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Gerardo L. Munck. University of Southern California (USC)@GerardoMunckSocial scientists have not discovered laws similar to those in the physical sciences. But they undersell what their disciplines have accomplished. That is why I like Josep Colomer's claim that 30 important propositions in political science should be treated as "things we know."  Nov 25, 2022252. Retweets.       16. Quote Tweets.      1,043. LikesTo convey a sense of Colomer's claim, I copy verbatim the 30 propositions. Sources: Josep Colomer, The Science of Politics: An Introduction (2011), Oxford University Press, pp. xxi -xxv.  - https://www.researchgate.net/publication/259760896_The_Science_of_Politics_An_IntroductionCiencia de la politica (2010, 2017), Editorial Ariel.  - https://www.amazon.com/-/es/Josep-Maria-Colomer/dp/8434425289?asin=B06WD4Z1N7&revisionId=d87f6ef8&format=1&depth=1·1.PUBLIC GOODS. In contrast to private goods, public goods are indivisible & cannot be satisfactorily provided by the market or other private initiatives. The provision of public goods requires cooperation or coercion, whether by means of collective action or effective government2. GOVERNMENT SIZE. The demand for public goods and the relative levels of public expenditure by governments tend to increase with economic prosperity, institutional stability, and democracy.3. COLLECTIVE ACTION. Members of small, concentrated, and homogeneous communities or interest groups have more incentives to cooperate and participate in collective action than members of large, dispersed, and heterogeneous groups. /13. COLLECTIVE ACTION. In the public arena, small groups tend to have relatively more access to public resources at the expense of large groups. /24. VOICE VERSUS EXIT. Collective action for the advancement of collective interests, or "voice," weakens and may fail if the rival action of "exit," in search for an alternative provider, is less costly and more likely to give access to public goods.5. PRISONER'S DILEMMA. The "Prisoner's Dilemma," which is the most famous model in game theory, can represent the basic structure of collective action problems for the provision of public goods. /15. PRISONER'S DILEMMA. In this game, each actor has incentives not to cooperate, which may lead to an inefficient outcome in which all the participants are worse off than if all cooperated. /26. SUSTAINED COOPERATION. In interactions of the Prisoner's Dilemma type, sustained cooperation can emerge if actors apply the strategy of cooperating and doing unto others as they do unto yourself—also called "Tit for Tat." /16. SUSTAINED COOPERATION. Mutual cooperation is more likely the greater the uncertainty as to the length of the collective relationship and the higher the number of interactions you may be involved in. /27. LEADERSHIP. Collective action of communities and interest groups can develop thanks to leadership. Leaders distribute the costs of action among group members to provide public and private goods, /17. LEADERSHIP. while, in exchange, followers give the leaders votes or support and allow them to enjoy the benefits of power, fame, income, and a political career. /28. SMALL IS DEMOCRATIC. Small communities, which tend to be relatively harmonious in economic and ethnic terms, are comparatively advantageous for soft, democratic forms of government. /18. SMALL IS DEMOCRATIC. In recent times, small independent countries and self-governed communities have proliferated, thus making the average country size decrease. /29. MULTILEVEL GOVERNANCE. Multiple levels of government, including local, state, and global, are necessary for an efficient provision of public goods at diverse territorial scales.10. FEDERATION NEEDS MANY UNITS. Local democratic self-government and large-scale provision of public goods can be compatible by means of federalism. Many-unit federations, in which no unit is sufficiently large to dominate, tend to survive and endure. /110. FEDERATION NEEDS MANY UNITS. In contrast, two-unit-only federations tend to fail, leading to either absorption of the smaller unit by the larger one or secession of the small, likely dominated unit. /211. DICTATORSHIPS FAIL AND FALL. Dictatorships have self-appointed rulers holding on to power by coercive and violent means. They can survive on the basis of repression and their "substantive" performance, whether economic or other. /111. DICTATORSHIPS FAIL AND FALL. But they also tend to fall as a consequence of their failures, including military defeats, economic crises, or the dictator's death. /212. DEVELOPMENT FAVORS DEMOCRACY. Democracy is based on freedom and regular elections of rulers. Economic development favors the viability of democratic regimes because it tends to reduce income and social polarization and lower the intensity of redistributive conflicts.13. DEMOCRACY FAVORS DEVELOPMENT. Democracy can favor economic development because it is strongly associated with the rule of law and is more competent in the provision of public goods.14. DEMOCRATIC PEACE. Democratic states are less likely to fight one another and engage in wars than dictatorships.15. PARTY OLIGARCHY. Political parties are organizations that present policy proposals and compete for political power. A political organization tends to become an "oligarchy," ie, it tends to be dominated by political leaders or professional politicians seeking votes & offices.16. EXTREME ACTIVISTS. Voluntary political activists hold more "extreme" policy or ideological positions than party voters and even party leadership.17.MEDIAN VOTER. In elections in which only 2 major parties compete, they may have incentives to approach each other and converge in their policy positions. Once they converge around the median voter's preference, neither party has electoral incentives to move away from the other party18. INCUMBENT ADVANTAGE. Electoral competition is asymmetric between the government and the opposition. The incumbent party in government can gain advantage in electoral competition by providing or hiding information on its record to obtain credibility.19. ISSUE OWNERSHIP. In spite of parties' convergence in their policy positions on some issues, a party can keep advantage and "own" an issue if its past record in government has given it credit for policy making on that issue.20. NON-DEBATE CAMPAIGNS. In electoral campaigns, rival parties and candidates tend to choose or emphasize different policy issues according to different issue ownership and the parties' or candidates' expected relative advantage.21. POLICY CONSENSUS. In the long term, broad policy consensus can be accumulated on an increasing number of issues. But in the short term, mediocre policies and incumbent parties with no good performance in government may survive for lack of a sufficiently popular alternative.22. CONSENSUAL PLURALISM. There is an inverse correlation between the number of political parties in a system and the degree of party polarization in electoral competition. /122. CONSENSUAL PLURALISM. High fragmentation of the party system is associated with a high number of issues on the policy agenda, which generates low polarization of political competition and more opportunities for consensus. /2123. MAJORITY BIPARTISM. Presidential and other one-office elections by plurality rule tend to be associated with single-party dominance or a balance between two parties.24. MORE SEATS, MORE PARTIES. In assembly and parliamentary elections, large size of the assembly and a high number of seats in each district and proportional representation are associated with a high number of political parties.25. MICRO-MEGA RULE. When choosing electoral rules, large parties prefer small assemblies and small districts by plurality rule, while small parties prefer large assemblies and large districts with proportional representation.26. SMALL ASSEMBLIES, LARGE DISTRICTS. The development of multiple parties favors the adoption of large multi-seat districts with proportional representation rules. In the long term, proportional representation rules have been increasingly adopted. /126. SMALL ASSEMBLIES, LARGE DISTRICTS. But in very large countries, a large federal assembly can be elected with different electoral rules, including small single-seat districts. /227.INSTITUTIONAL "DEADLOCK." Single-party government promotes a high concentration of power, which may foster effectiveness in decision-making. In contrast, separate elections for different offices & divisions of power may produce divided government, "deadlock," & policy stability.28.MINIMUMCOALITIONS.Parties in parliament tend to form minimum-size winning coalitions & prefer partners located in contiguous policy & ideology positions. The distribution of cabinet portfolios among coalition parties tends to be proportional to the N of seats controlled by each party.29. CABINET DURATION. Single-party majority cabinets tend to last longer than multiparty coalition or minority cabinets.30. TWO-PARTY STALEMATE. In a system with separation of powers between the presidency and the congress, policy change is relatively more viable if there are multiple parties or individual members of congress are not strongly tied to party votes.30. TWO-PARTY STALEMATE. In contrast, a two-party system with strong party discipline may prop up confrontation and inter-institutional stalemate. /2

Paul Matzko









When Fox News settled for nearly $800 million with Dominion Voting Systems, it avoided having to admit that it promoted lies in its coverage of Trump's attempt to overturn the 2020 election results. That settlement is now the basis of an attempt by the Media and Democracy Project (MAD) to block a Philadelphia television station, Fox 29, from having its license renewed by the FCC. MAD's petition recently received a letter of support from Bill Kristol, the Never Trump conservative and a current editor at The Bulwark.
The MAD petition hinges on an infrequently enforced FCC policy about "news distortion." It is a high bar to clear. To qualify, the reported news must not only be false but falsified. That's the "distortion" angle. Selective reporting, like focusing on an unrepresentative framing of an event, wouldn't count. For example, a journalist could choose to do their segment at a post‐​George Floyd protest in the summer of 2020 either with a fiery backdrop late at night or in front of peacefully marching protesters earlier in the day. Neither choice would count as distortion. It could, however, be distortion if a journalist were to pay actors to stage a fake demonstration.
While I found much of Fox News's coverage of the 2020 election to be a shocking dereliction of journalistic responsibility — and friends don't let friends rely on *any* cable news channel as their primary source of information — I have my doubts about whether it rises to the level of news distortion. Selective, biased, or even knowingly false reporting isn't enough. Fox News would have had to manufacture the stories themselves, not just report on lies and rumors promoted by others.
But let's set that uncertainty aside for a second and simply assume that Fox News will be found responsible of news distortion by the FCC. Is that a good system that operates in the public interest? And should conservatives like Bill Kristol support such a system?
A quick look at the history of the news distortion standard offers a cautionary tale for those with an understandable but misguided desire to use State power to punish falsity. The news distortion policy was not created in a vacuum and was not a product of disinterested civil servants seeking to serve the common good. It was concocted under pressure from politicians who wanted to punish disfavored speech and suppress political dissent.
The news distortion policy began in 1969 with a series of FCC investigations into complaints about journalistic staging. These were not just complaints from ordinary citizens; they came from members of Congress. While the complaints covered quite a range of topics — from allegations of staged marijuana parties on college campuses to selective editing of interviews with whistleblowers on Pentagon waste — the most widely referenced involved news coverage of the 1968 Democratic National Convention protests in Chicago.
In particular, Democratic congresspeople were angry that journalists were, in their opinion, exaggerating police violence against protestors. One Senator accused a camera crew of dressing up a "girl hippie" with a bloody bandage and sending her up to the police line to shout, "Don't hit me," on cue. Supposedly wounded protestors would rise up like Lazarus as soon as the cameras turned off.
It's worth noting that none of the 1969 investigations found any merit to these complaints. And historians are in broad agreement that the '68 protests had plenty of certifiable police brutality and angry protestors without any need for journalistic fabrication. (I studied w/​David Farber; read his book!)
So what was the point of these news distortion claims? It was an attempt to abuse a government agency to delegitimize democratic opposition. (And Democratic opposition, for that matter.) If you were a pro‐​war Democratic congressman supporting the pro‐​war Democratic presidential nominee Hubert Humphrey as the DNC delegates defied the primary results that favored anti‐​war candidate Eugene McCarthy, you weren't appreciative of journalists drawing attention to your unpopular convention machinations. Nor would you appreciate exposes of the party's willingness to rely on sometimes brutal law enforcement tactics to suppress their critics.
So filing a complaint with the FCC for news distortion — which could then require the responsible news network to explain their conduct in a potentially embarrassing public spectacle — was a way of putting pressure on tv networks to shape future coverage in a way that was more favorable to the politicians filing the complaints.
In other words, complaints about news distortion were *themselves* an attempt at distorting the news!
We rightly condemn President Richard Nixon for sending Charles Colton to CBS in 1970 to threaten the network with targeted FCC regulatory enforcement if they didn't back off with their critical coverage of the Vietnam War effort. (It worked.) We should be just as condemnatory of how congress created a novel news distortion standard at the FCC in 1969 to suppress critical news coverage.
It's notable that the FCC's rules were capacious enough in '69 & '70 to enable both parties to simultaneously target their opponents. Nixon leaned on the fairness doctrine while congressional Democrats used news distortion. It's a reminder that when government agencies are granted the power to control speech — even accidentally — it creates an opportunity for political entrepreneurs to find ways to abuse those powers in order to extract maximum partisan advantage. That's an invitation for a constant, seesawing, no‐​holds‐​barred brawl for control of the levers of regulatory power; the temporary winner(s) get to punish their ideological enemies and reward their allies. Free speech gets caught in the crossfire.
With that history in mind, Bill Kristol's support for a newly invigorated news distortion policy comes across as naive. (To be fair, as you can see from the picture above, Kristol was merely a callow intern at the White House in 1970 when all this was happening.) The news distortion policy was censorship via the backdoor.
And conservatives have good reason to be leery of boosting the FCC's authority to police news content. As I have written about at length, while the FCC's various backdoor speech regulations have punished radicals from both Left and Right, conservatives have been a particular target. I used to ask liberal proponents of a revived Fairness Doctrine standard if they really wanted to gift these powers to the Trump administration. I suppose now I have to ask conservative proponents of an energized news distortion standard if they really want to gift these powers to the Biden (or Harris) administration.
Rather than calling for broader enforcement of the news distortion policy, small government conservatives should instead be calling for its repeal.
Crossposted from the author's Substack. Subscribe for weekly insights from the intersection of history, policy, and politics.

