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The thoughts and actions of religious radicalism in Indonesia are increasingly massive and hard to prevent. The existence of this group is neatly organized with the large followers, especially among young people. Their understanding of Islam is very textual-atomistic. Theirslogan conveys the enforcement of the caliphate or the law of Allah in the totality of human life both in society and a state. The presence of this group greatly threatens the existence of ukhuwah Islamiyah and ukhuwainsaniyah. The struggle against the threat in Indonesia requires a coherent and comprehensive strategy. The better religious understanding of current religious change and thecontinuous support from all parties; in terms of religious tolerance should be encouraged to stem the songs of hard-line Islamic groups. The government must seriously increase preaching by preachers, especially those published on YouTube, and well-known writings on various sites. In addition, the government must make serious efforts continuously; to support the interfaith dialogue and increase the public awareness about the dangers of radicalism in social and state life.

Drawing on Walter Benjamin's version of historical materialism and with reference to the concept of despecularization from psychoanalytic film theory, this article looks at the historical and cultural significance of Pyer Moss's Spring/Summer 2015 fashion show, where Kerby Jean-Raymond, the artist and designer behind the label, used the runway to bring attention to state-enforced violence against Black men and women.

Book reviewed in this article:Mazur, A. G. (2002). Theorizing Feminist Policy.Mazur, A. G. (Ed.) (2001). State Feminism, Women's Movements and Job Training: Making Democracies Work in a Global Economy.Stetson, D. M. (Ed.) (2001). Abortion Politics, Women's Movements and the Democratic State: A Comparative Study of State Feminism.Weldon, S. L. (2002). Protest, Policy and the Problem of Violence Against Women: A Cross‐National Comparison

Contents: Emergency continues to grip Aceh -- Rights violations continue unabated -- Maluku is now a closed territory -- Problems mount in West Papua -- Unexplained killings in Merauke -- Is a zone of peace possible in West Papua? -- Violence against women -- Indonesian justice in serious trouble -- Will these generals ever be brought to trial? -- Appeal to support former tapols -- New revelations about 1999 mayhem in Timor -- Book review: Bitter dawn by Irene Cristalis

National and international perspectives; 8 articles. Partial contents: Violence against women as a violation of human rights, by Jane Roberts Chapman; Murdered mothers, missing wives: reconsidering female victimization, by Drew Humphries and Susan Caringella-MacDonald; Community of women organize themselves to cope with the AIDS crisis: a case study from Bedford Hills Correctional Facility, by Judy Clark and Kathy Boudin.

¿Qué puede hacer la sociedad civil frente a la explosión de violencia que caracteriza a México en los últimos años? Este artículo aborda esta cuestión primero a nivel teórico y conceptual, y luego a nivel empírico. La sociedad civil empezó una movilización ciudadana cuyo objetivo residiera en visibilizar a las víctimas de la llamada "guerra contra el narcotráfico" y encontrar justicia para las personas fallecidas. En la primera parte, el texto presenta las perspectivas teóricas de Mary Kaldor y de Michel Wieviorka como base conceptual para un cuestionamiento de las políticas de militarización, incorporando la noción de "seguridad humana" como opción para creación de políticas alternativas. En la segunda parte, se analiza el Movimiento por la Paz con Justicia y Dignidad en México y una campaña de hackers informáticos, Anonymous, enfatizando las dimensiones expresivas y culturales de estos movimientos en los cuales la subjetividad y la creatividad de los participantes tienen un papel central. ; What can civil society do against the explosion of violence that has characterized Mexico in recent years? This article first addresses this issue theoretically and conceptually, and then empirically. It begins with questions of militarization policies and a presentation of Mary Kaldor's and Michel Wieviorka's theoretical frameworks. That is to say, we begin by taking seriously the concept of "human security" as a path to alternative policy-making. We then analyze the "Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity" in Mexico, alongside an "Anonymous" hackers' campaign, emphasizing the centrality of the expressive and cultural dimensions of these movements, where participants' subjectivity and creativity play a central role.

1. Introduction to Feminist Vigilance -- 2. The Informatics of Domination and the Necessity for Feminist Vigilance toward Digital Technology -- 3. Paradoxes of State Feminism in the Postcolony: An Appeal for Feminist Vigilance -- 4. "Watch Night" for Black Women: Reflecting on Vigilance and Repurposing Strength for Self-Care and Survival -- 5. Catholic Women Religious: Discerning Faith-based Vigilance -- 6. Watching with Feminist Vigilance: Media Genres of Male Partner Violence Against Women -- 7. Black Women, Black Panther, and Black Feminist Anticipatory Vigilance -- 8. Vigilance in/as Feminist Research -- 9. Essentialism, Empathy, and Economics in Silicon Valley: A Feminist-Vigilant Critical Discourse Analysis -- 10. Lessons for Feminist Vigilance Against Gun Violence. .

In the US diasporic context, Kamat and Matthews (2003) have traced how Hindu nationalists draw on multiculturalist discourse for their presence while simultaneously funding cultural and political projects in India that incite hate and conduct violence against Muslim and Christian communities.In the Australian context, Hindu nationalist organisations have legitimised and consolidate themselves through the rhetoric of liberal multiculturalism. Such strategies which draw on state rhetoric of multiculturalism while simultaneously engaging in hate campaigns against Muslim and Christian others demonstrates Hindutva's ability to operate through a transnational necropolitics. This paper explores how a state biopolitics of multiculturalism enables the violence of Hindutva's necropolitics in the transnational routes between Australia and India.

In a report released on September 16, 1993, Amnesty International came up with an apt description of the current human rights situation in Zaire as consisting of "violence against democracy." In a violent backlash against the democratization process, the regime of President Mobutu Sese Seko has plunged the country into "its worst human rights crisis since the end of the civil war in the early 1960s." More than 5,000 people have been killed and more than 100,000 displaced in ethnic cleansing in the Shaba and North Kivu provinces. Moreover, repeated looting, extortion, and other acts of violence by Mobutu's army have endangered the lives of millions of people all over the country, particularly in the major cities.

THE ARTICLE EXAMINES IMPORTANT ISSUES THAT SURROUND THE EARLY STAGES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. IT OUTLINES THE CONCEPT OF "HUMAN RIGHTS" AND THE FAMOUS "DECLARATION OF THE RIGHTS OF MAN AND CITIZEN." IT CONCLUDES THAT THE ELASTIC NATURE OF WORDS, ESPECIALLY IN THE CASE OF ALREADY VAGUE TERMS SUCH A HUMAN RIGHTS, ALLOWED THE LEADERS OF THE REVOLUTION TO APPEAL TO THE AUTHORITY OF "THE PEOPLE" TO JUSTIFY VIOLENCE AGAINST THE POPULATION.

The Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA) reforms correctional institutions via administrative mechanisms and represents a major shift in both correctional policy and workplace practice. Using qualitative data within six prisons in one U.S. state, finding suggest that staff view PREA as an administrative, safety, and cultural burden, which creates a misalignment of institutional logics. Rather than seeing themselves as central to eliminating prison sexual misconduct/violence, staff see PREA as interfering with their "real" custody/control work. This misalignment has major implications for the productive implementation and use of PREA and the broader shift to administrative rather than legal processes for institutional reform.