, the Science & Engineering Research Board (SERB), India, the Ministry of Human Resource Development, India, the Spanish Agencia Estatal de Investigacion, the Vicepresidencia i Conselleria d'Innovacio Recerca i Turisme and the Conselleria d'Educacio i Universitat del Govern de les Illes Balears, the Conselleria d'Educacio Investigacio Cultura i Esport de la Generalitat Valenciana, the National Science Centre of Poland, the Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF), the Russian Foundation for Basic Research, the Russian Science Foundation, the European Commission, the European Regional Development Funds (ERDF), the Royal Society, the Scottish Funding Council, the Scottish Universities Physics Alliance, the Hungarian Scientific Research Fund (OTKA), the Lyon Institute of Origins (LIO), the National Research, Development and Innovation Office Hungary (NKFI), the National Research Foundation of Korea, Industry Canada and the Province of Ontario through the Ministry of Economic Development and Innovation, the Natural Science and Engineering Research Council Canada, the Canadian Institute for Advanced Research, the Brazilian Ministry of Science, Technology, Innovations, and Communications, the International Center for Theoretical Physics South American Institute for Fundamental Research (ICTP-SAIFR), the Research Grants Council of Hong Kong, the National Natural Science Foundation of China (NSFC), the China National Space Administration (CNSA) and the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS), the Ministry of Science and Technology of China (MOST), the Leverhulme Trust, the Research Corporation, the Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST), Taiwan and the Kavli Foundation. The authors gratefully acknowledge the support of the NSF, STFC, MPS, INFN, CNRS, and the State of Niedersachsen/Germany for provision of computational resources. The MAXI team acknowledges the support by JAXA, RIKEN, and MEXT KAKENHI grant number JP 17H06362. The National Radio Astronomy Observatory is a facility of the National Science Foundation operated under cooperative agreement by Associated Universities, Inc. The European VLBI Network is a joint facility of independent European, African, Asian, and North American radio astronomy institutes. Scientific results from data presented in this publication are derived from the following EVN project code: RP029.r e-MERLIN is a National Facility operated by the University of Manchester at Jodrell Bank Observatory on behalf of STFC. The collaboration between LIGO/Virgo and EVN/eMERLIN is part of a project that has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No. 653477. We thank Britt Griswold (NASA/GSFC) for graphic arts. P.G.J. acknowledges ERC-Consolidator grant No. 647208. We thank the GMRT staff for prompt scheduling of these observations. The GMRT is run by the National Center for Radio Astrophysics of the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research. INAF, Italian Institute of Astrophysics ASI, Italian Space Agency. This work is part of the research program Innovational Research Incentives Scheme (Vernieuwingsimpuls), which is financed by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research through the NWO VIDI grant No. 639.042.612-Nissanke and NWO TOP grant No. 62002444-Nissanke.; r r We thank ESO for granting full access to all the LVC MoU partners of the observations of GW170817 obtained with NACO and VISIR under the Observatory program 60.A-9392.
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The study of International Relations is founded on a series of assumptions that originate in the monotheistic traditions of the West. For Siba Grovogui, this realization provoked him to question not only IR but to broaden his enquiries into a multidisciplinary endeavor that encompasses law and anthropology, journalism and linguistics, and is informed by stories and lessons from Guinea. In this Talk, he discusses the importance of human encounters and the problem with the Hegelian logic which distorts our understanding of our own intellectual development and the trajectory of the discipline of IR.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is, according to you, the biggest challenge / principal debate in current IR? What is your position or answer to this challenge / in this debate?
I don't want to be evasive, but I actually don't think that International Relations as a field has an object today. And that is the problem with International Relations since Martin Wight and Stanley Hoffmann and all of those people debated what International Relations was, whether it was an American discipline, etc. I believe you can look at International Relations in multiple ways: if you think of à la Hoffmann, as a tool of dominant power, International Relations is to this empire what anthropology was to the last. This not only has to do with the predicates upon which it was founded initially but with its aspirations, for International Relations shares with Anthropology the ambition to know Man—and I am using here a very antiquated language, but that is what it was then—to know Man in certain capacities. In the last empire, anthropology focused on the cultural dimension and, correspondingly separated culture from civilization in a manner that placed other regions of the world in subsidiarity vis-à-vis Europe and European empires. In the reigning empire, IR has focused on the management and administration of an empire that never spoke its name, reason, or subject.