/박사 ; [한글] A Study of Development of Nursing Education Administration in Korea Shin Young Hong The Graduate School, Yonsei University This paper is concerned with nursing education administration in Korea. Related historical data have been gathered and organized, forming the groundwork for the reorganization and strengthening of modern nursing. In carrying out this research, every available resource baa been followed up including : related literature, printed materials. personal communications, and personal interviews with individuals in nursing and medical institutions who were well acquainted with the situation previous to the1950 Korean Conflict. Following compilation and analysis, all materials have been categorized under the following headings : Changes in Systems of Nursing Administration and Nursing Law The Development of each area of Nursing Service The Development of Nursing Schools Improvement of Nursing Education Curriculum Modern nursing in Korea followed closely on the heels of the conclusion of friendship treaties first with Japan in 1876 and then with the United States of America in 1882. While the Japanese were the first to introduce nursing, it was the direct efforts of western missionary nurses welch actually built the foundation for the nursing profession in Korea. Indeed, the establishment of nursing schools begun by missionary nurses marked the beginning of professional education for women and gave it tremendous impetus. Development of Nursing in Korea: Two schools of thought influenced the course of nursing in Korea. On the one hand, foreign missionary nurses taught nursing from the standpoint of Christian thought, while on the other, Japanese nurses were influenced by their country's political climate which was oriented towards the acquisition of political power. Japanese nurses tended to serveonly in government hospitals, concentrating on the clinical nursing field whereas missionary nurses who laboured for the enlightenment of women at the same time as spreading the Gospel, established orphanages and nurseries in both the cities and rural areas where they carried out maternal and child health care. In these activities and by the establishment of various organizations for the more active development of our country's nurses, the misaionary influence on nursing was much greater. At the end of the Yi Dynasty, health administration in Korea consisted mainly of preventative medicine, the handling of medical supplies, and vaccination for smallpox, all of which were under the jurisdiction of the Internal Sanitation Office. All other matters concerning public sanitation were handled by the Ministry of Home Affairs. In 1908 the first law governing nursing and midwifery was enacted, and in 1911, the regulations for visiting fees for doctors, nurses and midwives were published. After Liberation in 1945, nursing was represented in the government administrative setup for the first time in the Bureau of Nursing in the Ministry of Public Health .and Welfare which worked toward the unification of nursing education and the improvement of nursing standards. Moreover following the establishment of the government of the Republic of Korea in August of 1948, the Education Law and the National Medical Law were promulgated, providing a legal base for the carrying out of nursing services and the administration of nursing schools. But, in the same year, the Bureau of Nursing which had been on a par with the Medical Affairs section, was now pleased under it. This was the first backward step, Since then, in 1970, the Nursing Section has suffered a further setback. having been re-classified as Chief. Office of Nursing Affairs. This reduction of its authority by the government has severely hampered the nursing profession in its efforts to meet the demand for more nurses, to improve the quality of nursing and to expand medical facilities necessary for the betterment of the nation's health. Nursing Education Curriculum : In the development of nursing education, the government system of nursing education has been closely related to the development of medical education. In March of 1897, the regulations governing medical education in government schools were published. Following that, the Kyung Sung Medical School was founded, and in 1907, in the Tea Han Hospital, three sections were set up for treatment, education and sanitation. The education section was responsible for the training of all doctors, pharmacists, nurses and mid-wives. This marked the first time in Korean history that the legal aspects of the educational system fur nurses had been established since the regulations governing the nursing educational program and curriculum together with the medical school attached to the Tae Han Hospital were all enacted by law together. In 1903, a missionary nursing school was started by Miss Edmunds, a nurse, and Dr. Cutler. It was called the Pogunyokwan, School of Nursing. Then in 1906, another missionary nurse, Miss Shields, founded the nurses training school at Severance Hospital. This was a model school which admitted students for a provisional period of six months after which only the ableststudents were selected as candidates for regular nurse's training. As a result, this school achieved a vary high standard. After Liberation, the American Military Government, in 1946, issued an order unifying all educational systems. All nursing education was set at high school level. In addition, whereas in the Japanese period, nursing and midwifery were separate courses, after Liberation midwifery was included in the nursing course and graduates were licensed both as nurses and as midwives. In 1953, according to the Educational Law, revised by presidential order No. 633(issued in195?), nursing schools throughout the country were now to be called Nursing Technical High Schools. Then, in 1962, included in the regulation to governing the establishment of uinuersities, was a further regulation elevating the status of Nursing Technical High Schools to the level of junior college but with a three year course instead of the regular two. This action raised the standard of nursing schools but forced the closure of four of them because of their substandard facilities. The following year(1963), the Ministry of Education, claiming a need for such schools in the rural areas, restored the system of Nursing Technical High Schools, reopened the four which had been closed down, and opened new ones. Again the standard of nursing education was lowered. In 1962, the Licence Qualification Examination which allowed those with experience but no formal training to obtain a licence, was eliminated and in its place, the National Nursing Examination(RN) was set up, thereby protecting educational standards and assuring a much higher quality of nurse. Apart from the raising of the status of nursing schools from high school to junior college level, the demands of the times and the efforts of leaders in the nursing profession, the nursing schools themselves played an important part in the advancement of their standards. In 1955, the nursing school at Ewha Woman's University became the first to establish a university level course. The first class of that level graduated in 1959. Yonsei University followed in 1957, granting the first Bachelor of Science in Nursing degrees in 1958. Thus, by gradual steps, the standard of nursing education has been raised until now the demand in each branch of the nursing profession is for graduate school level courses granting a Master's degree. The first school to establish such a course was Ewha Woman's University in 1960. Yonsei University, Seoul National University and the Catholic College of Medicine followed soon after, due to continued efforts to improve standards of nursing education. However, even though this level of education has been reached, there are several suggestions arising from this historical study which may be helpful. 1. Adjustments in nursing education administration : The level of the Nursing Affairs Office in the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs of the government should be raised. Also, in the Ministry of Education, while a representative of the nursing profession was finally given a post there in 1967, this position is at such a lowlevel that it is thereby rendered ineffectual. Because of government regulations, there is a conflict in the process for obtaining approval for nursing schools, While the Ministry of Education controls the registration of nursing schools, approval of clinical training facilities and technical aspects of education is controlled by the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs. It would seem more efficient to put both th ese items under one approving authority. 2. Nursing Education System : The government should be encouraged to recognize and understand the special nature of the nursing profession. Then it would realize that all high school level Institutions should be abolished. While the three year diploma course should remain, the so-called advanced(junior college level) three year course should be excluded to avoid complication of the system. Schools giving the three year diploma course should be recognized as regular junior colleges so that graduates may receive the same treatment. At present, they are only recognized as high school graduates even though they have completed an extra three years of training. All candidates for any level of nursing should be required initially to pass the preliminary university entrance examination. Only those who pass that examination should be accepted into a nursing school. 3. Nursing Education Curriculum : Nursing schools at each level should first establish their objectives and then set their curriculum standards ,according to the bases of nursing science, namely physical science, biological science and social science. All materials should be streamlined, eliminating repetitive material. Clinical practice should also avoid unnecessary repetition. Experience should serve to reinforce basic nursing practice which requires a knowledge and understanding of the main thcoectical principles. Teaching methods should involve problem solving and should be conducive to the practical application of principles already learned. 4. Nursing Law: Whether a nurse graduates from a three year or a four year course, the national examimation and licence is the same for both. Furthermore graduates of different level courses are required to do the same type of work. This does not seem logical and should be reconsidered. 5. Nursing School Faculty: There is a shortage of teaching staff as wall as a law level of training. Up-grading and retraining is essential. To help solve this problem, graduates of the three year nursing schools (post high school) should be recognized as the equivalent of junior college graduates and permitted to enter university in the third year. Those in charge of graduate school courses should arrange their courses to allow research in each field of nursing science. In general, nursing school professors should make use of the winter and summer vacations to establish and teach refresher coursees for those unable to take formal advanced study. These courses may be used for the exchange of information gained from meetings and conferences or news of research from foreign countries. All of this will aid in raising professional nursing standards in general if it has firm administrative backing and support. 6. Today's Status of Nursing Advancement in the science of nursing as will as its practical application along with tremendous social changes have necessitated a re-interpretation of nursing and its function. Because of this, nurses must start over again to promote a new image. The scope of research in nursing is endless. Without doing research, nursing science cannot develop. Conclusion : If the above items are carefully considered and the necessary adjustments carried out, there is hope that nursing will become an art and a science which will truly serve society. [영문] This paper is concerned with nursing education administration in Korea. Related historical data have been gathered and organized, forming the groundwork for the reorganization and strengthening of modern nursing. In carrying out this research, every available resource baa been followed up including : related literature, printed materials. personal communications, and personal interviews with individuals in nursing and medical institutions who were well acquainted with the situation previous to the1950 Korean Conflict. Following compilation and analysis, all materials have been categorized under the following headings : Changes in Systems of Nursing Administration and Nursing Law The Development of each area of Nursing Service The Development of Nursing Schools Improvement of Nursing Education Curriculum Modern nursing in Korea followed closely on the heels of the conclusion of friendship treaties first with Japan in 1876 and then with the United States of America in 1882. While the Japanese were the first to introduce nursing, it was the direct efforts of western missionary nurses welch actually built the foundation for the nursing profession in Korea. Indeed, the establishment of nursing schools begun by missionary nurses marked the beginning of professional education for women and gave it tremendous impetus. Development of Nursing in Korea: Two schools of thought influenced the course of nursing in Korea. On the one hand, foreign missionary nurses taught nursing from the standpoint of Christian thought, while on the other, Japanese nurses were influenced by their country's political climate which was oriented towards the acquisition of political power. Japanese nurses tended to serveonly in government hospitals, concentrating on the clinical nursing field whereas missionary nurses who laboured for the enlightenment of women at the same time as spreading the Gospel, established orphanages and nurseries in both the cities and rural areas where they carried out maternal and child health care. In these activities and by the establishment of various organizations for the more active development of our country's nurses, the misaionary influence on nursing was much greater. At the end of the Yi Dynasty, health administration in Korea consisted mainly of preventative medicine, the handling of medical supplies, and vaccination for smallpox, all of which were under the jurisdiction of the Internal Sanitation Office. All other matters concerning public sanitation were handled by the Ministry of Home Affairs. In 1908 the first law governing nursing and midwifery was enacted, and in 1911, the regulations for visiting fees for doctors, nurses and midwives were published. After Liberation in 1945, nursing was represented in the government administrative setup for the first time in the Bureau of Nursing in the Ministry of Public Health.and Welfare which worked toward the unification of nursing education and the improvement of nursing standards. Moreover following the establishment of the government of the Republic of Korea in August of 1948, the Education Law and the National Medical Law were promulgated, providing a legal base for the carrying out of nursing services and the administration of nursing schools. But, in the same year, the Bureau of Nursing which had been on a par with the Medical Affairs section, was now pleased under it. This was the first backward step, Since then, in 1970, the Nursing Section has suffered a further setback. having been re-classified as Chief. Office of Nursing Affairs. This reduction of its authority by the government has severely hampered the nursing profession in its efforts to meet the demand for more nurses, to improve the quality of nursing and to expand medical facilities necessary for the betterment of the nation's health. Nursing Education Curriculum : In the development of nursing education, the government system of nursing education has been closely related to the development of medical education. In March of 1897, the regulations governing medical education in government schools were published. Following that, the Kyung Sung Medical School was founded, and in 1907, in the Tea Han Hospital, three sections were set up for treatment, education and sanitation. The education section was responsible for the training of all doctors, pharmacists, nurses and mid-wives. This marked the first time in Korean history that the legal aspects of the educational system fur nurses had been established since the regulations governing the nursing educational program and curriculum together with the medical school attached to the Tae Han Hospital were all enacted by law together. In 1903, a missionary nursing school was started by Miss Edmunds, a nurse, and Dr. Cutler. It was called the Pogunyokwan, School of Nursing. Then in 1906, another missionary nurse, Miss Shields, founded the nurses training school at Severance Hospital. This was a model school which admitted students for a provisional period of six months after which only the ableststudents were selected as candidates for regular nurse's training. As a result, this school achieved a vary high standard. After Liberation, the American Military Government, in 1946, issued an order unifying all educational systems. All nursing education was set at high school level. In addition, whereas in the Japanese period, nursing and midwifery were separate courses, after Liberation midwifery was included in thenursing course and graduates were licensed both as nurses and as midwives. In 1953, according to the Educational Law, revised by presidential order No. 633(issued in195?), nursing schools throughout the country were now to be called Nursing Technical High Schools. Then, in 1962, included in the regulation to governing the establishment of uinuersities, was a further regulation elevating the status of Nursing Technical High Schools to the level of junior college but with a three year course instead of the regular two. This action raised the standard of nursing schools but forced the closure of four of them because of their substandard facilities. The following year(1963), the Ministry of Education, claiming a need for such schools in the rural areas, restored the system of Nursing Technical High Schools, reopened the four which had been closed down, and opened new ones. Again the standard of nursing education was lowered. In 1962, the Licence Qualification Examination which allowed those with experience but no formal training to obtain a licence, was eliminated and in its place, the National Nursing Examination(RN) was set up, thereby protecting educational standards and assuring a much higher quality of nurse. Apart from the raising of the status of nursing schools from high school to junior college level, the demands of the times and the efforts of leaders in the nursing profession, the nursing schools themselves played an important part in the advancement of their standards. In 1955, the nursing school at Ewha Woman's University became the first to establish a university level course. The first class of that level graduated in 1959. Yonsei University followed in 1957, granting the first Bachelor of Science in Nursing degrees in 1958. Thus, by gradual steps, the standard of nursing education has been raised until now the demand in each branch of the nursing profession is for graduate school level courses granting a Master's degree. The first school to establish such a course was Ewha Woman's University in 1960. Yonsei University, Seoul National University and the Catholic College of Medicine followed soon after, due to continued efforts to improve standards of nursing education. However, even though this level of education has been reached, there are several suggestions arising from this historical study which may be helpful. 1. Adjustments in nursing education administration : The level of the Nursing Affairs Office in the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs of the government should be raised. Also, in the Ministry of Education, while a representative of the nursing profession was finally given a post there in 1967, this position is at such a lowlevel that it is thereby rendered ineffectual. Because of government regulations, there is a conflict in the process for obtaining approval for nursing schools, While the Ministry of Education controls the registration of nursing schools, approval of clinical training facilities and technical aspects of education is controlled by the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs. It would seem more efficient to put both th ese items under one approving authority. 2. Nursing Education System : The government should be encouraged to recognize and understand the special nature of the nursing profession. Then it would realize that all high school level Institutions should be abolished. While the three year diploma course should remain, the so-called advanced(junior college level) three year course should be excluded to avoid complication of the system. Schools giving the three year diploma course should be recognized as regular junior colleges so that graduates may receive the same treatment. At present, they are only recognized as high school graduates even though they have completed an extra three years of training. All candidates for any level of nursing should be required initially to pass the preliminary university entrance examination. Only those who pass that examination should be accepted into a nursing school. 3. Nursing Education Curriculum : Nursing schools at each level should first establish their objectives and then set their curriculum standards ,according to the bases of nursing science, namely physical science, biological science and social science. All materials should be streamlined, eliminating repetitive material. Clinical practice should also avoid unnecessary repetition. Experience should serve to reinforce basic nursing practice which requires a knowledge and understanding of the main thcoectical principles. Teaching methods should involve problem solving and should be conducive to the practical application of principles already learned. 4. Nursing Law: Whether a nurse graduates from a three year or a four year course, the national examimation and licence is the same for both. Furthermore graduates of different level courses are required to do the same type of work. This does not seem logical and should be reconsidered. 5. Nursing School Faculty: There is a shortage of teaching staff as wall as a law level of training. Up-grading and retraining is essential. To help solve this problem, graduates of the three year nursing schools (post high school) should be recognized as the equivalent of junior college graduates and permitted to enter university in the third year. Those in charge of graduate school courses should arrange their courses to allow research in each field of nursing science. In general, nursing school professors should make use of the winter and summer vacations to establish and teach refresher coursees for those unable to take formal advanced study. These courses may be used for the exchange of information gained from meetings and conferences or news of research from foreign countries. All of this will aid in raising professional nursing standards in general if it has firm administrative backing and support. 6. Today's Status of Nursing Advancement in the science of nursing as will as its practical application along with tremendous social changes have necessitated a re-interpretation of nursing and its function. Because of this, nurses must start over again to promote a new image. The scope of research in nursing is endless. Without doing research, nursing science cannot develop. Conclusion : If the above items are carefully considered and the necessary adjustments carried out, there is hope that nursing will become an art and a science which will truly serve society. ; restriction