Now you can believe all the stories about liberalism and all of that stuff, but although it was predicated upon different assumptions, the ambition is still the same: it is actually to know Man, the way in which society is organized, to know how the entities function, etc. If you look at it that way, then International Relations cannot be the extension of any country's foreign policy, however significant. This is not to say that the foreign policies of the big countries do not matter: it would be foolish not to study them and take them into account, because they have greater impact than smaller countries obviously. But International Relations is not—or should not be—the extension of any country's foreign policy, nor should it be seen as the agglomeration of a certain restricted number of foreign policies. International Relations suggests, again, interest in the configurations of material, moral, and symbolic spaces as well as dynamics resulting from the relations of moral and social entities presumed to be of equal moral standings and capacities.
If one sees it that way then we must reimagine what International Relations should be. Foreign policy would be an important dimension of it, but the field of foreign policy must be understood primarily in terms of its explanations and justifications—regardless of whether these are bundled up as realism, liberalism, or other. Today, these fields provide different ways of explaining to the West, for itself, as a rational decision, or a justification to the rest, that what it has done over the past five centuries, from conquest to colonization and slavery and colonialism, is 'natural' and that any political entities similarly situated would have done it in that same manner. It follows therefore that this is how things should be. Those justifications, explanations, and rationalizations of foreign policy decisions and events are important to understand as windows into the manners in which certain regions and political entities have construed value, interest, and ethics. But they still belong, in some significant way, to a different domain than what is implied by the concept of IR.
I am therefore curious about the so-called debates about the nature of politics and the proper applicable science or approach to historical foreign policy realms and domains, particularly those of the West: I don't consider those debates to be 'big debates' in International Relations, because they are really about how the West sees itself and justifies itself and how it wants to be seen, and thus as rational. For the West (as assumed by so-called Western scholars), these debates extend the tradition of exculpating the West and seeing the West as the regenerative, redemptive, and progressive force in the world. All of that language is about that. So when you say to me, what are the debates, I don't know what they are, so far, really, in International Relations. The constitution of the 'international', the contours and effects of the imaginaries of its constituents, and the actualized and attainable material and symbolic spaces within it to realize justice, peace, and a sustainable order have thus far eluded the authoritative disciplinary traditions.
Consider the question of China today, as it is posed in the West. The China question, too, emerges from a particular foreign policy rationale, which may be important and particular ways to some people or constituencies in the West but not in the same way to others, for instance in Africa. The narrowness of the framing of the China question is why in the West many are baffled about how Africa has been receiving China, and China's entry into Latin America, etc. In relation to aid, for instance, if you are an African of a certain age, or you know some history, you will know that China formulated its foreign aid policy in 1964 and that nothing has changed. And there are other elements, such as foreign intervention and responsibility to self and others where China has had a distinct trajectory in Africa.
In some regard, China may even be closer in outlook to postcolonial African states than the former colonial powers. For instance, neither China nor African states consider the responsibility to protect, to be essentially Western. In this regard, it is worth bearing in mind for instance that Tanzania intervened in Uganda to depose Idi Amin in 1979; Vietnam ended the Khmer Rouge tyranny in Cambodia in 1979; India intervened in Bangladesh in 1971—it wasn't the West. So those kinds of understandings of responsibility, in the way they are framed today in the post-Cold War period, superimposes ideas of responsibility that were already there and were formulated in Bandung in 1955: differences between intervention and interference, the latter of which today comes coded as regime change, were actually hardly debated. So our imaginaries of the world and how it works, of responsibility, of ethics, etc., have always had to compete with those that were formulated since the seventeenth century in Europe, as "international ethics", "international law", "international theory". And in fact that long history full of sliding concepts and similar meanings may be one of the problems for understanding how the world came into being as we know it today. And this is why actually my classes here always begin with a semester-long discussion of hermeneutics, of historiography, and of ethnography in IR and how they have been incorporated.
How did you arrive at where you currently are in IR?
I came to where I am now essentially because of a sense of frustration, that we have a discipline that calls itself "international" and yet seemed to be speaking either univocally or unidirectionally: univocally in imagining the world and unidirectionally in the way it addresses the rest of the world, and a lot of problems result from that.