Tutkimuskohteena Emmanuel Macron on mielenkiintoinen ja jopa historiallinen hahmo. Macron oli valituksi tullessaan Ranskan nuorin johtaja Napoleon Bonaparten jälkeen. Macron oli niin ikään kokematon ja lähes tuntematon poliitikko, joka oli asettunut ensimmäistä kertaa ehdolle ylipäätänsä missään vaaleissa ja joka valittiin ensimmäisenä kansanliikkeen ehdokkaana Ranskan viidennen tasavallan kahdeksanneksi presidentiksi. Macronin vaalivoittojen jälkeen Ranskan vanhat mahtipuolueet tasavaltalaiset ja sosialistit olivat menettäneet täydellisesti asemansa maan tosiasiallisina hallitsijoina. Lyhyesti sanottuna: Macron toteutti täydellisen demokraattisen vallankaappauksen, jollaista kukaan ei ollut kyennyt ennakoimaan vielä vuotta aikaisemmin. Tässä lyhyesti faktat, jotka innoittivat minua tekemään väitöstutkimuksen Macronista liittyen nimenomaan hänen politiikkaansa ja poliittiseen ajatteluunsa. Varsinaisesta vaalitutkimuksesta ei siis ole kysymys, koska minua kiinnosti päästä kiinni eniten Macronin politiikan ja arvomaailman ydinkysymyksiin. Väitöskirjani nimen otsikko Ideologioiden tuolla puolen? perustui useisiin ristiriitaisiin näkemyksiin, jotka olivat ympäröivät presidenttiä koko hänen verraten lyhyen poliittisen uransa ajan. Äärivasemmisto ja äärioikeisto näkivät Macronin ehdokkaana ja poliitikkona, joka edusti uusliberalismia ja hallitsematonta globalisaatiota, jossa suuryritysten ja EU:n edut olivat etusijalla Ranskan kansallisten etujen sijaan. Macronia on myös kuvailtu populismiin taipuvaiseksi ideologialtaan ohueksi poliitikoksi, jonka kritiikki vanhojen poliittisten puolueiden ja poliitikkojen edustamaa elitismiä kohtaan ei ollut uskottavaa. Maltillinen oikeisto puolestaan kommentoi Macronia vuoden 2017 vaalien aikana presidentti Francois Hollanden epäonnistuneen hallinnon jatkeena ja edustajana. Keltaliiviliikkeen mielenosoituksissa Macronia syytettiin myös rikkaiden presidentiksi, joka oli unohtanut tavallisten ranskalaisten arkipäivän ongelmat tarjoten avokätisiä verohelpotuksia jo ennestään varakkaille kansalaisille ja yrityksille. Koska ristiriitoja oli huomattavan paljon jo pelkästään Macronin vastustajien suunnalta, oli aiheellista pohtia voiko Emmanuel Macronia arvioida perinteisellä oikeisto–vasemmisto ulottuvuudella vai pitäisikö häntä sen sijaan lähestyä kokonaan uudella tavalla? Tämä on toinen syy, miksi nimesin tutkimukseni ensimmäisiksi sanoiksi jo mainitun Ideologioiden tuolla puolen. Edellä mainittujen väitteiden ja näkemysten perusteella lähtökohtani oli pohtia Macronin politiikkaa ja ajattelua perinteisen ja dogmaattisen tavan sijaan tavalla, joka edustaisi myös Macronin henkilökohtaisia näkemyksiä ja lausuntoja ideologioiden ja politiikan suhteesta. Tässä kohtaa löysin Macronin ajattelussa yhtymäkohdan politiikan teoreetikon Michael Freedenin ajatteluun ideologioista, liberalismista ja niiden merkityksestä nykyisessä maailmassa ja politiikassa. Edellä mainittuihin seikkoihin perustuen, oli luonnollista, että lähestyisin Macronin politiikkaa pääosin retorisen analyysin avulla. Retorinen analyysi oli luonnollinen valinta myös sen vuoksi, koska suurin osa tutkimusaineistosta oli Macronin kampanjan aikana ja valituksi tulemisen jälkeen pitämiä puheita ja muita julkisia kannanottoja. Toinen tärkeä syy menetelmäni takana oli luonnollisesti itse ranskalainen poliittinen kulttuuri ja historia. Ranskassa politiikassa on aina korostunut poliitikon ja varsinkin presidentin kyky esiintyä ja käyttää erilaisia retorisia keinoja vakuuttaessaan kansalaiset vaalien aikana, mutta myös vaalien jälkeen. Edellä mainitut taidot ovat olleet myös poliittisen menestyksen ja uskottavuuden perusedellytys. Tutkimuksen kaksi tärkeintä teoriaa ovat saksalaisen politiikantutkijan ja sosiologin Ulrich Beckin luoma riskiyhteiskunta, jota seuraa Anthony Giddensin luoma kolmannen tien poliittinen teoria. Beckin globaali näkemys oli, että vanhat perinteiset instituutiot (kirkko, poliittiset puolueet, perhe, ammatit) ja niiden asema ovat rapautuneet, mikä on lisännyt epävarmuutta esimerkiksi työmarkkinoille ja kansalaisten henkilökohtaiseen elämään liittyen. Beckin teorian mukaan vakituisten työpaikkojen määrä vähentyy edelleen ja erilaiset määräaikaiset ja epätyypilliset työsuhteet yleistyvät tulevaisuudessa entistä enemmän ja vastuu menestymisestä tai menestymättömyydestä on aina selätetty kuitenkin aina yksilölle itselleen. Toinen tärkeä ilmiö liittyy globalisaation ja riskiyhteiskunnan väliseen suhteeseen, jossa päätökset mm. paikallisten työpaikkojen säilymisestä voidaan tehdä tuhansien kilometrien päässä itse tarkasteltavasta maasta. Riski-yhteiskunnan myötä globaaliksi ilmiöksi on tullut myös edelleen kasvanut riski ajautua työttömyyteen, ja tämä koskee myös useita akateemisia ammatteja. Kolmannen tien politiikan teoria oli luonnollinen valinta tutkimukselleni, koska Macronin poliittinen ajattelu perustui kolmeen kolmannen tien keskeiseen pilariin, joissa työ, yrittäjyys ja henkilökohtainen vastuu olivat politiikan lähtökohtia yhdessä markkina myönteisen ajattelun kanssa. Macron siis haastoi myös perinteisen ranskalaisen etatistisen eli valtiovetoisen talousajattelun, jossa pro-business-ajattelu hallitsi taloutta ja talousympäristöä ja jossa usein valtio-omisteiset yritykset olivat nauttineet usein valtion avokätisestä tuesta ja asemasta suhteessa pienempiin toimijoihin. Macronin mukaan säännöt tulisi olla kaikille samat ja tämä koski myös digitaalisia jättiläisiä (Google, Amazon, Facebook, Apple), joiden verovälttelyyn presidentti Macron on halunnut puuttua kovalla kädellä. Edellä mainittujen yksityiskohtien perusteella Macronin politiikka lähestyi Britannian entisen pääministerin Tony Blairin (1997–2007) politiikkaa, jossa kolmannen tien politiikan teoria muodosti keskeisen New Labourin ja Blairin poliittisen ja ideologisen sisällön. Macron halusi myös puuttua ranskalaisen yhteiskunnan ruohonjuuritason epäkohtiin, jotka ovat aiheuttaneet paljon negatiivisia seurauksia viimeisen kolmen vuosikymmenen aikana. Viimeksi mainittuun kuuluu pitkäaikaistyöttömyys, köyhyys ja yhteiskunnallinen syrjäytyminen. Tarkemmin sanottuna ruohonjuuritason ongelmiin puuttuminen tarkoitti sitä, että Ranskan hallitus ja Macronin hallinto olivat valmiita tekemään suuria investointeja peruskoulutukseen ja alueille, jotka olivat kärsineet eniten mm. heikosta opetuksesta ja tuetun opetuksen vähyydestä. Tasavallan presidentti kyseenalaisti myös Ranskan korkeakoulujen nykytilan ja tulokset. Macron oli huolissaan opintojensa keskeyttäneistä opiskelijoista ja hän näki myös, että Ranskassa oli vanhoja elitistisiä instituutioita, kuten ENA (National School of Administration), jotka eivät palvelleet maan etua tulevaisuudessa. Macronin ajattelussa oli myös useita yhtymäkohtia Ranskan myöhäiseen valistukseen ja erityisesti filosofien ja poliitikkojen Francois Guizot'n ja Benjamin Constantin ajatuksiin, joihin Macronin ajattelua peilasin. Macronin, Guizot'n ja Constantin ajatukset koskivat erityisesti työn, koulutuksen ja ammatin roolia yhteiskunnallisen edistyksen takaajana. Myös poliitikkojen rooli eräänlaisena roolimallina kansalaisten edessä yhdisti niin Macronia, kuin Constantia ja Guizot'a toisiinsa. Macron nosti esiin kampanjansa aikana useasti Ranskan poliittisen järjestelmän ongelmat, jossa poliitikot käyttivät hyväkseen järjestelmän porsaanreikiä ajaessaan omia ja intressipiiriensä etuja. Viime vuosituhannen ajattelijoista nostan esiin Ranskan liberaalien kärkinimen Raymond Aronin ja Macronin mentorin Paul Ricœurin. Aronia, Ricœuria ja Macronia yhdisti kiinnostavalla tavalla kriittisyys ideologiota kohtaan ja totuuden ensisijaisuus politiikan keskeisenä hyveenä. ; As an object of research Emmanuel Macron makes an interesting, and even a historic figure. The youngest leader of France since Napoleon Bonaparte, he was an inexperienced and almost unknown politician, when elected as the President of the Republic from neither of the two traditional parties. Emmanuel Macron was a political actor and a candidate of a new unknown political movement, which he founded alone only about a year before the Presidential elections. The name of my dissertation Beyond Ideologies? Risk Society in Emmanuel Macron's Reformist Politics is based on the several contradictory views that have surrounded Macron since the very beginning of Macron's career. The far left and the far right saw Macron as a candidate and politician who represented neoliberalism, and uncontrolled globalisation, in which the interests of big business and interests of the EU had priority instead of the French national interests. Macron has also been described as a politician with a thin ideology prone to populism, whose critique of the elitism represented by the old political parties and politicians was not credible. The moderate right, in turn, commented on Macron during the 2017 election as an extension and representative of President François Hollande's administration. During protests of the Yellow Vest movement, Macron was also accused of being the President of the rich, who had forgotten the everyday problems of ordinary French people and offered generous tax reliefs to the already wealthy citizens and companies. These were the main reasons behind my motivation to study Macron. Given all this controversy it was relevant to ask: is it even possible to evaluate Macron in terms of classical French ideologies or should his politics be approached in a whole new way? That is the second reason why I have named my research first: Beyond Ideologies. Starting point was to reflect on Macron's politics and thinking without resorting to the traditional and dogmatic approaches, in a way which would also represent his personal views and his statements about the relationship between ideologies and politics. Related to the previous it was relevant that I would approach Macron's politics using mainly rhetorical analysis as most of the research material consisted of the speeches and other public declarations Macron made during his campaign, and after he entered into the office in May 2017. The second important reason behind my method was of course the French political culture itself that has always emphasised the politician's ability to use various rhetorical skills and speak well in public debate. The skills have formed a precondition to one's political success and credibility. Two of the most important theories of the research are the risk society created by the German scholar Ulrich Beck and the third way political theory created by Anthony Giddens. Beck's global view was that the fragmentation and lower status of the old institutions (church political parties, family professions) have increased insecurity in the job market and in citizens' lives as the share of permanent jobs has decreased. At the same time the risk of unemployment has increased, and this concerns even academic professions. Third way theory was a natural choice as Macron was for example keen on using public money and investments on basic education and various internships programmes. Education policies were directed especially at suburban areas where the societal challenges were the most difficult. Macron's politics resembled the former Prime Minister of UK Tony Blair's politics where the third way politics was a leading political doctrine. Macron was also keen to intervene into various grass root grievances of French society which have caused a lot of negative consequences during the last three decades such as long term unemployment, poverty and social exclusion. In addition to the French government and Macron's administration making huge investments in basic education. The President of the Republic also questioned the current status and the current results of French higher education. Macron was concerned of the dropout figures and saw also that there existed old elitist institutions, such as ENA (National School of Administration) that did not serve country's interest. As my research continued it became clear quite soon that Macron's values and the goals he presented for France differed from his predecessors, and there were elements France had not actually faced during the political history of the Fifth Republic. Macron's political thinking was based on three pillars where work, entrepreneurship, and personal responsibility were the starting points together with pro-market thinking. Macron challenged also the traditional French statism thinking where the role of state dominated economic activity. One of the negative features was distorted competition with state-owned companies that had governmental support behind them. Specifically, this meant that these companies were able to receive cheap loans and other financial support guaranteed by the government. Macron wanted to create the same rules policy for all in domestic markets and this applied also to the European level. According to Macron GAFA (Google, Amazon, Facebook, Apple) companies' tax evasion should be finished. Finally, I included several confluences from the late French Enlightenment where ideas of the philosophers François Guizot and Benjamin Constant ideas influence Macron's thinking. These ideas concerned especially the role of work, education and politicians role models in front of the citizens. A precondition to the fair and civilised society was openness and accountability. One of the typical problems in France has been how the politicians and political parties have used various loopholes in the political system as they have financed their campaigns.

This week, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky offered his starkest warning yet about the need for new military aid from the United States."It's important to specifically address the Congress," Zelensky said. "If the Congress doesn't help Ukraine, Ukraine will lose the war."Unfortunately for Zelensky, Congress does not appear to be listening. In fact, Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) is now on the verge of losing control of the House due to deep Republican disagreements over Ukraine aid and a host of other issues. If Johnson fails to rein in his colleagues, the House may be unable to pass much of anything for the rest of the year.As Kyiv's ammunition shortage worsens, a Wednesday dispute revealed just how weak of a hold the speaker has on his caucus. Johnson is trying to renew a spying authority before it expires on April 19, but a last-minute intervention from former President Donald Trump led Republicans to kill his bill before it even reached the floor.Ukraine and its allies seem to have internalized the lesson that Johnson is now learning: As the presidential election season gets into gear, the center of gravity in Republican politics has shifted southward. Hence why British Foreign Minister David Cameron's pro-Ukraine charm tour made its first stop in Palm Beach, Florida.Cameron met with Trump Monday at Mar-a-Lago, where he pushed the Republican candidate on aid. "[I]t's in everybody's interest that Ukraine is in a strong position and [Russian President Vladimir] Putin is in a weak position at the end of this year," Cameron said following the meeting. "Whoever is president wants to be able to push forward in a way that is backing success and not trying to overturn failure."The former British prime minister then went to Washington, where he met with congressional leaders, including Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.). Cameron did not, however, sit down with Johnson. A British source told Politico that there were scheduling issues, though the symbolism is hard to ignore.The Biden administration, for its part, has made some efforts to bridge the gap in hopes that the House will eventually pass a new aid package. The White House authorized a $138 million weapons sale on Tuesday, and it followed up by sending Ukraine thousands of Iranian guns and ammunition that the U.S. had seized en route to Yemen last year. But this pales in comparison to the billions of dollars worth of weapons that Kyiv received each month in the early stages of the war.All of this is further complicated by the fact that corruption in Ukraine has led to price gouging on some items purchased by Ukraine's Defense Ministry. "Corruption has been deeply ingrained in Ukraine's defense sector since Soviet times, with manufacturers routinely bribing officials to purchase equipment at inflated prices," the Wall Street Journal reported. "Changing those practices would be hard enough in peacetime, let alone in the midst of war."This leaves Ukraine in its weakest position since the early weeks of the war. Without new aid, Kyiv risks losing both on the battlefield and at the negotiating table, with Moscow holding an apparent advantage in each domain.This wasn't always the case. In late 2022, when Ukrainian forces pushed Russia from the outskirts of Kyiv all the way back to the Donbas, Ukraine had the momentum in every domain. As George Beebe of the Quincy Institute wrote at the time, "Ukraine's successes on the battlefield have provided it with substantial leverage to shape the terms of any settlement.""This success story does not mean that either Russia or Ukraine is yet ready for serious negotiations," Beebe, who previously led Russia analysis at the CIA, argued. "But it offers a window of opportunity for the United States to prepare the diplomatic ground for an eventual settlement of the conflict — a window that may get smaller over time if we do not act now."Beebe's prediction has proved prescient. Russia, now in a much stronger position, has far fewer reasons to grant concessions to Ukraine than it did a year ago. This does not necessarily mean that all is lost. If Congress can pass a new Ukraine aid package, then Kyiv may be able to at least hold onto the stalemate that has prevailed for much of the past year. This would create an opportunity to sue for peace, though likely on less favorable terms than were previously possible.But it does mean that maximalist goals — including the reconquest of Crimea, which Russia has held since 2014 — are that much less realistic now than they were in 2022. Even some mainstream Democrats are coming around to this position, as exemplified by recent comments from Rep. Adam Smith (D-Wash.), the top Democrat on the House Armed Services Committee."Realistically, Crimea is not coming back to Ukraine, and we can absolutely win this war and absolutely make a difference even in that reality," Smith said in a hearing Wednesday."We do not have to have Crimea to make it 1000% worth it to give Ukraine the money," he argued. "We need a sovereign democratic Ukraine that can survive."In other diplomatic news related to the war in Ukraine:— Three drones slammed into a Russian-occupied nuclear power plant in Zaporizhzhia, Ukraine, on Sunday, reigniting fears that the war could spark a nuclear accident, according to the BBC. Russia blamed Ukraine for the strikes, while Ukrainian officials argued that the Kremlin may have staged it as a "false flag" attack. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) said the attack was the first direct hit on the plant since late 2022 but noted that there are "no indications of damage to critical nuclear safety or security systems."— European states penned a new deal to enhance cooperation on protecting undersea infrastructure in the North Sea, according to Reuters, which noted that attacks on the Nord Stream pipelines in 2022 has focused attention on security issues along Europe's northern coast. Not noted in the Reuters report is the increasingly popular view that Ukraine or pro-Ukrainian forces were behind the attack. The pact — signed by Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Norway, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom — mostly focuses on sharing information about threats to underwater cables and pipelines, with a focus on potential Russian malfeasance.— The European Union tightened restrictions on imports of Ukrainian produce in an effort to stem concerns that European farmers are being undercut by cheap goods from Ukraine, according to Politico. The issue has taken on particular salience in the run-up to the EU elections, with politicians anxious to avoid political costs from drawn-out fights with farmers, who have staged major protests in Poland and France. As Politico notes, the short-term tug of war over Ukrainian imports signals a larger problem: If Ukraine joins the EU, then farmers across the continent risk being put out of business by Kyiv's massive agricultural sector.— In The Hill, Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) argued that "peace talks remain the only viable option" to end the war in Ukraine. "No hard power endgame is viable for the U.S. in Ukraine, and the terms for Ukrainians get worse every minute the U.S. enables the continuation of this war," Lee wrote. "Our best hope to stop the bleeding is at the negotiating table. The blank checks must end, and American statecraft must start."U.S. State Department news:In a Monday press conference, State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller renewed the U.S. call for Russia to withdraw from the Zaporizhzhia power plant following this week's attacks. "Russia is playing a very dangerous game with its military seizure of Ukraine's nuclear power plant, which is the largest in Europe," Miller said. "We continue to call on Russia to withdraw its military and civilian personnel from the plant, to return full control of the plant to the competent Ukrainian authorities, and refrain from taking any actions that could result in a nuclear incident at the plant."

As conflicts ignite around the world, dragging on in Ukraine while sparking off in the Middle East, venture capital is banking on defense.Indeed, United States-based venture capital investment in defense start-ups has doubled in four years. Only investing about $16 billion in 2019, U.S.-based VCs went on to seal over 200 defense and aerospace deals worth nearly $17 billion in the first five months of 2023 alone. Meanwhile, VC giant Sequoia invested in its first defense group, Mach Industries, earlier this year.Who are the defense VCs?Through their collective efforts, prominent venture capital firms including billionaire Peter Thiel's Founders Fund, Andreessen Horowitz (a16z), and Lux Capital are upstarts among today's rising stars in the defense sector, including Anduril, Hadrian, and Rebellion Defense. And in the process, VCs accrue not only high investment returns, but also growing influence over U.S. foreign policy.Moreover, VC-backed groups in the defense space are giving established defense contractors like Lockheed Martin and RTX (formerly Raytheon) a run for their money. As Jamie Martin noted on BookForum four years ago, Founders Fund-backed Palantir had beaten out RTX to secure an $800 million army contract, and Elon Musk's VC-powered SpaceX had been gobbling up satellite sector funds, forcing Boeing and Lockheed Martin to develop their own venture capital operations, Horizon X and Lockheed Martin Ventures respectively, to compete.Fast forward to 2023 and VC's domination of the defense space has crystallized in a conflict-mired era. Newcomer machine-parts startup Hadrian was founded only in 2020, but has already soared to the defense industry's forefront, raising almost $100 million in funding as of late 2023,Likewise, venture capital has buoyed defense newcomer Rebellion Defense's rapid rise to prominence, with Rebellion raising $63 million in 2019 through the likes of former Google CEO Eric Schmidt's new venture capital firm Innovation Endeavors, Founders Fund, and angel investor James Murdoch, son of FOX News Founder Rupert Murdoch. Schmidt, Murdoch, and In-Q-Tel (the CIA's venture capital firm) Trustee Ted Schlein sit on Rebellion's Board. "It doesn't seem to be that working for the Pentagon is a dirty word anymore," explains William Hartung, a Senior Research Fellow at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft. "It seems like a lot of these startups are very much seeking that, and then the VC companies are facilitating it."Defense VCs thrive on conflictAt its heart, venture capital is a risky form of private equity financing. Despite the hundreds of billions of dollars U.S.-based VCs invest each year, about 75% of venture capitalist backed start-ups fail.Success in venture capital, therefore, depends on heavy-handed risk-taking in the hopes of big returns from a few investments. In the defense sector, however, high returns comparable to other VC-frequented industries, like tech, are uncommon, rendering VC investing choices complex. Ultimately, these coveted, yet elusive returns become more plausible in periods of tension and conflict, when governments — which VC-backed defense groups "depend" on for business-sustaining contracts — have a greater appetite for weaponry and adjacent tech.Mastering the influence game In any case, defense-focused VCs are gaming this primary client in their favor: like the U.S. government-defense contractor revolving door's advocacy for perpetual conflict, VCs are now becoming major Washington influencers while simultaneously jumpstarting defense's newest and biggest names.In this respect, billionaire VCs like Peter Thiel and Eric Schmidt are conspicuous for involvement in both sides of government-defense sector relations. While Thiel says he won't fund candidates in the 2024 race, he's previously supported a slew of successful Republican congressional campaigns. And after stints as Chief Financial Officer for Thiel's now-defunct Clarium Capital Management and Chief of Staff at Thiel Capital, Michael Kratsios took White House and Defense Department positions in the Trump administration, giving Thiel closer proximity to power.Furthermore Rebellion investor Schmidt is a member of the Defense Innovation Board, which advises lawmakers and the Pentagon on tech policies and, as the American Prospect former managing editor Jonathan Guyer writes, is "allocating resources toward the exact technology Rebellion [is] selling." Rebellion Defense obtained U.S. Air Force contracts worth up to $950 million in 2020. According to Guyer, the arrangement suggests "no firewall between Schmidt's work for the government and the private sector." Two Rebellion Defense employees also served on the Biden Administration's Presidential transition team.Indeed, VCs' lack of transparency and visibility in the public eye shields their activities in the defense space from critical scrutiny."If the head of the Joint Chiefs goes on the board of Lockheed Martin, everybody knows about it," says Hartung. "If a general goes on the board of some small tech company or as an advisor, that's not as visible. But their activities may actually be more dangerous because they're helping launch a whole new generation of technologies where we don't really know what the consequences will be as they apply to military issues."Meanwhile, talk from defense-focused VCs and their beneficiaries' suggests an urge to stir global tensions, or otherwise convince the Pentagon to prepare for the worst. For starters, VC-powered defense organizations are making their allegiance with Israel clear as it continues to pummel Gaza, with Palantir and Anduril making public pro-Israel statements and Israel employing VC-backed Shield AI's Nova 2 drone in besieged Gaza.Moreover, VC groups are poking the stick at China, now a nemesis in what Palantir senior policy adviser Jacob Helberg deems a brewing "tech war." (Helberg is also a member of the U.S.-China Economic Security and Review Commission, putting him in a prime position to focus lawmakers' national security-related policy concerns). Meanwhile, Lux Capital's website plainly states that China is "a serious threat to U.S. global hegemony." And a16z Cofounder Marc Andreesen has observed he has more success in policy conversations with lawmakers when he mentions China: "[A]ll of a sudden it's like, 'Oh well we need American A.I. to succeed, and we need American technology companies to succeed, and we need to beat the Chinese.'"Teaming up earlier this year, further, a group of 13 prominent tech companies and adjacent VC groups signed an open letter requesting defense procurement reforms to better open the U.S. defense budget to start-ups. The letter warns that if no changes are made, U.S. "competitors will continue to gain ground on the technological battlefield" leaving American warfighters at a disadvantage on the physical one.Anduril's Palmer Luckey even characterized VCs as "hawkish" for the sake of protecting existing investments in a recent interview, observing that "[e]veryone who cares about Ukraine is also watching Taiwan, because…Taiwan going south is an actual existential threat to many of their investments [based there]. And so I think you're seeing a lot of hawkishness on the part of venture capitalists" as a result. More bluntly, VC America's Frontier Fund (AFF) representative gloated that "if there is a kinetic event in the Pacific," referencing Taiwan,"some of our investments will [go up] 10x, like overnight."Meanwhile, cash flows suggest VCs' efforts are paying off: Anduril has earned an estimated $342 million in revenue in 2023, telling investors it's slated to score $625 million in new government contracts this year. Rebellion Defense's contracts doubled in 2023 alone. And, despite years of unprofitability, Palantir's stocks jumped 20% after impressive third-quarter results, in which the company made $72 million in net income. As Palantir's Alex Karp previously put it, "[b]ad times are very good for Palantir." Ultimately, VCs' success in this sector relies on conflict. In other words, they're looking for a fight.Dear RS readers: It has been an extraordinary year and our editing team has been working overtime to make sure that we are covering the current conflicts with quality, fresh analysis that doesn't cleave to the mainstream orthodoxy or take official Washington and the commentariat at face value. Our staff reporters, experts, and outside writers offer top-notch, independent work, daily. Please consider making a tax-exempt, year-end contribution to Responsible Statecraft so that we can continue this quality coverage — which you will find nowhere else — into 2024. Happy Holidays!