I had trained as a lawyer in Guinea, and when I came to the US I imagined that International Relations would be taught at law school, which is the case in France, most of the time, and also in some places in Germany in the past, because it is considered a normative science there. But when I came here I was shocked to discover that it was going to be in a field called Political Science, but I went along with it anyway. In the end I did a double major: in law, at the law school in Madison, Wisconsin, and in political science. When I came to America and went the University of Wisconsin, I first took a class called "Nuclear Weapons and World Politics" or something of the sort, it was more theology and less science. It was basically articulated around chosen people and non-chosen people, those who deserve to have weapons and those who don't. There was no rationale, no discussion of which countries respected the Non-Proliferation Treaty, no reasoning in terms of which countries had been wiser than others in using weapons of mass destruction, etc.: there was nothing to it except the underlying, intuitive belief that if something has to be done, we do it and other people don't. I'm being crass here, but let's face it: this was a course I took in the 1980s and it is still the same today! So I began to feel that this is really more theology and less science. Yes, it was all neatly wrapped in rationalism, in game theory, all of these things. So I began to ask myself deeper questions, outside of the ones they were asking, so my Nuclear Weapons and World Politics class was really what bothered me, or you could say it was some kind of trigger.
This way of seeing IR is related to the fact that I don't share the implicit monotheist underpinnings of the discipline. That translates into my perhaps unorthodox teaching style, unorthodox within American academia anyway. Teaching all too often tends to be less about understanding the world and more about proselytizing. In order to try to explore this understanding I like to bring my students to consider the world that has existed, to imagine that sovereignty and politics can be structured differently, especially outside of monotheism with its likening of the sovereign to god, the hierarchy modeled on the church, Saint Peter, Jesus, God, uniformity and the power of life (to kill or let live), and to understand that there have always been places where the sovereign was not in fact that revered. Think of India, for example, where people have multiple gods, and some are mischievous, some are promiscuous, some are happy and some are mean, so there are lots of conceptions and some of these don't translate well into different cultural contexts. The same, incidentally, goes for the Greek gods. Of course, we had to make the Greeks Christians first, before we drew our lineage to them. You see what I mean? Christianity left a very deep impact on Western traditions. Whether you think of political parties and a parallel to the Catholic orders: if you are a Jesuit, the Jesuits are always right; if you are a Franciscan, the Franciscans are always right. The Franciscans for instance think they have the monopoly on Christian social teaching. In a similar way, it doesn't matter what your political party does, you follow whatever your party says. The same thing happens when you study: are you a realist, are you liberalist, etc. You are replicating the Jesuits, the Franciscans, those monks and their orders. But we are all caught within that logic, of tying ourselves into one school of thought and going along with one "truth" over another, instead of permitting multiple takes on reality..
For me, as a non-monotheist myself, everything revolves around this question of truth: whether truth is given or has to be found and how we find it. Truth has to be found, discovered, revealed—we have to continuously search. The significant point is that we never find it absolutely. Truth is always provisional, circumstantial, and pertinent to a context or situation. We all want truth and it is always evading us, but we must look for it. But I don't think that truth is given. It is in the Bible, the Quran, and the Torah. And I am comfortable with that but I am not in the realm of theology. I dwell on human truths and humans are imperfect and not omniscient, at least not so individually.
If I had the truth, then I might be one of those dictators governing in Africa today. I was raised a Catholic by the way, I almost went to the seminary. If you just think through the story of the Revelation in profane terms, you come to the realization that ours are multiple revelations. Again in theology, one truth is given at a time—the Temple Mount, the Tablets, and all that stuff—but that is not in our province. I leave that to a different province and that is unattainable to me. The kind of revelation I want is the one that goes through observing, through looking, through deliberating, through inquiry—that I am comfortable with. There can be a revelation in terms of meeting the unexpected, for example: when I went to the New World, to Latin America for the first time, I said, 'wow, this is interesting'. That was through my own senses, but it had a lot to do with the way I prepared myself in order to receive the world and to interact with the world. That kind of revelation I believe in. The other one is beyond me and I'm not interested in that. When I want to be very blasphemous, even though I was raised a Catholic, I tell my students: the problem with the Temple Mount is that God did not have a Twitter account, so the rest of us didn't hear it—we were not informed. I don't have the truth, and I don't really don't want to have it.
What would a student need to become a specialist in IR or understand the world in a global way?
I am not sure I want to make a canonical recommendation, if that's what you are asking me for. Let me tell you this: I have trained about eleven PhD students, and none of them has ever done what I do. I am not interested in having clones, I don't want to recreate theology, and in fact I feel this question to betray a very Western disposition, by implying the need to create canons and theology. I don't want that. What I want is to understand the world, and understanding can be done in multiple ways: people do it through music, through art, through multiple things. The problem for me, however, is actually the elements, assumptions, predicates of studies and languages that we use in IR, the question to whom they make sense—I am talking about the types of ethnographies, the ways in which we talk about diplomatic history, and all of those things. The graduate courses that I was talking about have multiple dimensions, but there are times in my seminars here where I just take a look at events like what happened in the New World from 1492 to 1600. This allows me to talk about human encounters. The ones we have recorded, of people who are mutually unintelligible, are the ones that took place on this continent, the so-called New World. And what this does is that it allows me to talk about encounters, to talk about all of the possibilities—you know the ones most people talk about in cultural studies like creolization, hybridization, and all those things—and all of the others things that happened also which are not so helpful, such as violence, usurpation, and so forth.
What that allows me to do is to cut through all this nonsense—yes I am going to call it nonsense—that projects the image that what we do today goes back to Thucydides and has been handed down to us through history to today. There are many strands of thought like that. If you think about thought, and Western thought in general, all of those historically rooted and contingent strands of thought have something to do with how we construct social scientific fields of analysis today—realism, liberalism, etc.—so I'm not dispensing with that. What I'm saying is that history itself has very little to do with those strands of thought, and that people who came here—obviously you had scientists who came to the New World—but the policies on the ground had nothing to do with Thucydides, nothing to do with Machiavelli, etc. Their practices actually had more to do with the violence that propelled those Europeans from their own countries in seeking refuge, and how that violence shaped them, the kind of attachments they had. But it also had to do with the kind of cultural disposition here, and the manner in which people were able to cope, or not. Because that's where we are today in the post-Cold War era, the age of globalization, we must provide analyses that are germane to how the constituents (or constitutive elements) of the historically constituted 'international' are coping with our collective inheritance. For me, this approach is actually much more instructive. This has nothing to do with the Melian Dialogue and the like.
All of the stuff projected today as canonical is interesting to me but only in limited ways. I actually read the classics and have had my students read them, but try to get my students to read them as a resource for understanding where we are today and how we were led there, rather than as a resource for justifying or legitimating the manner in which European conducted their 'foreign' policies or their actions in the New World. No. I know enough to know that no action in the New World or elsewhere was pre-ordained, unavoidable, or inevitable. The resulting political entities in the West must assume the manners in which they acted. It is history, literally. And of course we know through Voltaire, we know through Montaigne, we know even through Roger Bacon, that even in those times people realized that in fact the world had not been made and hence had not been before as it would become later; that other ways were (and still) are possible; and that the pathologies of the violence of religious and civil wars in Europe conditioned some the behaviours displayed in the New World and Africa during conquest and enslavement.
For the same reason I recommend students to read Kant: I tell them to read Kant as a resource for understanding how we might think about the world today, but I am compelled to say often to my students that before Kant, hospitality, and such cultural intermediaries as theDragomans in the Ottoman Empire, the Wangara in West Africa, the Chinese Diaspora in East and Southeast Asia, and so forth, enabled commerce across continents for centuries before Europe was included into the existing trading networks. This is not to dismiss Kant, it is simply to force students to put Kant in conversation with a different trajectory of the development of commercial societies, cross-regional networks, and the movements to envisage laws, rules, and ethics to enable communications among populations and individual groups.
This approach causes many people to ask whether the IR programme at Johns Hopkins really concerns IR theory or something else. I actually often get those kinds of questions, and they are wedded to particular conceptions of IR. I am never able to give a fixed and quick answer but I often illustrate points that I wish to make. Consider how scholars and policymakers relate the question of sovereignty to Africa. Many see African sovereignty as problem, either because they think it is abused or stands in the way of humanitarian or development actions by supposed well-meaning Westerners. I attempt to have my students think twice when sovereignty is evoked in that way: 'sovereignty is a problem; the extents to which sovereignty is a problem in Africa; and why sovereignty is unproblematic in Europe or America'. This questioning and bracketing is not simply a 'postmodernist' evasion of the question.
Rather, I invite my students to reconsider the issue: if sovereignty is your problem, how do you think about the problem? For me, this is a much more interesting question; not what the problem is. For instance, if you start basing everything around a certain mythology of the Westphalia model, particularly when you begin to see everything as either conforming to it (the good) or deviating from it (the bad), then you have lost me. Because before Westphalia there were actually many ways in which sovereigns understood themselves, and therefore organized their realms, and how sovereignty was experienced and appreciated by its subjects. Westphalia is a crucial moment in Europe in these regards—I grant you that. If you want to say what is wrong with Westphalia, that's fine too. But if Westphalia is your starting point, the discussion is unlikely to be productive to me. Seriously!