Professional civil service recruitment is a core component of governance for development, as it is necessary for ensuring the capacity of civil servants, service delivery, fiscal sustainability, and proper salary management. Through an ambitious mixed method approach, this study seeks to provide a political economy analysis of civil service recruitment in Comoros—a fragile and decentralized state with a relatively large portion of spending on government salaries. More specifically, it aims to explain the recent dramatic increases in the number of civil servants in Comoros. The paper presents three main findings from the analysis. First, in 2010, elections at the national and local levels were associated with the largest recruitment in the past decade, due in part to the interplay of informal institutions such as political clientelism with the current public financial management system. Second, the institutions involved in recruitment are not permanent; they are evolving with the balance of power between the national and island governments. Third, civil service recruitment respects qualification standards.

Robert Fico has long been a dominant figure in Slovakia, having served as prime minister from 2006-10, 2012-18, and then 2023-present. He has upset many believers in transatlantic unity for various reasons — chiefly his opposition to the West's arming of Ukraine, which shares a 60-mile border with Slovakia. Depicting the war there as an "American-Russian conflict," Fico campaigned last year on giving Kyiv "not another bullet." Often characterized as a "pro-Kremlin" politician, he has criticized Western sanctions on Moscow.On May 15, Fico was the target of an assassination attempt. A gunman shot him five times at close range in Handlová, a small town in central Slovakia. Fico survived albeit in critical condition. The attack marked the first assassination attempt on a European prime minister in 21 years. According to Interior Minister Matúš Šutaj Eštok, the alleged assailant, Juraj Cintula, was politically motivated and possibly not acting alone. The attempt occurred shortly after presidential elections, which one of Fico's allies, Peter Pellegrini, won in the second round.Political and social divisionsSlovakia's politics are extremely polarized. Among Slovaks, many staunchly support Fico while many others loathe him. There are those in the country who embrace Western-style liberalism and believe Bratislava's foreign policy should be closely aligned with its Western allies in NATO and the EU, both of which Slovakia joined in 2004. On the conservative end of the spectrum, a majority of Slovak voters support Fico's government as a defender of Slovak traditions by, for example, rejecting "gender ideology.""Each group not only holds different visions for Slovakia's future but also perceives the other's agenda as a direct threat to their way of life and values, and this is exaggerated and weaponized as a means of political capital," Zuzana Palovic, co-author of "Czechoslovakia: Behind the Iron Curtain," told RS.The murder of journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée in 2018, the government's COVID response, and Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022 all deepened polarization in Slovakia. Fico's government routinely criticizes the opposition for serving the Western liberal order while his opponents attack him for being too Moscow-friendly and rolling back media freedoms. Many point to Russian propaganda as a significant driver of polarization in this former Soviet satellite, which is the case in other EU member-states too.In the 2020-23 period, a number of Fico's political allies were indicted for corruption and subsequently convicted. "While some of the cases were half-baked, Fico's defense always has been that everything is just a political witch hunt—yes, he sounds like Trump here," according to Andrej Matišák, a journalist who works for the Slovak daily Pravda. "By undermining the work of policemen, prosecutors, and judges, he created another piece of the polarization puzzle," he told RS."The Slovak politicians themselves contributed to the status quo in Slovakia. Political accusations are never ending in Slovakia," said Lívia Benko, a research fellow at the Austrian Institute for European and Security Policy. "The recent political landscape reveals that the number of hateful statements from politicians is on the rise," she added.The assassination attempt has exacerbated tensions within Slovak society. Outgoing President Zuzana Čaputová has emphasized the need to prevent further escalation. But her appeal thus far appears to be ignored by both sides of the political spectrum."The appeal for calmness and unity is not being respected to the extent it should be by either the polarized society, in which family members do not speak to each other over politics, nor by the coalition and opposition," Benko noted."The current political landscape in which politicians and their family members are getting threatening letters is very complex," she added. "Slovak politics are full of conspiracy theories and disinformation. This is all reflected on social media platforms."Talk of 'civil war'Following the assassination attempt, Eštok warned that the country is "on the edge of a civil war" due to the rhetoric on social media. According to Palovic, such language coming from the minister "reflects concerns about the stability and unity of Slovakia — mentally, emotionally, and socially."Matišák said Eštok's talk of civil war was understandable given the powerful emotions at that moment. But he also described it as a "very unfortunate statement.""Only the government has the means to start the civil war, and, in that case, it wouldn't even be a civil war; it would be some kind of putsch against the democratic regime in Slovakia. I don't believe that will happen, so I read the minister's words as an attempt to communicate with his own electorate to suggest that first of all the 'other side' is responsible for what happened. As I said, it is unfortunate, and he should know better," Matišák said."It's the rhetorical equivalent of firefighters starting their job by throwing a canister of gas into the fire," Matej Kandrík, a co-founder of Adapt Institute, a Bratislava-based think tank, told RS."It's both irresponsible and dangerous. Slovakia is nowhere close to a civil war. Unfortunately, [Eštok] is speaking like he is a candidate running in the election and not as a minister of the interior."The road aheadUnsurprisingly, this month's assassination attempt has clearly raised serious concerns about the trajectory of Slovakia's deep-seated societal and political divisions. What comes next will depend heavily on the government's actions, according to Benko, particularly regarding how the state may use the attack as a pretext for cracking down on the opposition and independent civil society groups and media.Doing so, on the other hand, could negatively affect its standing with the EU, an important source of financial and development assistance."The terrible shape of public finances increased the relative importance of EU funds for Slovakia. Suppose the European Commission will stay adamant about protecting the rule of law and the quality of democracy. In that case, it should prevent the most aggressive moves to solidify the power of the government," Kandrík told RS. "Still, I expect the situation to worsen for all pro-democratic actors.""In a normal country, the normal reaction would be for all political elites to lock themselves around the principles of democracy and the rule of law. However, it seems that some people in Slovakia, especially from the pro-government spectrum, are intensifying the polarization," said the Slovak journalist."I am afraid that the main aim of the majority of the players from the governing coalition is to use the current events to strengthen their grip on power [rather than] to calm down the situation. On the other hand, I very much hope I will be proved wrong."Implications for US foreign policyBack in the 1990s, when the autocratic leader Vladimir Mečiar was independent Slovakia's first prime minister, the Slovak government basically ran the country like a mafia state. In the mid-1990s, NATO delayed Slovakia's membership application due to the country's domestic issues. By 1998, then-U.S. Secretary of State Madeline Albright called Slovakia a "black hole in the center of Europe." That was only six years before it joined the transatlantic alliance and the EU.Today, Washington has much at stake in the future of Slovakia, which sits on the fault line of a divided Europe. Having militarily cooperated closely with the U.S. since 1993, Slovakia remains an important U.S. ally on NATO's eastern flank at a time of intensified hostilities between Russia and the West.Amid a period in which Fico and Hungary's Viktor Orbán increasingly align their countries with Moscow in ways that many Western policymakers believe is a thorn in the EU's side, debates over how Washington and Brussels should try to influence these "renegade EU leaders" in Bratislava and Budapest are sensitive. There is reason to consider how Western pressure on these Russia-friendly NATO and EU members has potential to backfire in ways that further erode the West's unity against Moscow.This month's attempted assassination risks manifesting in an exacerbation of Slovakia's internal tensions, as well as those between Bratislava and Brussels. This would be especially so if Fico's government pushes through initiatives that weaken the rule-of-law. Although the immediate implications of the attempt on Fico's life for Washington's interests are currently difficult to assess, instability in Slovakia could have major ramifications for U.S. foreign policy interests in this part of Europe, particularly within the context of the continent's evolving security architecture.

On March 8, a Manhattan federal court found Juan Orlando Hernández, president of Honduras from 2014 to 2022, guilty of conspiracy to import large amounts of cocaine into the United States over nearly two decades. Mainstream U.S. media generally framed the ex-president's trial and conviction as a triumph of justice, a service rendered by the impartial U.S. justice system to the people of Honduras.The great majority of such accounts, however, ignored and obscured context crucial for understanding Hernández's rise and rule; in particular, how Washington contributed to both. Though the mainstream narrative around the ex-president rightly connects his tenure in office with massive emigration from Honduras, it has elided the degree to which U.S. influence enabled Hernández's career and thus partially drove the migration that arose in response. For roughly two centuries, Honduras, the original "banana republic," has suffered a deeply unequal relationship with the far more powerful United States. One of the poorest countries in the Western Hemisphere, Honduras and its people have endured frequent American military interventions, U.S.-backed coups, and a corrupt, rapacious local oligarchy closely tied to U.S. corporate interests.Despite Hernández's ultimate conviction on U.S. soil, he served Washington for many years as a loyal client. The single most important event in the ex-president's political career was a 2009 coup, which overthrew center-left president Manuel Zelaya (whose wife, Xiomara Castro, won election in 2021 and currently occupies the presidency). Zelaya raised the minimum wage, subsidized small farmers, and authorized the morning-after pill, infuriating the country's business elite and, in the last case, ultra-conservative religious leaders. Moreover, to Washington's consternation, he made overtures toward Hugo Chavez's socialist Venezuela and sought to convert a crucial U.S. airbase entirely to civilian use.Joint action by Honduras' military and judiciary — in a manner the U.S. ambassador called "clearly illegal" and "totally illegitimate" at the time — forced Zelaya to pay for these sins in late June 2009. While the White House's reaction to the coup initially appeared confused, Washington soon recovered its footing. Even as huge protests raged, the Obama administration played a key role in ultimately compelling Honduras' people and the region's governments to acquiesce to the regime change as a fait accompli. Despite widespread repression by the post-coup de facto government, accounts of fraud, and the condemnation of many countries and international organizations (including the normally deferential Organization of American States), U.S.-endorsed elections in November 2009 received Washington's imprimatur. In her memoirs (the passage excised from the book's paperback edition with no explanation), then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton explained that the U.S. sought to "render the question of Zelaya moot and give the Honduran people a chance to choose their own future."It was in this context that Hernández catapulted into power. After Porfirio Lobo won the 2009 presidential race, Hernández became President of the National Congress as a member of Lobo's National Party — an institution historically closely linked to U.S. agribusiness. Lobo was Hernández's mentor and groomed his protege to succeed him. But while Hernández enjoyed success, the coup's consequences constituted disaster for ordinary Hondurans.Political violence and repression became routine. The murder rate, much of it due to cartel-related gang violence, soared — it was the world's highest for three years running. As the economic situation also deteriorated, and Lobo and his son allied with major narcotics syndicates, a huge surge of emigration swelled out of Honduras, with desperate citizens flooding northward. The total number of Hondurans apprehended at the U.S. border exploded — from less than 25,000 in 2009 to nearly 100,000 in 2014 — reaching 250,000 by 2020. In Washington's eyes, however, such concerns took a back seat to longstanding strategic needs: above all, Honduras' openness to foreign investment and its role as a base for American military power. And, as head of the National Congress, Hernandez was seen as particularly amenable to U.S. desires. "The State Department loved Hernandez," according to Dana Frank, an expert on Honduras at UC Santa Cruz. As Lobo's heir apparent, "he was young and could stay in power for a long time." Frank cites a 2010 cable from the U.S. embassy in Tegucigalpa asserting that "He has consistently supported U.S. interests."The depth of American support for Hernández became clear after his 2013 election to the presidency. Despite credible reports of fraud, his National Party's control over the counting process, and a wave of threats and sometimes lethal violence against opposition candidates and activists during the campaign, the State Department commended the election as "transparent, free, and fair." In 2015, a major corruption scandal centered on the misappropriation of funds from Honduras' Social Security Institute exploded, prompting unprecedented popular demonstrations against Hernandez and calling for his resignation, "There was a real sense that Hernández could fall," according to Alexander Main, a Latin America expert at the Washington-based Center for Economic and Policy Research. Fortunately for Hernández, however, the U.S. swooped in, helping to defuse the unrest by prodding the OAS to organize a local anti-corruption body known as MACCIH. In that same year, according to Frank, Washington gave an "official green light" to a "completely criminal" power grab by Hernández whereby his hand-picked Supreme Court ruled that he was eligible to run for a second term in clear violation of Honduras' constitution. Washington's complacent reaction — "It is up to the Honduran people to determine their political future" — stood in remarkable contrast to 2009, when Zelaya's mere suggestion that the constitution might be amended to permit a second term served as the pretext for the coup that the U.S. subsequently legitimized. In Hernández's 2017 reelection bid, the fraud was so blatant and widespread that even the generally conservative OAS declared the incumbent's victory an example of "extreme statistical improbability" and called for new elections. The State Department, however, stood by Hernández, prodding Mexico and other OAS members to recognize the results, even as security forces suppressed massive and prolonged protests with live ammunition.Indeed, U.S. training and funding also proved crucial in the creation of the brutal special operations units Hernández's government used to terrorize opposition and environmental activists. Particularly significant in the military sphere was the role of U.S. Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), the American combatant command responsible for Latin America. Hernández was a particular favorite of John Kelly, SOUTHCOM's head during Obama's second term (and then White House chief of staff for Donald Trump), who, as Dana Frank noted, once referred to the convicted drug trafficker as a "great guy" and "good friend."Considering the U.S. relationship with Hernández, it is perhaps unsurprising that U.S. officials seemingly turned a blind eye to his deep involvement in narcotics trafficking. As both Hernández's recent trial — during which a witness claimed Hernandez had privately vowed to "stuff drugs up the noses of the gringos" — and that of his brother in 2019 showed, the drug trade's reach into the Honduran government was unmistakable, with numerous high-ranking security officials repeatedly implicated. CEPR's Main argues that it was "highly unlikely American officials were unaware" of Hernández's criminality. Indeed, as a document from his brother's trial revealed, the DEA began investigating the ex-president as early as 2013. As noted in Hernández's trial, just weeks after his inauguration in 2014, the agency reportedly obtained video evidence indicating his involvement with major drug traffickers. Even after his brother's 2019 conviction, when it became apparent that millions of dollars in drug money helped underwrite Hernández's political career, President Donald Trump publicly praised him for "working with the United States very closely" and for his help in "stopping drugs at a level that has never happened."Given all this, the U.S. media's failure to probe the influence of American policy on Hernández's career begins to look less like an anomalous oversight and more like a manifestation of structural dynamics that tend to reinforce the notion of American innocence. We can see the same logic apply to the frenzied media accounts detailing "caravans" of Central American migrants headed to the U.S. While mainstream news outlets rightly note the relationship between Hernández's presidency and increased migration from Honduras, they nevertheless fail to connect the two to the impact of U.S. policymaking. Without Washington's complicity and assistance, Hernandez might have spent 2014 to 2022 in prison, rather than the presidency. Unfortunately, it was the Honduran people who paid the price.

Tucked between Moldova and southwestern Ukraine is Transnistria, a Russian-backed separatist entity. Officially known as the Pridnestrovian Moldovan Republic, many describe this statelet as a Soviet time capsule. Transnistria's capital, Tiraspol, is filled with Lenin statues, Soviet era architecture, and streets named after Karl Marx and famous Soviets while the Transnistrian flag features a hammer and sickle. Existing within Moldova's internationally recognized borders, no U.N. member-state recognizes this breakaway republic's independence — not even Russia.Amid the USSR's implosion in the early 1990s, Russian-speaking separatists in Transnistria feared growing Moldovan nationalism and the possibility of Moldova, which had just declared independence, reunifying with Romania. Russian troops and Cossack fighters helped Transnistrian paramilitary groups fight Moldovan forces in the Transnistria War (1990-92), which killed up to 700 people.To this day the conflict remains frozen. Since 1992, officials in Moldova's capital, Chișinău, and Tiraspol have prevented military clashes. Over the past three decades, the Moldova-Transnistria file has not concerned Washington too much. That is until recently.

Peter Hermes Furian via shutterstock.comRussia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 raised concerns about this frozen conflict unfreezing. Given that 1,500 Russian soldiers have been present in Transnistria as "peacekeepers" and as part of the Operative Group of the Russian Troops since the 1990-92 war, some analysts warned of Transnistria opening a second front against Kyiv while intensifying pressure on Chișinău. Such a scenario would risk Romania, which is linguistically, ethnically, historically, and culturally tied to Moldova, clashing with Russia — a high-stakes confrontation considering Romania's NATO membership.In April 2022, the acting commander of Russia's Central Military District announced that Moscow sought to form a land bridge linking the Donbass to Transnistria. Doing so would have expanded the Ukraine war into Moldova's internationally recognized borders and cut the Kyiv government off from access to the Black Sea, landlocking Ukraine.Yet, Ukrainian forces prevented Russia from seizing Odessa and other parts of the would-be Donbass-Transnistria land bridge. Consequently, concerns in the West about Transnistria vis-à-vis the Ukraine war eased.Last month, however, Tiraspol asked Russia for protection from the perceived threat posed by Moldova's pro-EU government. In response to this call for Moscow's protection, Russia's Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said Chișinău was "following in the footsteps of the Kyiv regime" by "canceling everything Russian" and "discriminating against the Russian language."On March 17, a drone hit a military site in Transnistria, destroying a helicopter, which according to Moldova's Bureau for Reintegration Policies "has not worked for several years," and ignited a fire. Authorities in Tiraspol claimed that the Ukrainians waged this attack from Odessa. Both Kyiv and Chișinău denied any involvement in the military site explosion. The Ukrainian government accused Moscow of being behind this "provocation in Transnistria with a kamikaze drone attack on a military base."Adding to this tension is the fact that on that same day a man threw two Molotov cocktails at the Russian embassy in Chișinău. At the time, Russian citizens in Moldova were at this diplomatic mission voting in their country's presidential election. Moldovan authorities detained the individual, who was identified as a dual Moldovan-Russian citizen.As of writing, the public has not been provided with any evidence to substantiate Tiraspol's claims about Kyiv being behind the attack on the helicopter. If Ukraine carried it out, perhaps it was Kyiv's warning to Moscow about the dangers of making any bold moves vis-à-vis Moldova-Transnistria in response to Tiraspol's request for Russian protection from the U.S.- and EU- backed government in Chișinău. However, it is important to again stress that Ukraine's responsibility for this episode has not been proven.Meanwhile, some experts maintain that if Russia prevails in Ukraine, Moldova would be the next Eastern European country that Moscow attacks. "[Russia] has long used Transnistria and the separatists there, just like the ones in Donbass, as instruments to keep Moldova off balance and there are many other ways that Russia has destabilized, or tried to destabilize, Moldova," Matthew Bryza, the former U.S. deputy assistant secretary of state for Europe and Eurasia, told RS."But Russia has no ability now to invade Moldova. Yes, it has a military base there. But I think Russia has enough on its plate right now in Ukraine and…unless it prevails Ukraine, it won't do something similar in Moldova. But if it does succeed in Ukraine, I fear Moldova would be next," added Bryza. However, the former U.S. diplomat emphasized that he does not expect Moscow to prevail in Ukraine.A Russian invasion of Moldova-Transnistria does not currently seem to be an option for the Kremlin. Transnistria, unlike Ukraine and Georgia, does not border Russia and Moscow lacks the manpower to take control of the Ukrainian regions of Mykolaiv and Odessa. Nikola Mikovic, a Belgrade-based political analyst, does not believe that Russia could do in Moldova-Transnistria what it did in Ukraine beginning in 2014."Under the current circumstances, when Russia has a hard time capturing villages around Avdiivka in the Donbass, seizing Odessa is extremely unlikely to happen. Therefore, Russia does not have capacity to turn Moldova-Transnistria into its 'next target,' while Chișinău, firmly backed by the West, can destabilize the breakaway region at any time," Mikovic told RS.Although difficult to predict how a second Donald Trump administration would respond to Russian moves on Moldova-Transnistria, it can probably be taken for granted that the Biden White House would strongly back Chișinău under such circumstances. "It's simply not possible with any degree of accuracy to predict now how the Biden administration would react if Russia invaded Moldova…other than the obvious which is there'd be strong U.S. support for Moldova and probably military assistance," said Bryza."Moldova occupies an important geopolitical location on the borders of NATO and the EU, and NATO is very concerned about checking any potential Russian expansion westward. Also, it would not bode well for Ukraine if it were suddenly to face even a small number of Russian troops attacking it from the west," John Feffer, the director of Foreign Policy in Focus, told RS."So, Moldova might become like Quemoy and Matsu, the tiny islands that Beijing tried to seize in the Taiwan Strait in 1958. Taiwan, like Ukraine, was the ultimate prize, but the islands were steppingstones, and the U.S. was determined to defend the little islands at all costs," added Feffer.Geography limits Russia's means to maneuver vis-à-vis Transnistria. Thus, keeping the Chișinău-Tiraspol conflict frozen best serves Russia's interests. Leveraging groups in Moldova with pro-Moscow sentiments such as the Gagauz minority to possibly change the government in Chișinău is a card which the Kremlin might possibly try to play. Either option could help Moscow further its agenda of preventing Moldova, which became an EU candidate in June 2022, from integrating into Western institutions, chiefly NATO."Russia wants to secure the perimeter of the 'Russian world.' But that doesn't have to be a firm border. It will be content to establish a zone of fragmentation that encompasses Georgia, Ukraine, and Moldova and that serves as a kind of moat to protect fortress Russia. This is not a reconstruction of the Soviet Union. It's not a bid to confront NATO directly. But it nevertheless exacts enormous costs on the people of those fragmented countries," offered Feffer.To preserve the status quo in Moldova-Transnistria, "the Kremlin will almost certainly have to continue making behind-the-scenes concessions to the West and Ukraine," commented Mikovic. "For instance, it's entirely possible that Moscow provided 'security guarantees' to Kyiv that it will not strike the so-called decision-making centers in the Ukrainian capital, in exchange for Ukraine's passive approach regarding Transnistria."The Serbian expert on Russian foreign policy noted that at any time NATO could coordinate with Kyiv to enable Moldova to bring Transnistria under Chișinău's control through force. "For me, it's a big mystery why Western policy makers and strategic planners have still not taken such an action," Mikovic told RS.A major win for Washington would be an unfreezing of the Moldova-Transnistria conflict with a potential joint Ukrainian-Moldovan operation defeating the Moscow-backed separatists. Yet, even if the West would back Kyiv and Chișinău in pursuit of such an outcome, there are no indicators that Moldova is considering such a military solution to this frozen conflict."For the foreseeable future, Chișinău will likely continue putting economic pressure on Tiraspol, aiming to weaken the breakaway region's de facto independence, and force it to reintegrate into Moldova," said Mikovic. "In the long-term, though, a military conflict should not be ruled out."

Correspondence exchanged among Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles, Gen. Joaquín Amaro, Engr. Bartolomé Vargas Lugo and Dr. Bernardo Gastélum. Gen. Amaro; Director General of Military Education, expresses to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles that it is a shame that his judgment regarding the progress of the nation has not been properly appreciated. He writes about the mistakes made for not knowing how to choose the right men to continue with the work of the revolutionary governments. He expresses that he has interpreted correctly his ideological position and has prevented the loss of the institutional values that the highest-level leaders of the nation must follow. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles replies to Gen Amaro saying that unfortunately for the country, his predictions for the month of June became a reality and it is just missing an administrative and political disaster. He is sorry that the new group of leaders are not capable of forming a good government. Its characteristics are political passion, arrogance, lack of ability and honesty. They want to present themselves as "apostles of the proletariat". They have established paths to anarchy, which does not lead to people's well-being. The only way to success is the truth. He considers the nation will face a serious event. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles sends to Gen. Amaro a copy of the memorandum he sent to Senator Elmer Thomas regarding the policy for silver by the United States. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles confirms the receipt of a congratulatory letter for his birthday. Gen. Amaro informs that his son Joaquín will be hospitalized at the Saint Mary's Hospital in Rochester, MN to receive medical treatment. In a new letter, he informs him of the progress with the treatment. He informs of the birth of his son, Quinito's health and his decision to take a break since being at the hospital makes him nervous. He tells him that during 18 days he traveled across 16 states of the United States to go to Laredo and pick up his son Guillermo. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles congratulates Gen. Amaro for the birth of his son. He is glad for the progress of Quinito's treatment and his physical recovery. He informs that he is aware of his trip across the Unites States, which is such a wonderful country, and expresses his observations regarding its economy, especially in the agricultural sector. In relation to Mexico, he predicts a crisis, the economy and the monetary system collapse because according the latest reports the Bank of Mexico it is bankrupt. On the other hand, capital flight is a threat. Gen. Amaro informs that his son Quinito will perhaps need a surgery. He writes about the social situation in the country and describes the situation in Mexico as artificial. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles accepts that he writes him from Mexico and expresses his opinion, little encouraging, about the general situation of the country. He criticizes President Cárdenas' idea of creating a new party with a strong communist content. Gen. Amaro sends to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles a report made by Engr. Bartolomé Vargas Lugo regarding the next presidential succession, the transformation of the PNR into the PMR and the possibility to create another party with the disgruntled groups with the management of the country and the party. He analyzes the state figures with political influence that could give their support for a party division before the next president election. He makes a detailed report about the situation in his native state Hidalgo, criticizes the President for being influenced by sycophants, analyzes the national situation, the relation with the United States and proposes as candidate for the presidency Gen. Joaquín Amaro. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles replies giving his opinion, which is not encouraging, about the economic situation in the country, the Bank of Mexico and the oil issue. He considers the country is about to collapse. Memorandum related to the creation of a new party called "Partido Mexicanista Demócrata" (Mexican Democrat Party). It includes a report about the agrarian and worker situation in the country. / Correspondencia entre el Gral. PEC, Gral. Joaquín Amaro, Ing. Bartolomé Vargas Lugo y Dr. Bernardo Gastélum. El Gral. Amaro, Director General de Educación Militar, le hace saber al Gral. PEC que es lamentable que en esos momentos de desorientación no se hayan interpretado debidamente sus apreciaciones sobre la marcha general de la nación. Habla de los errores que se cometen al no saber elegir a los hombres capacitados para continuar la obra de los gobiernos de la Revolución. Le informa que él sí ha interpretado correctamente sus orientaciones ideológicas y ha evitado que se desvirtúen los conceptos institucionales en que deben apoyar su labor los altos dirigentes de la nación. El Gral. PEC le contesta al Gral. Amaro que para desgracia del país sus predicciones para el mes de junio se han venido realizando, sólo falta que ocurra un desastre en el orden administrativo y político. Lamenta que el grupo de hombres que se ha constituido en dirigente no es capaz de formar gobierno; sus características son el apasionamiento político, la vanidad, la falta de capacidad y de sinceridad, quieren presentarse como apóstoles del proletariado, se han trazado caminos de anarquía, ruta por la cual jamás se conduce a los pueblos al bienestar; el único camino del éxito es el de la verdad. Considera que la república está en vísperas de graves acontecimientos. el Gral. PEC le informa al Gral. Amaro que le envía el memorándum que le dirigió al senador Elmer Thomas en relación a la política de rehabilitación de la plata por Estados Unidos. El Gral. PEC acusa de recibida una felicitación por su onomástico. El Gral. Amaro le informa que su hijo Joaquín será internado en el Hospital Saint Mary's en Rochester, Minn., E.U.A. para recibir tratamiento; en otra carta le informa de los adelantos del mismo. Informa al Gral. PEC del nacimiento de otro hijo; de la salud de Quinito y de la decisión de tomarse unas vacaciones ya que la vida de hospital lo tiene nervioso. Le comunica que viajó durente 18 días por 16 estados de la Unión Americana rumbo a Laredo para recoger a su hijo Guillermo. El Gral. PEC felicita al Gral. Amaro por el nacimiento de otro de sus hijos; le alientan los progresos de su hijo Quinito en la recuperación de sus facultades físicas; le informa que está enterado de su viaje por 16 estados de ese maravilloso país (Estados Unidos) para ir a recoger a Laredo a su hijo Guillermo y de sus observaciones sobre la organización de su economía principalmente en lo concerniente al sector agrícola. En relación a México, vaticina una situación de crisis; la economía se desploma y el sistema monetario se derrumba, pues el Banco de México de acuerdo con sus últimos balances está en quiebra; por otro lado, la fuga de capitales es muy amenazante. El Gral. Amaro le informa que tal vez será necesario operar a su hijo Quinito; comenta sobre las cuestiones sociales del país y califica de artificial la situación que se vive en México. El Gral. PEC acepta que le escriba desde la ciudad de México y aprovecha para externarle su opinión, poco alentadora, sobre la situación general del país; critica la idea del Presidente Cárdenas de crear un nuevo partido con un fuerte contenido comunista. El Gral. Amaro anexa al Gral. PEC un informe elaborado por el Ing. Bartolomé Vargas Lugo relativo a la próxima sucesión presidencial, a la transformación del PNR en PRM y a la posibilidad de formar otro partido con los grupos descontentos con el manejo del país y del Partido. Analiza por estados las figuras con influencia política que apoyarían una escición partidista ante las próximas elecciones presidenciales; hace un informe detallado de las condiciones de su estado natal: Hidalgo; critica al Presidente por dejarse influenciar por los serviles; analiza la situación del país, las relaciones con Estados Unidos y propone como candidato a la Presidencia al Gral. Joaquín Amaro. El Gral. PEC contesta dando una opinión muy desalentadora sobre la situación económica del país, así como sobre el Banco de México y el conflicto petrolero; considera que el país está al borde del colapso. Memorándum relativo a la formación de un nuevo partido llamado "Partido Mexicanista Demócrata", incluye también un informe sobre la situación agraria y obrera del país.

Richard Richards ; The Weber and Davis County Communities Oral History Collection include interviews of citizens from several different walks of life. These interviews were conducted by Stewart Library personnel, WeberState University faculty and students, and other members of the community. The histories cover various topics and chronicle the personal everyday life experiences and other recollections regarding the history of the Weber and Davis County areas. ; 81p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 video disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program Richard Richards Interviewed By Rebecca Ory Hernandez 7 August 2012 13 August 2012 24 September 2012 i ii Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Richard Richards Interviewed by Rebecca Ory Hernandez 7 August 2012 13 August 2012 24 September 2012 Copyright © 2013 by Weber State University, Stewart Library iii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in the University Archives, which also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description The Weber and Davis County Communities Oral History Collection include interviews of citizens from several different walks of life. These interviews were conducted by Stewart Library personnel, Weber State University faculty and students, and other members of the community. The histories cover various topics and chronicle the personal everyday life experiences and other recollections regarding the history of the Weber and Davis County areas. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Richards, Richard, an oral history by Rebecca Ory Hernandez, 7 and 13 August 2012 and 24 September 2012, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. Richard Richards October 2012 1 Abstract: Richard "Dick" Richards, WSU alum, attorney, author and Republican Party National Committee Chairman (1981), grew up in Ogden, Utah and became involved with politics as a young man in high school. Richard is now retired and resides in South Ogden, Utah after spending most of his political career in Washington D.C. He sat down with Rebecca Ory Hernandez from Weber State University to discuss his life growing up in Ogden, his family, education, career and devotion to Weber State University. Richard endowed the "Richard Richards Institute of Politics and Ethics" at Weber State University which awards scholarships to high school students, and currently serves on the board. He and his wife, Annette Bott Richards, have five children. ROH: Today we are beginning an oral history with Richard Richards in his home in South Ogden, Utah. My name is Rebecca Ory Hernandez. Why don't we go ahead with you just stating your name and where this interview is being held? RR: My name is Richard Richards, most people call me Dick. I'm in my home at 5273 Daybreak in South Ogden. I'm prepared to discuss my early history with Rebecca and I look forward to it. ROH: When and where were you born? RR: I was born in Ogden at the old Dee Hospital on May 14, 1932. Nearly all my brothers and sisters were born at the same hospital and had the same doctor, but that was a long time ago. The hospital is now gone. ROH: Where did you grow up? 2 RR: I grew up in South Ogden. I lived in Ogden until I was about 12 years old, and then moved to South Ogden and lived here until I was drafted into the army in 1952. ROH: What part of South Ogden? RR: My first home in South Ogden was 3999 Norton Avenue. That's just next to 40th Street and 40th Street was the dividing line between Ogden and South Ogden. My father bought that home during the war. It was a 1,000 square foot home and I had seven sisters and a brother. So, 11 of us lived in this 1,000 square foot home. There were a couple of bedrooms in the basement that accommodated us, but 11 people in that small home. I can't even remember how we ate dinner. There's no way we could have eaten at the same time because the kitchen wasn't that big. I have no recollection of how exactly we operated in the home, but we lived there for several years. ROH: Where did you fall in the family line-up of children? RR: My brother was the oldest child and I was next to him about a year and a half later. All seven girls came after me. Four of them were born in the month of May one year apart, so the family grew rapidly and it was all girls after my brother and me. ROH: I can't imagine having that many children under one roof. RR: I don't know how we did it. I really don't. I had one sister that was really fastidious and she needed the bathroom for a long time. We agreed that she could have 3 the bathroom for an hour starting at six o'clock in the morning. After that the family had it. ROH: Are all of your siblings still around? RR: One of them passed away. That's the one I was talking about. All of the others are scattered around from California, Idaho, Oregon and I have two sisters living in the Ogden area. ROH: Do you stay in touch with them? RR: We have family reunions. We just had one at Park City in July. We had 123 family members there. We've been doing this for about 20 years and we have not had one death in the family or one child born with severe disabilities out of all 153 of us. We have been a blessed group. We have MBA's, Ph.D's, and a couple of doctors. We've got some pretty good children and grandchildren. My father came from the coal mining camps of Utah when he was in the tenth grade. He didn't graduate from high school. He was tired of living in the coal mines and said, "I'm not going to be a miner, I'm getting out of here." He went up to Salt Lake and got a job helping a sign painting company called Bird and Jex Company. Later on, he decided he didn't want to work for them and he set up his own company here in Ogden. His first shop was no bigger than this living room, but he's the guy that brought us out of the coal mines. ROH: What was the name of the sign shop? 4 RR: Richards Sign Company. That was a long time ago, but that business still carries the name. It's gone through three generations. My father had a stroke many years ago and as a result he couldn't work so he sold his business to a guy by the name of Derek Warner. He ran it for some period of time, then he retired and gave it to his son. His son retired and now it's the next generation working the Richards Sign Company. The company was so well respected that no matter who owned it, they wanted to keep the name. It's still there on Grand Avenue and a bustling business, but it's different. They don't even have a paint brush down there anymore because everything is done by computer. When my dad sold it, we did it all by hand. ROH: Did you learn how to paint signs as well? RR: I did and I earned my living painting signs while I was in law school. Even after I graduated and I was practicing law, the income was so meager that at night I painted signs to make some money to take care of my family. I always hoped that potential clients didn't see me painting signs or they'd wonder about my ability as a lawyer. ROH: That's interesting. What about your mother? RR: My mother lived in Ogden. She met my father in a church activity and her father was a railroader and they lived down on Grant Avenue. My mother did graduate from high school and I don't know if she worked before they were married. ROH: Do you recall which high school she graduated from? 5 RR: It would have been Ogden High School because that's the only one there was. ROH: Okay. They met at a church activity, but can you be more specific? RR: Apparently, it was a Golden Green Ball, a dance of some kind where my father met my mother or shortly after because they participated in the dance and won a prize. A great uncle of mine introduced them. AR: What I understand is that she had caught his eye and she was walking along the street and he pulled over and said, "Could I have a date?" She said, "Yes, if you'll go to church with me." They did enter a contest with the Golden Green Ball and they won. ROH: Did you inherit their love of dancing? RR: No. I don't' dance. ROH: I'm surprised. I thought all politicians liked to dance. AR: He's got a son that dances. ROH: What were some of the things you did as a young person? RR: Before we moved out to South Ogden, I lived on Monroe and we played Kick-the- Can and all kinds of games in the streets. We didn't have television of course. We didn't pay too much attention to radio so we played outside. We played with each other. ROH: Where did you go to school? 