In your work on political identity in Africa, such as your contribution to the 2012 volume edited by Arlene Tickner and David Blaney, the terms periphery, margin, lack of historicity recur frequently. What regional or perhaps even global representational protagonism can you envisage for IR studies emerging from Africa and its spokespeople?
The subjects of 'periphery' and 'marginalization' come into my own thinking from multiple directions. One of them has to do with the African state and the kind of subsidiarity it has assumed from the colonization onward. That's a critique of the state of affairs and a commentary on how Africa is organized and is governed. But I do also use it sometimes as a direct challenge to people who think they know the world. And my second book, Beyond Eurocentrism and Anarchy (2006), was actually about that, and that book was triggered by an account of an event in Africa, that everybody in African Studies has repeated and still continues to repeat, which is this: in June 1960, Africans went to defend France, because France asked them to. This is to say that nobody could imagine that Africans—and I am being careful here in terms of how people describe Africans—understood that they had a stake in the 'world' under assault during World War II. And so the book actually begins with a simple question: in 1940, which France would have asked Africans to defend it: Vichy France which was under German control, or the Germans who occupied half of France? But the decision to defend France actually came partly from a discussion between French colonial officers in Chad and African veterans of World War I, who decided that the world had to be restructured for Africa to find its place in it. They didn't do it for France, because it's a colonial power, they did it for the world. That's the thing. And Pétain, to his credit, is the only French official who asked the pertinent question about that, in a letter to his minister of justice (which is an irony, because justice under Pétain was a different question) he said: 'I am puzzled, that in 1918 when we were victorious, Africans rebelled; in 1940, we are defeated, and they come to our aid. Could you explain that to me?' The titular head of Vichy had the decency to ask that. By contrast, every scholar of Africa just repeated, 'Oh, the French asked Africans to go fight, and the Africans showed up'.
Our inability to understand that Africa actually sees itself as a part of the world, as a manager of the world, has so escaped us today that in the case of Libya for instance, when people were debating, you saw in every single newspaper in the world, including my beloved Guardian, that the African Union decided this, but the International Community decided that, as if Africans had surrendered their position in the international society to somebody: to the International Community. People actually said that! The AU, for all its 'wretchedness', after all represents about a quarter of the member states of the UN. And yet it was said the AU decided this and the International Community decided that. The implication is that the International Community is still the West plus Japan and maybe somebody else, and in this case it was Qatar and Saudi Arabia: "good citizens of the world", very "good democracies" etc. That's how deeply-set that is, that people don't even check themselves. Every time they talk they chuck Africa out of the World. Nobody says, America did this and the International Community decided that. All I am saying is that our mindscapes are so deeply structured that nothing about Africa can be studied on its own, can be studied as something that has universal consequence, as something that has universal value, as something that might be universalizing—that institutions in Africa might actually have some good use to think about anything. Otherwise, people would have asked them how did colonial populations—people who were colonized—overcome colonial attempts to strip them of their humanity and extend an act of humanity, of human solidarity, to go fight to defend them? And what was that about? Even many Africans fail to ask that question today!
And it could be argued that this thinking is, to some degree, down to widespread ignorance about Africa. We all are guilty of this. And oddly, especially intellectuals are guilty of this, and worse. Let me give you an example: recently I was in Tübingen in Germany, and I went into a store to buy some shoes—a very fine store, wonderful people—and I can tell you I ended up having a much more rewarding conversation with the people working in the shoe shop than I had at Tübingen University. Because there was a real curiosity. You would like to think that it is not so unusual in this day and age that a person from Guinea teaches in America, but you cannot blame them for being curious and asking many questions. At the university, in contrast, they actually are making claims, and for me that is no longer ignorance, that is hubris.
Your work presents an original take on the role of language in International Relations. How is language tied up with IR theory?
The language problem has many, many layers. The first of these is, simply, the issue of translation. If I were, for instance, to talk to someone in my father's language about Great Power Responsibility, they would look totally lost. Because in Guinea we have been what white people call stateless or acephalous societies, the notion that one power should have responsibility for another is a very difficult concept to translate, because you are running up against imaginaries of power, of authority, etc. that simply don't exist. So when you talk about such social scientific categories to those people, you have to be aware of all the colonial era enlightenment inheritances in them. When we talk about International Relations in Africa, we thus bump into a whole set of problems: the primary problem of translating ideas from here into those languages; another in capturing what kind of institutions exist in those languages; and a third issue has to do with how you translate across those languages. Consider for instance the difference between Loma stateless societies in the rain forest in Guinea, and Malinke who are very hierarchical, especially since SundiataKeita came to power in the 13th century. But the one problem most people don't talk about is the very one that is obsessing me now, is the question how I, as an African, am able to communicate with you through Kant, without you assuming that I am a bad reader of Kant.
The difference that I am trying to make here is actually what in linguistics is called vehicular language which is distinct from vernacular language. Because a lot of you assume that vehicular language is vernacular—that there is Latin and the rest is vernacular; that there is a proper reading of Kant and everything else is vernacular; or you have cosmopolitan and perhaps afropolitan and everything else is the vernacular of it. But this is not in fact always the case. The most difficult thing for linguists to understand, and for people in the social sciences to understand, is that Kant, Hegel and other thinkers can avail themselves as resources that one uses to try to convey imaginaries that are not always available to others—or to Kant himself for that matter. And it is not analogical—it is not 'this is the African Machiavelli'. It is easy to talk about power using Machiavelli, but to smuggle into Machiavelli different kind of imaginaries is more difficult. Nonetheless, I use Machiavelli because there is no other language available to me to convey that to you, because you don't speak my father's language.
Moreover, there is a danger for instance when I speak with my students that they may hear Machiavelli even when I am not speaking of him, and I warn them to be very careful. Machiavelli is a way to bring in a different stream of understanding of Realpolitik, but it's not entirely Machiavelli. If you spoke my father's language, I would tell you in my father's language, but that is not available to me here, so Machiavelli is a vehicle to talk about something else. Sometimes people might say to me 'what you are saying sounds to me like Kant but it's not really Kant' then I remind them that before Kant there were actually a lot of people who talked about the sublime, the moral, the categorical imperative, etc. in different languages; and if you are patient with me then we will get to the point when Kant belongs to a genealogy of people who talked about certain problems differently, and in that context Kant is no longer a European: I place Kant in the context of people who talk about politics, morality, etc. differently and I want to offer you a bunch of resources and please, please don't package me, because you don't own the interpretation of Kant, because even in your own context in Europe today Kant is not your contemporary, so you are making a lot of translations and I am making a lot of translations to get to something else: it is not that I am not a bad reader.
At an ISA conference I once was attacked by a senior colleague in IR for being a bad reader of Hegel, and I had to explain to him that while my using Hegel might be an act of imposition, and a result of having been colonized and given Hegel, but at this particular moment he should consider my gesture as an act of generosity, in the sense that I was reading Hegel generously to find resources that would allow him to understand things that he had no idea exist out there, and Hegel is the only tool available to me at this moment. But because all of you believe in one theology or another, he insisted that if I spoke Hegelian then I was Hegelian, and I retorted that I was not, but that deploying Hegel was merely an instance of vehicular language, allowing me to explore certain predicates, certain precepts and assumptions, and that is all. In this way, I can use Kant, or Hegel, or Hobbes, or Locke, and my problem when I do this is not with those thinkers—I can ignore the limitations of their thinking which was conditioned by the realities of their time—my problem is with those people who think they own traditions originating from long dead European thinkers. Thus, my problem today is less with Kant than with Kantians.
Or take Hobbes: Hobbes talked about the body in the way that it was understood in his time, and about human faculties in the way that they were understood at that time. Anybody who quotes Hobbes today about the faculties of human nature, I have to ask: when was the last time you read biology? I am not saying that Hobbes wasn't a very smart man; he was an erudite, and I am not joking. It is not his problem that people are still trivializing human faculties and finding issue with his view of how the body works—of course he was wrong on permeability, on cohabitation, on what organs live in us, etc.—he was giving his account of politics through metaphors and analogies that he understood at that time. When I think about it this way, my problem is not that Hobbes didn't have a modern understanding of the body, the distribution of the faculties and the extent of human capacities. Nor is my problem that Hobbes is Western. My problem is not with Hobbes himself. My problem is with all these realists who based their understanding of sovereignty or borders strictly on Hobbes' illustrations but have not opened a current book on the body that speaks of the faculties. If they did, even their own analogies may begin to resonate differently. There is new research coming out all the time on how we can understand the body, and this should have repercussions on how we read Hobbes today.