6 RR: I went to school first at Quincy for the first grade and so on. Later on, I went to Madison. I was at Madison for a while, then my family went to South Ogden and I went to Riverdale Junior High School. After Riverdale I went to Weber High School. ROH: So you lived on Monroe for a little while? RR: Yes on 26th and Monroe. The family lived there, but as the family grew and more kids were born in the family we had to find a bigger place and my dad bought a house in South Ogden during the war for about $5,000. The house we lived in on Monroe is now a little parking lot for a neighbor. There's nothing there, but it was a very small yard and very small house. ROH: Are there any memories that you have from being at Quincy or Madison that you'd like to share? RR: Not at Qunicy, but when I moved to Madison, I was the newcomer and they had to see whether I was tough enough to be in that environment. They picked fights with me and forced me to fight. I wasn't going to fight. Kids carried me over to the park across the street and I was to fight with a guy and I beat him up, so I was successful there. Then, I had to try one more and I got in a fist fight during art class. The teacher came down, banged our heads together and stopped us. I punched the guy in the nose and his nose was bleeding. I was crying and I didn't want to fight. The teacher came down and knocked our heads together. The guy I was fighting hauled off and punched her and knocked her down. He was expelled from school. They didn't do anything to me because they knew I didn't 7 want to fight with this guy and that was apparent. He was kind of a bully and it was good. I passed the test fighting those two guys and from then on I was accepted. ROH: I just can't imagine that. Annette said she had something she wanted to share. AR: An interesting thing, I was at Quincy School and I was standing over by the water fountain. His brother, Jim, was a year older than me and Dick was a year younger than me. I remember thinking, "Oh, that's Jimmy Richard's little brother." He was running around. That was our first meeting and then he went to Madison and I continued on at Quincy. ROH: Okay. Were there any favorite subjects that stood out to you at that time as a young boy? RR: I liked the art classes, but we didn't have many of them until I went to high school. I was not a good student. I was a troublemaker and I just got by as far as the academics were concerned. There was always trouble, and a lot of it was my fault. I remember when I went to Riverdale Junior High School we rode the bus from South Ogden out to Riverdale and there was a kid in the neighborhood by the name of Tommy James. Tommy crowded in front of us in line for the bus. As I walked past him he took a seat up front and I hauled off and smacked him in the back of the head. When we got to Riverdale I chased him down and picked a fight with him and he just beat the hell out of me. That was the only time I was ever really beat up. He just kept pounding me, the big tall guy with long arms and I would be swinging at him and I'd be missing him by about four of five inches. 8 Incidentally, the principal came down and grabbed us and took us up to the principal's office. He said he was going to give us the board of education. He had a board that he used to paddle kids with and the board had holes in it so he could get a good swift whack. He asked what happened and I owned up. I said, "I picked the fight, it's my fault." I guess that impressed him and he said, "Well, get going and get back to class and I don't want any more of this." ROH: In junior high, Did you have any particular subject that you were fond of? RR: No, I was just getting by doing what I could do. ROH: Being a kid. RR: We rode the bus and I always rose a rumpus on the bus, so the driver kicked me out and said, "You're going to walk home." I said, "Okay." Instead of walking home I went around to the back of the bus and climbed in the window on the side he couldn't see. I rode in the bus with him until we got to Ogden and we got to the bus stop. I jumped out the window and ran up front and said, "Haha Clink, I beat you." He felt bad that he was going to make me walk and before he left he said, "Hey where's the Richards kid, I was only joking I wasn't going to make him walk." I played a joke on Clink. Incidentally, I've had an occasion to work with the Fernilius' again in my business. When we get to that I'll tell you. ROH: You went to Weber High. Tell me about that experience. RR: Well, I shaped up. ROH: Did your parents have a car growing up? 9 RR: Yes. In fact, I remember when I was six years old my brother and I had our tonsils taken out. We went to the doctor's office in the old First Security Bank building and had our tonsils removed. My father picked us up in his brand new Pontiac car. He paid $600 and got a beautiful blue Pontiac car. That's the first car I can remember my folks had. ROH: When you were young, do you remember where you went shopping for new supplies and clothes and things like that? RR: As a kid, I didn't do that. I don't remember that. As I grew up a little bit I remember being in town because I would go to the paramount theater that had the Popeye club. On Saturdays, they'd have Popeye and a series of the Lone Ranger or something and I remember going to town for that. Other than that, I don't remember going to town. ROH: In town are you talking about Ogden? RR: Yes, I'm still talking about Ogden. These were younger years. ROH: Is this the 25th Street area? RR: Yes. Actually there were several theaters in town at that time. There was an Orpheum, a Colonial, Lyseum, The Egyptian, and the Paramount. That's five theaters. Most of the kids went to the Paramount because that had the Popeye Club and the series. Movies cost about a dime and I would work around the yard and I'd get a dime or 25 cents and I was able to go to the movies. ROH: Okay, so we're going to go back to high school now. 10 RR: Before high school, let me talk about Riverdale Junior High School because that was really a turning point for me. That was a rough school. When I went there I was in the 7th and 8th grades and we were rough on teachers there. We drove a couple of teachers out of the room crying. There were several of us that were involved in this kind of stuff. ROH: How did you do that? RR: Just by not paying attention or throwing spit balls or whatever. We drove a couple of substitute teachers out of there. We were upstairs in a room that was called Idaho because it was kind of shaped like Idaho. My friend and I were in the back of the room raising the devil and there were two kids in the middle of the room that were raising Cain and the teacher came in and he just stood there with his arms folded for a few minutes waiting for everybody to shut up. They didn't shut up so he walked down the aisle and gave each of these kids a karate chop on the side of the head and whacked them in the kidney and knocked both of them out. Both of the kids fell with their faces on the desk and my friends and I shut up. That cured us. He really knocked the two kids out. One of the kids' families sued him because when he hit him in the kidneys he bruised him. This teacher didn't say anything and I don't know what happened to him, but I didn't see him again. That was sort of a turning point for a lot of us. After I left junior high school and went to Weber I shaped up. It was a 180 degree change for me. ROH: How many kids were in your class in junior high? RR: I would say there were 20 or something like that. 11 ROH: That was a good-sized class. Is there anything else from junior high that you can recall? What was your favorite part about being in school? RR: Recess. I remember I was supposed to be in arithmetic class, but before the class started I went down to the shop. There was nobody in there except a few kids. The teacher wasn't there and I had never had any experience with some of these tools like the buzz saw. I picked up a chunk of wood and I was going to cut it, but I put it in the wrong way in the saw. It threw the wood and knocked the window out of the class. It would have killed a kid if it hit him. I didn't know what I was doing. I got out of there and sneaked into my arithmetic class by crawling on my hands and knees to the desk so the teacher wouldn't see me coming in. It was a funny school, I had a friend called Toshi Shiba and he went around the junior high school with a water gun and he would shoot the light bulbs and it would pop them. In those days they didn't have a chandelier glass over them, they just had a globe. My friend went around shooting those things and the shop teacher caught him and grabbed him and shook him up and said, "I never did like you Japs anyway." Nothing ever happened as a result of that, but today that would be a disaster. ROH: It sounds like you were a bit precocious. RR: I was not a good little boy. I never did anything really bad, but I did a lot of things that were border line. ROH: Did your parents ever get called to school? 12 RR: No, and I never told them when I had a couple of teachers assault me in junior high school. One guy was a music teacher and he was in the auditorium with the music class and a kid in that class had stolen my baseball mitt. I spotted it because it had my name on it. He had used a leather puncher to punch holes in it so that my name would not be visible, but I saw it anyway. I went into the class and confronted the kid about the mitt. The teacher said, "You get out of here." I said, "I'm not going until I get my mitt." He came down and grabbed me by the shirt and took me out in the hall and he was slapping me on the side of the face front-hand and back-hand. He hit me several times, but I never told my parents about that. You know, that just happened. It was not uncommon in the schools for a teacher to whack a kid. ROH: That is true. Moving on to high school at Weber High, where was Weber High? RR: Weber High School was on 12th and Washington Blvd. We had to take a bus from home to school. When I got into high school I really settled down. It was a major change in my life. I was elected sophomore class president when I went out there. Right out of this junior high school environment to the high school and we had kids from other junior high schools come in from Eden and Huntsville. I don't know the circumstances, but I was elected sophomore class president. ROH: You don't recall running for president? RR: No, I don't recall any of that except that I was elected and I was in a sign painting class and I painted some signs for sophomore assemblies. I misspelled the word "sophomore." They said, "It's got an "o" in it." 13 ROH: You said you got more serious in high school. What were your academics like? RR: I was a good student. It was the beginning of a new life for me. AR: One of the teachers said that Dick was the worst and best student that she ever had. ROH: Did you go to high school together? AR: No, I went to Ogden High School. ROH: Did you have a favorite subject in high school? RR: Yes, I liked the debate class and I participated in the debates and extemporaneous competitions and I did well. So, I did a lot of it. It's interesting because the debate teacher at Weber High School was the same principal that dragged me up to the principal's office when I was at Riverdale. ROH: Is that right? He moved from the other school to that school. He must have had some kind of impact on you. Who were your friends in high school? RR: I had several that lived out here in South Ogden like, George Palmer, Carl Hassel and Bud Reed. I had a lot of friends. We did things in a group out here. Nobody played alone. ROH: What were some of the things you were involved in other than debate? Were you involved in any clubs or activities? RR: No, because I worked after school. Instead of taking the school bus, I would take the city bus and go from 12th Street down to my dad's shop and work after 14 school. I didn't have any time for any of the athletics. I did win the intramural boxing championship for my weight when I was in high school. I didn't play football, basketball, or baseball or anything. Those intramurals took place within the classroom for the most part. ROH: So you continued to fight in high school. You got into boxing? RR: Not a lot, but we had an intramurals program in boxing and I won that in my class. I boxed with the kids that were in the other class. I also wrestled. I met another kid in the other class wrestling, I got down on the mat like you're supposed to and he was over me and the referee said, "Go!" He pinned me so fast I didn't even know what I was doing. I was out of that competition in 15 seconds, just as long as it took for the referee to count me out. This kid was a skinny kid with a glass eye and he went on to win the state championship in his weight a couple of years. He was a very good wrestler. I think his name was Garcia. ROH: So, if you ran for sophomore class president, you were interested in politics at that time. RR: Yes, and that is one of the things that I gravitated toward was the speech class and the debate and that sort of thing. About that time I had developed my philosophy as a Republican. One of my debate partners was a democrat, one that I called the yellow dog democrat. He would rather vote for a yellow dog than a Republican and that's still his philosophy. My father talked politics to us at the dinner table. He talked about a conservative writer at that time called Westbrook 15 Pegler. Pegler was a conservative and he hated the Roosevelts. Most of his column was anti-Franklin and Eleanor and my dad talked about that. There were also some things happening in our life that got me to be a conservative. During that time when we were growing up, we had a coal furnace. The coal man would come to your house, open the coal chute and empty the coal out in the basement. John L. Lewis was the head of the coal miners' union and he called a strike. When he called a strike, we couldn't get coal and everybody complained about that. Even my grandmother and my father complained about it. My father said, "I'm not going to be at the mercy of John L Lewis," and he changed the coal furnace to a gas furnace. John L. Lewis was really big at that time. ROH: When was this? RR: I would say in the early 1940's. Coal mining was a big deal. My grandfather was a coal miner and he still lived down in Carbon County. Coal miners liked John L. Lewis because he got the wages up. He forced people to pay more and if they weren't willing to do that he would call a strike and limit the coal production. My dad talked about that a lot at the dinner table and that had an influence on me. ROH: Who was your friend that was the person who would vote for anyone but a Republican? RR: Jerry Hatch. He was my debate partner. His dad was in the state legislator as a democrat. Jerry always was a democrat. He never changed. He is still a democrat. 16 ROH: When you were in high school did you realize that you wanted to go to college at that point? RR: Yes. In fact, I wanted to be a lawyer at that time and when I wrote my name on the book just to identify it as my book I would write, "Richard Richards Esquire." AR: I've got a page out of something when he was the student of the year and he tells what he wants to do in the future. RR: When I was a senior in high school, I was chosen to give the Valedictory speech. I was not the Valedictorian, but I was chosen to give that speech at the graduation. ROH: So you ran for president and got interested in debate, how did that come about? Were you listening to the radio at that point or did you hear other people speak that influenced you? RR: We listened to the radio and read the newspaper. We always had newspapers and I even take four newspapers here now. I spend a couple hours every day reading the Wall Street Journal and the Investor's Business Daily, The Standard, and Deseret News. ROH: That's incredible. Did your dad take a lot of newspapers too at your house? RR: I don't know how many he took, but I know we took some. ROH: I was just trying to find out where the influence of the debate would have come from because you were interested in both battling physically and verbally so I find that fascinating. 17 RR: Well, I think the word "debate" means to "beat down." ROH: Did you have teachers that inspired you in high school? RR: My debate teacher was the principal out at Riverdale that banged my head. He was my coach all the way through. ROH: You were in school and you were working so give me an idea of your schedule. RR: I would go to school and after school at 3:30 p.m. I would go to my dad's shop and work for a couple of hours and go home. I always worked on Saturdays. My dad probably was the greatest influence on me of anybody because he always said, "I'm not going to give you money, but I'll give you a job. You can work for it and you can have the money." That's the way he was. ROH: So you were student of the year in your high school. RR: Well I don't know if that's what they called it, but maybe they did. ROH: Yes, we will get a copy of this. I'm looking at a photograph that says, "The typical boy graduate is Dick Richards, he's only 5'8" but he has short brown hair and warm brown eyes. He likes school this year but in the past years he skipped school every chance he got. Now he's sorry he's leaving." Is this college or high school? RR: That's high school. ROH: Do you remember what you talked about in your speech? 18 RR: I don't think I have a copy of that speech, but I have a copy of my college speech when I spoke at graduation there. ROH: You were public speaking at a young age. We're going to finish up talking about high school years and move on to college. When you graduated from high school, you wrote the commencement speech. What did you do after high school? RR: Obviously, during the summer I worked for my dad. In the Fall I enrolled at Weber Junior College. Weber Junior College at that time was on 25th Street at about Monroe and Madison. There were about four buildings there and one of them is still there— it's the Deseret Gym building. The other buildings are gone. It was a very small school. Interestingly enough, the president of that school was Dr. Henry Aldus Dickson. He knew an awful lot of the kids by name. We were all very friendly with him. He took a liking to me and I'm not sure why, but he said to me one time, "Dick, are you having a little trouble raising money to go to school?" I said, "Yeah, I'm working but I don't have the money yet." He said, "Well, you drop in my office and see the secretary and she'll give you a scholarship." So I walked in the office and they gave me a twenty-five dollar scholarship. That was a full quarter's tuition. I actually have a copy of that scholarship. ROH: That's fantastic. RR: He liked me and he wanted to help me out. I guess he knew I came from a family of a lot of kids. All of my siblings were still at home. ROH: Did your brother ahead of you go to college? 19 RR: I don't remember. I guess he went to college before me, but I didn't have a lot of relationship with my brother at that time. He was a year and a half older than me and he had different friends. We did some things together, but mostly we each had our own friends. ROH: What did you study at Weber College? RR: I studied debate, philosophy, political science, and economics. I did a lot of those subjects, I didn't do any basket weaving and that stuff. No political correctness at that time. I got enough credits in what I studied in history, philosophy and economics that I was able to transfer them to law school without having a bachelor's degree. When I applied to law school they said, "Well you haven't got a bachelor's degree, you can't come here with what you've got." I said, "Look at the catalog." The catalog said, "153 acceptable hours," or something and I had them. I said, "There they are." He said, "Well, I guess you're right." They enrolled me in law school without having a degree from Weber. ROH: Where was that? RR: University of Utah law school. ROH: How old were you when you started law school? RR: I started law school after I'd been in the army and returned, so there's a gap there. ROH: Did you go into the army after Weber? 20 RR: In August of 1952, I was drafted. The Korean War was on and we were all drafted. It was kind of interesting at that time because there was a lady by the name of Agnus Christe who was the head of the selective service office who really resented Mormon kids going on missions and not going in the army. So, the day you turned 18 you got a draft notice. You couldn't go on a mission. ROH: Did you have any other friends that you were in the army with at that time? RR: I was drafted ahead of my friends for some reason by a matter of a few months. I was drafted with one kid from Ogden by the name of Jim Pollus and we went to basic training together. I went on to leadership and OCS and he did not. He's passed away since. My friends I had here in South Ogden came to Fort Ord after several months that I had already been there so I was ahead of them in the army. ROH: Well, we just kind of skimmed over Weber College, so the next time we meet we'll talk about Weber College, the Army, and Law School. Thank you very much for sharing your young years with me and we will continue next time. This is the end of the interview on August 7, 2012. Thank you. RR: You're Welcome. ROH: Today is Monday, August 13, 2012. We are in the home of Richard Richards, who goes by Dick. I am Rebecca Ory Hernandez from Weber State University and we are going to continue his oral history. We will pick up with your university years from where we left off last week. Why don't you tell me a little bit about your time in law school? 21 RR: After I came home from the Army, I decided to go to law school. I had done some other things in the meantime, but when I found out I was going to go to law school I needed some more credit hours. I went back to Weber and picked up some more hours in political science, history, and philosophy. I was married and had two children. I had to work because I had to make a living, so I worked for my father part-time and painted signs. I worked in Ogden for my dad about 20 hours a week and went to law school. That was an hour a day going down and an hour a day going back. That didn't leave me a lot of time for studying. I really didn't study very hard in law school, but I studied all day Sunday and started at 5:00 a.m. It was a tough grind. I decided it ought to be easier if I lived in Salt Lake because I wouldn't have to commute. So, I got a job with the state liquor commission. It was a political job. Governor Clyde was the governor and I think Laurence Burton was his assistant at that time. Anyway, I got a job with the liquor commission selling liquor out on 23rd South and 13th East. They paid $1.65 an hour and that wasn't enough for me to make a living so I decided even though I'm going to live in Salt Lake I better commute to Ogden to work because I could make $2.50 an hour painting signs. I moved to Salt Lake to the student housing. It was called "Stadium Village." That's where the stadium is now. Rent was $30.00 a month so it was livable for a student. While I was in law school, I was active with the Young Republicans and I was asked to become the Young Republicans state chairman. I didn't know about that because it takes time and doesn't pay so I thought I'd 22 better check with the Dean. He said, "I think you could be of help to us so you go ahead and take that job." I took it and the interesting thing is, later on when the law school was trying to get an appropriation from the state legislature to build a new law school. Jerry Hanson and I invited his grandfather who was a leader in the state legislature to come to the law school and see what kind of shabby condition it was in. He visited the law school and said, "Boy, this is bad." Our main classroom in the law school was a row of tables about 24 inches deep and about six or eight feet long and they were covered with Masonite. They were really old-fashioned. The chairs were all separate and it was a noisy place. When they saw that they said, "Let's make an appropriation for a new law school." They usually invited the governor to come speak on "Law Day" which was the first of May. The assistant dean said, "The governor doesn't like lawyers, he won't come here." I was up to the governor's office talking to Laurence and I asked, "Would the governor like to go up to the University of Utah law school and speak on May Day?" He said, "Sure, we'd love to do that, but we haven't had an invitation." I asked, "Will you come if you get an invitation?" They said, "Yes." I drove back to the law school and went in the dean's office and said, "The governor would like to come if you'll give him and invitation. You type one up and I'll hand carry it to him." He was really pleased that we could get the governor there. The assistant dean that said the governor wouldn't come was embarrassed. ROH: Who was the governor at the time? 23 RR: George Dewey Clyde. The dean of the law school was Dean Diksra. He was a good dean. The assistant was a fellow by the name of Emory. Emory was a democrat and he didn't want the governor up there anyway. ROH: It must have been really good for the law school. RR: These were big helps in getting a new law school. Anyway, I hadn't graduated because I was seven hours short for graduation. I did it in two years. I didn't have time to go for three years. I was married with kids and didn't have time for that. I took extra credit and went through the summers. A couple of the fellows were in the same plight so we asked if we could take the Bar early with the preceding class. They agreed to let us take it. We took the Bar and I passed the Bar before I graduated. I had to go back to pick up seven more hours. Needless to say, I wasn't a very diligent student after having passed the Bar already. They changed the system after that. From then on you had to have a degree. They won't let you take the Bar until you've completed law school. We ruined that for the next-comers. ROH: Did you specialize in anything in law school? RR: No, I just graduated. I was not at the top of my class. I was in the top third of the class, but I did not strive to be number one. I didn't have time to study and do all that because I was working. In fact, working 20 hours was against the rules. They said if you go to law school you can't work 20 hours because you wouldn't be able to keep up. They tested me when they found out I was traveling to Ogden, but I did okay and that all worked out. After I got out of law school, I got a 24 job with the Clayton and Gould law firm in Ogden. Since they were both prosecutors I couldn't do any criminal work. If you can't do criminal work as a young lawyer, you're never going to do any trial work. I said, "I want to get courtroom practice so I'm going to quit." I quit and went on my own. I remember my first month I did not make one dime practicing law. The second month I made $50. It was a struggle. By the end of the year I was making pretty good money, but our total was $6,000 a year my first year. ROH: Do you remember your first case? RR: Yes. I remember my first major cases anyway. I went to the judges and said, "I want to try lawsuits. Give me your guys in jail who don't have any money and can't bail out and I'll represent them for free." Between the judges they gave me ten felons and they were spread out over about a year's time. I got eight acquittals out of the ten. Immediately, I had a lot of criminal clients. They would ask, "Who's your attorney?" They would give them my name and that generated a lot of business for me. I got tired of the criminal stuff, but it was a great experience to try the cases. The first murder case I had was a fellow that came into town on a Greyhound bus, got out of the bus station, walked across the street to the Friendly Tavern, pulled out a pistol and said, "So you're the "blankety-blank"?" He shot a guy about seven times. That was Joe Edgington. He killed him right on the spot. He didn't even know him and the guy was completely nuts. He thought he was somebody else. He casually walked across the street toward the police 25 station. Several witnesses saw him throw the gun in the bushes and keep on walking and they arrested him. L.G. Bingham and I were assigned to defend him pro bono and that was my first major criminal case. L.G. Bingham, in my opinion, was the smartest lawyer in town. He was a good thinker, but he was not a real studious guy and he didn't spend a lot of time preparing the case. Sometimes he would go into court without any defense in mind. He'd find a defense as the prosecutors put on their case. He won a lot of cases. He was very talented in doing that. He and I defended this guy and ended up pleading "not guilty" by reason of insanity. That stuck and he went to a mental institution. I haven't heard anything from him since. That was my first case. L.G. Bingham and I defended another case of a couple of fellows that murdered a man on North Ogden Divide. Maybe you read about it. They picked up a sailor from Salt Lake and took him up to Ogden. They'd been drinking and they thought he had money so they took him up to rob him. The guy resisted and they hit him. They took off all his clothes, threw him in the car and left the guy naked. He was walking down the highway naked and finally fell over the side and froze to death. They were looking through his clothes because they thought he had some money in it. They looked through his shirt and no money in his shirt and threw it out the window as they traveled down the canyon. There was no money in the pants, so they threw the pants out along with the shoes and socks. His clothes were strewn down the canyon for a half a mile and nobody really understood what it was all about. One of the boys called the police and gave himself up. They arrested the other guy a few days later. Ray defended one of 26 them and I defended the other one. They got off with a voluntary manslaughter and two years in prison. They were young guys, drinking and doing stupid stuff and ended up killing a man. I tried cases from 1961 until 1980 when I went to Washington to work full-time with Ronald Reagan. I did spend some time in the early 1960's in Washington with Laurence Burton. That was for two years. I was there at the time that John Kennedy was killed and the Senator of Texas and John F. Kennedy's Vice President, Lyndon Johnson, became the president. ROH: How did it come about that you ended up moving to Washington? RR: Laurence Burton asked me to help him on his campaign. I was one of two major campaign managers on his campaign for congress and he won. He invited me to come back to Washington. I went back there as his legislative assistant and after a year I was made his administrative assistant. Dr. Aldus Dickson, who was a good friend of mine as I indicated earlier said, "Dick, do not stay there more than two years. Laurence is going to ask you to stay, but don't do it." ROH: Why not? RR: He said, "If you do you'll get caught up as a professional staffer in Washington and you'll never develop a career of you own." The pay is good and it's an exciting thing if you're a staffer to a senator and they have big issues. I followed his advice and I came home. ROH: When did you come home? 27 RR: I came home in 1964. I was here when the election was held and Barry Goldwater was soundly defeated. I decided I wanted to run for party chairman. I'd been Young Republican chairman, so I ran for party chairman and won overwhelmingly. The reason I did is because while I was working for Laurence I traveled to all of the counties in the state when they held their county convention. Those were the guys that were going to be delegates to the state convention. When I met them on the county level and they came to the state, they at least knew who I was. I ran against a guy from Salt Lake that should have won. He had a lot of money, was a prominent business guy, and kind of a moderate fellow, but I beat him about six or seven to one. Afterward he said, "I knew you were going to beat me, but I didn't think you were going to stomp me into the ground." He was a good sport. I was the party chairman for two years. In 1966, the state of Utah turned from a Democratic state to a Republican state. People say this has always been a Republican state. However, they were heavily Democratic all over. All of the counties were controlled by Democratic county commissioners. In Weber County, prior to that time, only one Republican had been elected to county office for 50 years. That was Sherriff Mac Wade. This county was so strongly Democrat that a Republican may as well not even get on the ballot. We turned that around in 1966 and won control of the legislature, both the House and the Senate, by a vast majority. I think there were only five Democrats in the Senate when we got to it. There were only ten in the House. In fact, we elected too many. It was a bad deal to have that many Republicans and 28 so little opposition. That gradually faded out. That was one of the most exciting elections of my life because it was such a wonderful victory. I was re-elected party chairman in 1968. I had a good record and got a call from the Republican National Committee in Washington. The chairman of the Republican National Committee asked me if I'd come back and interview for a job working for the National Committee. I went back and I remember the feeling. I got out of my hotel and got that stinky, humid Washington air and I said to myself, "Dick, what in the hell are you doing here? Turn around and go home." I went to the interview with the deputy chairman and the chairman of the committee at that time, Rogers Morton. They offered me a job and I took it. I became the head of party development. After I did that for a while, I was promoted to the political director of the National Committee. I brought my family back and we lived in Maryland. We also lived in Virginia down by the Pentagon and had some nice experiences. We went to the grave site ceremony of John Kennedy when he was taken to Arlington National Cemetery. Later, at the top of the cemetery, they put a forever memorial for John Kennedy. Laurence and the other congressman from Utah, Sherm Lloyd, were there. Somehow or another we got on the parade route out to the cemetery. The soldiers and the Marines were lined up all the way and we had no way to get off. Laurence was joking and said, "Don't throw out any beer cans." We went up past the soldiers and when we got to the cemetery, the guy that was in charge told us we had to leave. We didn't want to after all that effort, so we sneaked into the press section and got kicked out of the press section too. We 29 went up the road and nobody paid attention to us there, but everybody including the Kennedys came up that road. The Carsons and the Kennedys were there. The Emperor of Ethiopia and Charles Degall came in. We were almost within touching distance of each of them. It was really kind of interesting to see that. In part of the ceremony they had the Irish Guard do a drill procedure and when they were through they marched out. As they marched out me and this kid marched in where they had been and we ended up right in front of the congressman. Laurence Burton said, "Hey Dick, look who's standing behind you." I looked behind me and there was Adlai Stevenson, who was the ambassador, and all these big-shots. We stood directly across from the grave site where the Kennedy casket was standing. The Kennedys were all on the other side. I was not even 20 feet away from Jacqueline Kennedy and her kids when all of this happened. In fact, we had a chance to walk by the casket. That was a good experience. Then, of course, Lyndon Johnson became the president and in 1964 he forced the passage of the Civil Rights Act that Kennedy could not get done. Kennedy didn't have the horsepower in the Senate to get it done. The House passed it, that wasn't a big problem, but it was the Senate that didn't want to pass it. They filibustered and did everything they could to avoid passing it. Lyndon Johnson just beat them up and on the 4th of July, they passed the Civil Rights Act. ROH: What was that like living in Washington when that happened? 30 RR: That was an exciting time. They had Martin Luther King Jr. speak at the Lincoln Memorial. There were hundreds of thousands of people there. I was at the Capitol and we talked about going down, but we figured it wasn't a good thing to do to go clear down there and get involved in that crowd. We were also there at the time the Blacks rioted on 14th street and burned a lot of the buildings. That was pretty close to the same time Martin Luther King Jr. gave his historic speech at the Lincoln Memorial. That was a big event at that time. It was an exciting time and an exciting point in history. ROH: Do you remember having conversations with your family about those events in the evenings when you were home with them? RR: My kids went with me when we saw the Kennedy ceremony. I explained that to them and when we got home and they were excited about it. They liked John Kennedy, they though he was a wonderful fellow. They got to do things that other kids don't get to do. They got to go to the White House, the Capitol building, Williamsburg and Jamestown. We went down to Jamestown and that was one of the great experiences where we saw replicas of those three little boats that brought the pilgrims here in 1607 and built the first permanent settlement in America. They gave us the history about how most of them starved to death or were killed by the Indians or by something else. There were very few survivors. That was a real eye-opener to us about early history. We got up to the Baltimore Harbor where Frances Scott Key saw the Star Spangled Banner and we saw the battlefield of the fight between the British and 31 the Americans on the Potomac River. Of course, the British captured Washington and they burned down a lot of things. They tried to burn down the White House and burned down a lot of it. They torched the various places in the Capitol and you can still see where the smoke was where they had gone with their torches. That was a great experience for my kids. They all became far more interested in American government. ROH: You've written a lot about your time in Washington in your book, so I won't repeat a lot of that, but tell me a little bit about how you felt about your career at that time. You had some significant leaps and bounds from Ogden to Washington at that point. RR: Reagan was anticipated to be a candidate for president in 1968. The convention was held in Miami Beach and Nixon, George Romney, and Rockefeller were candidates. Nixon was the clear leader. I was the state party chairman at that time. I knew the Nixon people and they knew me. They talked to me many times about helping on the Nixon campaign and I said, "Well, I'm the chairman of the party so I can't do that." We invited Ronald Reagan to come to our convention and the Nixon people were just livid after Reagan spoke. We only had about 14 national delegates at that time. This was the year we picked our delegates to go to the national convention. Nixon was clearly the favorite, although George Romney had some friends here because of his Mormon ties and ties to Utah. A guy from Cutbank, Montana who was a close associate of Reagan and a guy I knew as a party chairman said, "Dick, how would you like to have Ronald 32 Reagan be the keynote speaker at your convention, he'll do it for free." I said, "Hey, great. We want him." He came and Annette and I met him in the old Hotel Utah the night before he spoke. That was the first time we met Ronald Reagan. Annette was enamored because he was a movie star, and I was enamored because he was a politician. Anyway, he spoke the next day and he just mesmerized our delegation. Every one of them would have turned around and voted for him against Nixon if he ended up being our candidate. As we got down to Miami Beach, Nixon was nominated and Reagan withdrew his name, but George Romney stayed in and I was given the opportunity to second the nomination of George Romney for president back in Miami Beach. That was a high point for me. Nixon won of course. After he won the convention delegates, they hired me to do some ground work as a field man for Nixon in about 8 Western Rocky Mountain states. I had Washington, Oregon, Alaska, Hawaii, Utah, Idaho, Wyoming, Montana and Arizona. I organized the ground campaign and it is interesting because the thing that attracted me to the National Party Leaders to begin with was my organizational technique for recruiting people to go door-to-door. We called it the neighbors program. I was called back to New York after Nixon was nominated to meet with John Mitchell who was in charge of the campaign. They asked me about this program that I had in mind and Mitchell liked it, but some of his aides didn't like it and they started to argue with me. Mitchell sat there and just smoked his pipe and never said a word during my presentation. When it was all done, they started asking, "How do you know this is going to work?" I said, "We've done 33 it, we know how this thing works, you don't have to worry about that." Mitchell said, "We're going to do it. I like it. Richards, we'd like you to come to work full-time for us." I said, "I can't do it because I'm the party chairman out in Utah, but I know somebody who can do that program for you." They wanted to do it in Oregon first and he was running a primary against Rockefeller. Oregon was a liberal state and Nixon's people said, "We're not even going to go there, it's just a waste of time." So they didn't go there, but they sent my friend Alan Peterson, who was the guy that I recommended to do this. Peterson was an intern to me when I was party chairman in Utah. He knew my program, so they hired him to run the program and Nixon won. Nixon had never been there and Rockefeller had been there three times. Rockefeller's slogan was, "He cared enough to come." Everybody expected Rockefeller to win, but Nixon did win. Nixon said, "That's my secret weapon. I want to do that." Peterson was hired to run this program all over the country and did a great job with it. After the Nixon campaign, the next effort I got involved with was when Ronald Reagan was running against Gerald Ford. Nixon left, Ford became the president and Ford wanted to run. These same people that brought me back to Washington all thought I would be for Ford and wanted me to be involved in his Ford campaign. They asked me to get involved and I said, "I can't do that. I'm for the other guy." They said, "You're for Ronald Reagan? You can't be against the seated president. You're a party chairman and you're against our incumbent president?" In fact, the owner of Zion's Bank in the state of Utah, Roy Simmons, 34 met me at the airport and said, "Dick, that's crazy. You're going to go for that "class B" act against the president." ROH: Why was that? Why were you so pro-Reagan? RR: I just really liked the guy. I saw something in him and I thought, "This is the guy that ought to be the president." Reagan and Ford contended against each other at the convention in 1976 and it was a very close battle. We lost it right at the last minute and we felt bad about that. Prior to the time that I went to work with him Ronald Reagan had a group called Citizens for the Republic. This was a political action committee that was not for his benefit but where he could raise money and give to conservative candidates. Paul Laxalt was Reagan's closest friend in Washington, the former governor of Nevada and the Senator at that time. He invited me to join the Citizens for the Republic. I got a letter from Ronald Reagan saying, "I understand you're willing to do this, I'd love to have you join us." I became a member of the executive committee for the Citizens for the Republic. After we lost to Ford, we held a couple of monthly meetings and the meetings were usually held in Florida or someplace a distance from me and I had to fly over there and I had to pay a hotel bill. It cost me money to do it, about a thousand bucks every time I went to one of the meetings. After I went to a couple of them I thought, "This is a big waste of time." I got up in a meeting Paul Laxalt was conducting and said, "You know the next battle we're going to have is a convention fight just like the one we just lost and I don't see us getting any better prepared than we were then. I think we're wasting time." Ronald Reagan was 35 sitting at the far end of the table and he was doodling. After I said that he stopped and said, "That's right," and he pointed the pen at me. Paul said, "Well, does anybody else have anything to say?" We said, "No." No one else was going to interfere after the president said that. He said, "Okay, Dick, I'm appointing you to form a committee to come back to the next meeting and tell us what we ought to be doing. Richard, you're the chairman of the committee." We held some meetings after that and came back to the next meeting and gave him a report on what I thought we ought to be doing. We put together a program and I presented it. Everybody at the meeting thought it was a great idea except for two people. One of them was John Sears, who later became the chairman of the Reagan campaign. The chairman was fired at the night of the New Hampshire primary. The other guy was a fellow that had been with Reagan for many years named Nofziger. They all said, "Hey, this is great we want to do it. So after the meeting was over, I headed home and Paul Laxalt remained there for a while with this guy from Cutbank, Montana and Paul said, "I like Dick's idea, but who's going to get to run it? The program entails some work." Frank said, "Well, why don't you ask Dick?" Paul said, "He's a lawyer, he doesn't have time to do this and we don't have money to pay him to get it done. That's a lot of time involved." Frank said, "Well, before you write him off, ask him." So Paul called me on the phone and asked, "Would you run this program that you proposed to us? We will pay all of your expenses and enough money to pay your overhead of your office while you're gone working for us, but we don't have the money to pay you for your time." I said, "Okay." 36 I spent several months doing that and after Reagan got nominated and he was going to do the campaign, he said, "Dick, we want you to run the Western half of the country." Dick Wirthlin was put in charge