The absence of contextualization and historicization has proved a great liability for IR. Historicity allows one to receive Hobbes and all those other writers without indulging in mindless simplicities. It helps get away from simplistic divisions of the world—for instance, the West here and Africa there—from the assumptions that when I speak about postcolonialism in Africa I must be anti-Western. I am in fact growing very tired of those kinds of categories. As a parenthesis, I must ask if some of those guys in IR who speak so univocally and unidirectionally to others are even capable of opening themselves up to hearing other voices. I must also reveal that Adlai Stevenson, not some postcolonialist, alerted me to the problem of univocality when he stated in 1954 during one UN forum that 'Everybody needed aid, the West surely needs a hearing aid'. Hearing is indeed the one faculty that the West is most in need of cultivating. The same, incidentally, could be said of China nowadays.
One of the things I would like to deny Western canonist is their inclination to think of the likes of Diderot as Westerners. In his Supplément au Voyage a Bougainville (1772), Diderot presents a dialogue between himself and Orou, a native Tahitian. Voltaire wrote dialogues, some real, some imaginary, about and with China. The authors' people were reflecting on the world. It is hubris and an act of usurpation in the West today to want to lay claim to everything that is perceived to be good for the West. By the same token that which is bad must come from somewhere else. This act of usurpation has led to the appropriation—or rather internal colonization—of Diderot and Voltaire and like-minded philosophers and publicists who very much engaged the world beyond their locales. I have quarrels with this act of colonization, of the incipit parochialization of authors who ought not to be. I have quarrels with Voltaire's characterization of non-Europeans at times; but I have a greater quarrel with how he has been colonized today as distinctly European. Voltaire rejected European orthodoxies of his day and opted explicitly to enter into dialogue with Chinese and Africans as he understood them. Diderot, too, was often in dialogue with Tahitians and other non-Europeans. In fact, the relationship between Diderot and the Tahitian was exactly the same as the relationship between Socrates and Plato, in that you have an older person talking and a younger person and less wise person listening. A lot of Western philosophy and political theory was actually generated—at least in the modern period—after contact with the non-West. So how that is Western I don't know. I encounter the same problem when I am in Africa where I am accused of being Western just because I make the same literary references. It is a paradox today that even literature is assigned an identity for the purpose of hegemony and/or exclusion. Francis Galton (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francis_Galton) travelled widely and wrote dialogues from this expedition in Africa, so how can we say to what extent the substance of such dialogues was Western or British?
So in sum you are not trying to counter Western thought, but do you feel that the African political experience and your own perspective can bring something new to IR studies?
I am going to try and express something very carefully here, because the theory of the state in Africa brought about untold horrors—in Sierra Leone, in Liberia, and so on—so I am not saying this lightly. But I have said to many people, Africans and non-Africans, that I am glad that the postcolonial African state failed, and I wish many more of them failed, and I'm sure a lot more will fail, because they correspond to nothing on the ground. The idea of constitutions and constitutionalism came with making arrangements with a lot of social elements that were generated by certain entities that aspired to go in certain directions. What happened in Africa is that somebody came and said: 'this worked there, it should work here'—and it doesn't. I'll give you three short stories to illustrate this.
One of the presidents of postcolonial Guinea, the one I despise the most, Lansana Conté (in office 1984-2008), also gave me one of my inspirational moments. Students rebelled against him and destroyed everything in town and so he went on national TV that day and said: 'You know I'm very disheartened. I am disheartened about children who have become Europeans.' Obviously the blame would be on Europe. He continued, 'They are rude, they don't respect people or property. I understand that they may have quarrels with me, but I also understand that we are Africans. And though we may no longer live in the village', and it is important for me that he said that, 'though we may no longer live in the village, when we move in the big city, the council of elders is what parliament does for us now. We don't have the council of elders, instead we have parliament. They, the students, can go to parliament and complain about their father. I am their father, my children are older than all of them. So in the village, they would have gone to the council of elders, and they could have done this and I would have given them my explanation'. And the next morning, the whole country turned against the students, because what he had succeeded in doing was to touch and move people. They went to the head of the student government, who said: 'The president was right. We had failed to understand that our ways cannot be European ways, and we can think about our modern institutions as iterations of what we had in the past, suited to our circumstances, and so we should not do politics in the same way. I agree with him, and in that spirit I want to say that among the Koranko ethnic group, fathers let their children eat meat first, because they have growing needs, and if the father doesn't take care of his children, then they take the children away from the father and give them to the uncle. Our problem at the university is that our stipends are not being paid, and father has all his mansions in France, in Spain, and elsewhere, so we want the uncle.' He was in effect asking for political transition: he was saying they were now going to the council of elders, the parliament, and demand the uncle, for father no longer merits being the father. He was able to articulate political transition and rotation in that language. It was a very clever move.
The second one was my mother who was completely unsympathetic to me when I came home one day and was upset that one of my friends who was a journalist had been arrested. She said, 'if you wish you can go back to your town but don't come here and bother me and be grumpy'. So I started an exchange with her and explained to her why it is important that we have journalists and why they should be free, until our discussion turned to the subject of speaking truth to power. At that moment she said, 'now you are talking sense' and she started to tell me how the griot functioned in West Africa for the past eight hundred years, and why truth to power is part of our institutional heritage. But that truth is not a personal truth, for there is an organic connection between reporter and the community, there is a group in which they collect information, communicate and criticize, and we began to talk about that. And since then I have stopped teaching Jefferson in my constitutional classes in Africa, as a way of talking about the free press, instead I talk about speaking truth to power. But it allows me not only to talk about the necessity of speaking truth to power, but also to criticize the organization of the media, which is so individualised, so oriented toward the people who give the money: think of the National Democratic Institute in Washington, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Germany, they have no organic connection to the people. And my mother told me, 'as long as it's a battle between those who have the guns and those who have the pen, then nobody is speaking to my problems, then I have no dog in that fight'. And journalists really make a big mistake by not updating their trade and redressing it. Because speaking truth to power is not absent in our tradition, we have had it for eight hundred years, six centuries before Jefferson, but we don't think about it that way. I have to remind my friends in Guinea: 'you are vulnerable precisely because you have not understood what the profession of journalism might look like in this community, to make your message more relevant and effective'. You see the smart young guys tweeting away and how they have been replaced by the Muslim Brotherhood, because we have not made the message relevant to the community. We are communicating on media and in idioms that have no real bearing on people's lives, so we are easily dismissed. That is in fact the tragedy of what happened in Tunisia: the smart, young protesters have so easily been brushed aside for this reason.
The third story is about how we had a constitutional debate in Guinea before multipartism, and people were talking about the separation of powers. And I went to the university to talk to a group of people and I put it to them: why do you waste your time studying the American Constitution and the separation of powers in America? I grant you, it is a wonderful experiment and it has lasted two hundred years, but that would not lead you anywhere with these people. The theocratic Futa Jallon in Guinea (in the 18th and 19th centuries) had one of the most advanced systems of separation of powers: the king was in Labé, the constitution was in Dalaba, the people who interpreted the constitution were in yet another city, the army was based in Tougué. It was the most decentralised organization of government you can imagine, and all predicated on the idea that none of the nine diwés, or provinces, should actually have the monopoly of power. So those that kept the constitution were not allowed to interpret it, because the readers were somewhere else. But to make sure that what they were reading was the right document, they gave it to a different province. So the separation of powers is not new to us.
In sum, the West is a wonderful political experiment, and it has worked for them. We can actualize some of what they have instituted, but we have sources here that are more suited to the circumstances of the people in that region, without undermining the modern ideas of democratic self-governance, without undermining the idea of a republic. Without dispensing with all of those, we must not be tempted to imagine constitution in the same way, to imagine separation of powers in the same way, even to imagine and practice journalism in the same way, in this very different environment. It is going to fail. That is my third story.
Siba N. Grovogui has been teaching at Johns Hopkins University after holding the DuBois-Mandela postdoctoral fellowship of the University of Michigan-Ann Arbor in 1989-90 and teaching at Eastern Michigan University from 1993 to 1995. He is currently professor of international relations theory and law at The Johns Hopkins University. He is the author of Sovereigns, Quasi-Sovereigns, and Africans: Race and Self-determination in International Law (University of Minnesota Press, 1996) and Beyond Eurocentrism and Anarchy: Memories of International Institutions and Order (Palgrave, April 2006). He has recently completed a ten-year long study partly funded by the National Science Foundation of the rule of law in Chad as enacted under the Chad Oil and Pipeline Project.
Related links
Faculty Profile at Johns Hopkins University Read Grovogui's Postcolonial Criticism: International Reality and Modes of Inquiry (2002 book chapter) here (pdf) Read Grovogui's The Secret Lives of Sovereignty (2009 book chapter) here (pdf) Read Grovogui's Counterpoints and the Imaginaries Behind Them: Thinking Beyond North American and European Traditions (2009 contribution to International Political Sociology) here (pdf) Read Grovogui's Postcolonialism (2010 book chapter) here (pdf) Read Grovogui's Sovereignty in Africa: Quasi-statehood and Other Myths (2001 book chapter in a volume edited by Tim Shaw and Kevin Dunn) here (pdf)