of it and Bill Casing was the chairman. Dick Wirthlin was the strategist and would say, "We want you to take everything West of the Mississippi River except Texas and build the ground organization." After we won, Reagan wanted me to be the chairman of the transition team for the Department of Interior. I headed the team where we transitioned the Department of Interior from the Democrats to the Republicans and that was an interesting experience because they were paranoid about us and we were paranoid about them. It was common courtesy for the outgoing administration to cooperate with the incoming and let them have whatever information they wanted. So, we went down to the Department of interior, I recruited a group of guys to work with me on the campaign. Paul Laxalt had a couple people he wanted to do that and we took over down at the Department of Interior. We decided what we wanted to do, what people we wanted to remove and what changes we wanted to make. During that time, there were a lot of rumors in the paper about what was going to happen to Dick Richards. You saw them in Ogden. Is he going to be Secretary of the Interior? Is he going to be chairman of the party? When we got through with the Department of Interior, I got a call from the White house and they asked, "Dick, will you be available at 5:00 p.m. to take a call from the White House?" I said, "I'll be here." At 5:00 p.m., I get a telephone call from Ronald Reagan and he said, "Hi Dick, this is Ron, you've been reading about rumors that I was going to 37 appoint you chairman of the National Committee, so I want to make those rumors a reality. Would you take that chairmanship for me?" I said, "Mr. President, I'd be glad to." That's how it happened. ROH: It was that simple. RR: That simple. That's the way Reagan was, he was straight forward and simple. Let me tell you a thing I learned. This is a little out of order, but it shows Reagan. After I was elected, I was invited to go to the meetings that took place once a month between the president and the leaders of the House and the Senate. Bob Michael was a minority leader of the House. He was from Peoria, Illinois. One time, as we walked into the meeting, President Reagan says, "Hi Bob, how are things in Peoria?" Bob says, "Shucks, Mr. President, we've got it tough. We've got 5,600 caterpillar workers unemployed. We're trying to get a contract to sell our ditch-digger to the Russians and we just can't get it done." The president said, "Well, what's the matter? Is that a piece of high-tech equipment or something?" He says, "Hell no, it's a ditch digger, anybody can make a ditch digger." The president said, "Then I don't understand." He said, "Well, we have to get permission from the Department of Commerce in order to make the sale and they haven't made a decision." The president walks over and put his hand on his shoulder and said, "Bob, they just did." That day, Bob announced to his people in Peoria that the President approved their sale and they all went back to work. That's the way Reagan did it. I would have thought that he would have said to his Chief of Staff, Jim Baker to call Secretary Mossbacker and see what's holding 38 this up. Well, he didn't need to do that, he was president he could make the decision. ROH: Today is Wednesday, September 5, 2012. We are in the home of Richard Richards continuing his oral history. This is Rebecca Ory Hernandez from Weber State University. Present are Rebecca and Richard Richards as well as Annette Richards. Why don't we pick up from when you were still in Washington D.C. and you've finished your political piece of working with the White House? Tell me what you did after that presidential term was completed. RR: After I completed my two year assignment at the Republican National Committee, I chose not to run longer because there were too many problems fighting with people that wanted to control the National Committee and all that stuff. As I left, Ronald Reagan called me down to the White House and said, "Dick, you've been a loyal lieutenant to me for a long time, but you've never really been in my administration. I would like you to come and be part of the Reagan administration. What I'd like you to do is go over to the Department of Interior and be the Under Secretary to Jim Watt. Jim is having trouble and I think you could help him out. I said, "Well, Mr. President, I've been a volunteer for you for about six years and I'm broke. I need to get out and make some money. So, I really don't think I can do that." Not only that, I was beginning to have some health problems and I knew that it would be a torture chamber to go through some kind of hearing with the Senate controlled by the Democrats. I could not imagine that the Democrats would approve someone who had just been chairman of the Republican Party to go be the Under Secretary of the Department of Interior. I 39 passed that up and I opened up a lobbying lawyer business in Washington and began representing various interests. ROH: What was the name of the company? RR: Initially, I was with a couple of other lawyers, but when I started my own company it was called, "Commerce Consultants International" (CCI). When I left the National Committee, I had a going away party sponsored by the National Committee. It was to introduce my replacement, but also it was sort of a going away party for me and Ronald Reagan came. I heard from some inside people that some of the folks at the White House said, "Don't go for Richards, you didn't go when Dick Allen left or when others left. Why go for him?" Reagan said, "Well, I like him and we'll go." So, Reagan came and he spoke and said, "Dick Richards was my friend when it took courage to be my friend." That refers to the fact that I was the only state party chairman that supported Reagan against Gerald Ford while Ford was the president. That set me apart from the others and that's why Reagan appreciated me. It took courage to do that. I opened my office and immediately got some clients. One of the first clients was Sikorsky Helicopter Company. They had been trying to sell their helicopter to Taiwan for about six years. At one time they had a deal, but when Jimmy Carter was president he killed it. I met with a representative who was a lobbyist for Sikorsky and also a General from Taiwan. He came to my office and said, 'We want to buy the Black Hawk, and if we can't get it in the next six months we're going to write it off and we're going to buy the French helicopter 40 called the Augusta. We'll give you six months to get this done." I contacted Ed Meece who was counselor to the president and told him what we wanted to do. He went to the president and the president said, "Let them have what they want." That was six years of red tape cut by the president. I became a hero to Sikorsky because they'd been trying for six years. I developed a pretty good base of aerospace clients. I represented Sikorsky and I did some work for Boeing, General Dynamics and Pratt Whitney jet engines. I did a lot of work for them over many years. It turned out to be a very good client. ROH: Were there any other major clients when you were working? RR: I had some interesting ones. I was asked to represent the Kingdom of Thailand. I was the foreign agent for Thailand here in the United States. The United States was pressing some trade violations against Thailand. They were copying some of our medications. I remember they had a fake Sudafed that they sold and they copied our movies and all kinds of stuff. They stole a lot of intellectual property. The United States was going to punish them for it. When I was representing them, I talked to the Prime Minister and saw the other people that were movers and shakers over there and I asked, "What's your deal?" They said, "We'll stop stealing in two years, but we've got to do that now because the American products like medications are too expensive for Thai people to buy so we have to copy them and sell them at a lower price. We'll stop in two years." I asked, "Why?" They said, "Because we're working on our own copyright and patent laws and when they're in place to protect us then we'll protect you, but we're not going to protect you until we're ready." I went to the White House and I talked to the 41 domestic advisor of the president who was a friend of mine, Roger Porter. I said, "They said they'll quit in two years." He started to laugh and he says, "How am I going to tell the president they're only going to steal for two years?" I said, "Well, you know, the Japanese lied to you, the Chinese lied to you, everyone else lies to you, but these guys are at least telling you the truth." They withheld the sanctions against them. I represented this fellow by the name of Chachi. He was the first elected Prime Minister and after a couple years he got on an airplane with one of his generals by the name of Suchinda. The general pulled out his pistol and said, "Okay, Mr. Prime Minister, you're out and I'm in." He took over and executed Chachi right there with the airplane. Later on, Suchinda was trying to establish himself there and a lot of students rioted and picketed and so forth. About 1,500 of them just disappeared. I guess he had them killed and removed. When the king found out what happened he told him, "You're out. You can't be the prime minister here." Suchinda walked away. The king had a great deal of moral influence, although he had no legislative or statutory right to make those decisions. That was an interesting experiment. ROH: Did you ever have to travel to Thailand? RR: I traveled to Thailand once in a while, but my area was mostly in the Far East. I did a lot of traveling. In fact, someone asked me about traveling to Hong Kong and I looked it up and found I had 22 round-trips to Hong Kong in the 10 years of my passport. I did a lot there. 42 ROH: What about in Bangkok? RR: I did a lot in Bangkok. Later on, I represented a company in California called Sunrider International. I went to Bangkok, Malaysia, Indonesia and other countries to get permission for Sunrider to sell their product there and to convince them that our method of selling was legitimate. It was multi-level marketing and that was not common in the Far East, so we had to talk them into letting us do that. ROH: What happened next in your career? RR: That went on for several years. I represented people during the George Bush administration and did some part-time volunteer work for George Herbert Walker Bush in his campaign. I did some organizing in neighborhoods and in Washington, Oregon and here in the West. In fact, I was telling Annette that while I was involved with George Bush, he invited me to fly out with him to Boeing in Seattle. They were honoring the astronauts. They had the living astronauts there and I didn't pay a whole lot of attention to who was there, I never took any pictures or anything because I was there on a political trip. I think about a half a dozen of those guys and Neil Armstrong was there. They were given an award by Boeing Company for their exploits. They had an airplane like the one George Bush flew when he crashed into the ocean and he was rescued. He was really excited about that. He was looking at that and reminiscing. I was talking to Barbara Bush while he was doing that and she was excited for him because he hadn't seen one of those airplanes for a really long time. 43 ROH: Did you do any lobbying after that? RR: I did lobbying almost up to the time that I came home to Utah. Having been the Republican National Chairman, I had excellent contacts with Republicans and the Republican presidents. After Bill Clinton got elected, most of my contacts were gone. They were now Democratic contacts, so I figured that was a good time for me to go home. ROH: What year was it that you came home? RR: I think I came home about 1993. We were looking for a place to live here. I had a nice home in Washington and the value of it increased significantly. I had a profit on that property, but the tax laws were such at that time that if I sold my house, even though I bought another house I didn't get any kind of tax break on it and the government would have taken about $70,000 from me in taxes. I said, "Well, I'm not going to do that. I'll put the money into a new house." I bought a house here in South Ogden. I bought it without Annette seeing it. I came out and I saw this house and I walked in and it was a beautiful house on 46th and Jefferson, a big gray rock house. I walked in there and the neighbor was a real estate agent for Weber County. I walked in and looked in the foyer and I didn't even go through the house, it was just so beautiful and I was impressed so I said, "I'll take it." I gave him a check that night for earnest money. I said, "One condition, my wife has a week to decide whether she wants to come here." I called Annette and she didn't want to be bothered coming out. My daughter who lived here went to see it and she said, "Oh mom, you'll love the house." We agreed and we moved 44 into the house. We lived there until I started having a pretty serious heart problem and we couldn't keep up the land. The property was too big and complicated. We had to move, so we moved here into the condominiums. ROH: Tell me a little bit about your health problems you are referring to. RR: When I was living in Virginia I went out for a bike ride with my youngest son. As I pumped up a hill I had severe chest pains and I stopped at the top and I said, "Brian, I have to stop and rest." He wanted to go on so I told him he can go on but I had to rest. When I went home Annette saw me and she said, "Dick you look terrible, you need to go to a doctor." I said, "Well, I'll do it tomorrow." I was kind of gray and having a lot of pain. I waited until the next day and went to a doctor. They examined me and said, "You've had a major blockage of your arteries, but don't worry about it because the worst that could happen to you already happened." We thought that was pretty crazy to say that, so I went to a very famous cardiologist I had contact with as a result of some of my business. He ran a heart hospital in Phoenix. They tested me and said, "You've got some blockage." They gave me an angiogram and put in a stent. The stent lasted just one day and it was clogged up again. This was just a couple of days before Christmas. I said to the surgeon, "What do you recommend?" He said, "I think you ought to get a mechanical fix." He meant a bypass. I said, "Well, I ought to do it. This is a good time for me to do that. Business is slow in Washington. So when can you do it?" He said, "I can do it 45 tomorrow." I called Annette and said, "I'm not coming home for Christmas, I'm getting open-heart surgery tomorrow." Annette had Christmas in Virginia with the family before she came to see me. I remember after the operation when I looked in the mirror; I looked like my father looked on his death bed. My voice was just like him. Annette saw me and she started crying. That was my first open-heart surgery. I got over that for a while and later on I developed another problem. In fact, I'd been in Korea and worked out in the exercise room in the hotel in Korea and I thought, "I'm doing great." By the time I got to the airport I was having trouble, so that was the sign that I needed it again. Then, I ended up having open-heart surgery again here in Ogden with Dr. Cain at the McKay-Dee Hospital. That one was kind of interesting because I went to Salt Lake to the Beehive House and I was participating in a political meeting there. The pains became more severe and more severe. I didn't think I was going to make it home it was so bad. Immediately, I saw a sign that said "Hospital Next Right" so I took the road up to the hospital on Antelope Drive and went to the emergency ward and went in and told the lady, "I need some help." She said, "You look terrible. Sit down." They got me in a wheelchair and got me some oxygen and said, "You need to see your heart doctor tomorrow." I went to see him and that's when he said, "We'll do another operation on you." So I got another open-heart surgery here. The one I got in Phoenix I got about five or six bypasses. When I was here in Ogden I got a couple more. It seemed like every two years I would have problems. 46 Later on, I had a problem again and I saw the same doctors and they said, "We won't open you up, we've opened you up twice and we're not interested in performing another open-heart, we never know what we're going to get into." I was in serious trouble and nobody would touch me. I went to the LDS hospital in Salt Lake and they didn't want to do anything and McKay-Dee didn't want to do anything. My son got on the internet and found a vascular surgeon out in Daly City, California who was doing some experimental laser surgery. We decided to try that. I went out to see them and they acknowledged that I needed some surgery, but it was experimental and the FDA would not let them perform that surgery unless I had an independent doctor look at me beforehand to say, "If he doesn't get it he'll probably die." It was one of these compassionate things. They said, "There's no insurance, so if you come out here, you'll have to bring cash with you." The vascular surgeon's secretary or nurse negotiated with the hospital and everybody involved and I had to take $15,000 out to Daly City Hospital and they performed that surgery on me. It's called TMR Transmyocardial Revascularization. They open you up and pull the ribs apart and punch holes in your heart with a laser. They move the laser right up to the heart muscle and punch a hole and blood will start coming out and they rub their finger on it and it seals it over and they move over and punch another until they punch 25 holes, sew you up and that's it. I'll tell you, it was the best operation I've ever had. The impact was dramatic. I walked out of there in a couple of days and the only thing that was wrong with me was I hurt a 47 lot on the soft tissue. Otherwise, it was like I'd never had a heart problem. That lasted me for several years and we decided I could go on a mission. Annette and I volunteered to go on a mission and we were called to the Rochester, New York mission and that included Buffalo, Rochester and Palmyra. While I was there I had the problem again and I was hospitalized. When I got home everything looked pretty good. I ended up over here at Ogden Regional and had a few more stents put in. I got to a point where I was really in trouble and my doctor said, "I tried to go in there and put in another stent, but I couldn't even get my wire in the artery. I tried four times and then I gave it up. I have to tell you, you're in pretty serious shape. I don't think you'll live on too much. I'd give you about two months unless somebody can fix this and we don't have a doctor with the ability to fix this particular problem." It was the main descending right artery. ROH: What year was this? RR: It was about 2007. The doctor said, "Let me call Mayo, Johns Hopkins and Cleveland. If anybody could do it one of them can, but I don't even know if they'll touch you." Cleveland said, "Come on back and we'll look at it and decide what to do." So we went back there and we checked in on a Monday and they did all kinds of tests on me until Friday and I met with the surgeon and he said, "Mr. Richards, you're in pretty bad shape. You've got about two months and that's about all you can live with this. The only way we could avoid that is if we could fix it. We don't even want to try. We don't open up people three times, now you want 48 us to open you up the fourth time. We don't normally do that." I said, "Well, doctor, you're the best hospital in the country to do this, you're the best doctor and I'm a tough patient. I want you to do it." He started laughing and he said, "I guess if anybody can survive it, you probably could. I won't agree to do it, but stick around for a day or so and I'll talk to some other surgeons and we'll see if we can work something out. But you have no promise from me." On Sunday, we got the telephone call from them and they said, "If you're still willing to take the risk and give appropriate releases, we'll do it on Tuesday." They called back and said, "We've got a cancellation Monday, come on in Monday morning." So I went in Monday morning and that's when they did the operation on me. It was kind of interesting though, the doctor did not want to do it. I knew he didn't want to do it, so he was looking pretty glum when they were about to do it. They did twelve open-heart surgeries a day at that hospital. He looked kind of glum and I said, "Well, doctor, let me tell you something that will make you feel better. I'm a Mormon, and we have a scripture that says all men are given a gift and you have a gift to heal people and I have the gift to be healed." He gave me the thumbs up and shoved me in the operating room and that was it. He called my doctor here and said, "You know, if it hadn't been for his attitude, we would have never touched him. He had such a good attitude. We thought he had a reasonable chance to survive." After about a year my doctor said, "Write to this guy and tell him you're still alive, I think he'll be interested in hearing it." ROH: It's been five years later. Are you doing well now? 49 RR: I'm doing pretty well. I've got some problems, but I'm doing pretty well. ROH: So does this heart issue run in your family? RR: Both of my parents had strokes, so I presume it runs in the family. I've got seven sisters and none of them have the problem. I have one brother and he's had one little problem, but hasn't had a stent put in. I've ended up with nine bypasses, four open-heart surgeries, fourteen stents, and a pacemaker and I'm just ticking along until it's time to go. ROH: Were there any prominent surgeons here in Ogden that worked with you on this? RR: Doctor Cain at McKay-Dee Hospital and my cardiologist here is Doctor Diehl at Ogden Regional. He's put in about seven of my stents. He's not a surgeon, he's a cardiologist. So, that's my medical history. ROH: Let's back up here a little bit. You moved back here from Washington. Were you involved in law practice when you moved back to Ogden? RR: I still represented Sunrider Corporation out of California. I was their general council. I really wasn't though. I had the title, but I was more of a consultant to them and did routine corporate work for them. I did a little bit of other lobbying. I did not do legal work, but I did some lobbying for people. ROH: Were you lobbying for Utah constituents or people back in Washington? RR: Mostly back in Washington. 50 ROH: Can you tell me some of the people you were working with then? RR: I was working with people in the aerospace business and I had to lobby the congress for them to put a little pressure on Taiwan to buy a bunch of Boeing aircraft. Taiwan Airlines wanted it, but they had some guys in the Taiwan government that didn't want to spend the money although they had billions on hand. Our job was to build a little bit of fire under the head of the government in Taiwan so they'd buy the airplanes from us. We had a bad balance of trade. They sold us a lot more than we sold them. To sell them eight or ten 747's was a big deal and we promoted that pretty aggressively. I didn't do a whole lot more, I really was quite retired. ROH: Did you get involved with any groups in the community? RR: I got involved with some friends and we played golf once a week. I did a little work in politics. I helped Orrin Hatch and other Republican candidates. I didn't do a lot. I didn't have the energy to do a lot and I didn't feel safe to travel. I did do some traveling to visit my son in Alabama and my daughter in New York and stuff like that, but I've been retired. However, I'm writing some papers on how I think we can improve the presidential election system in America. ROH: I know you have written a lot. RR: I've had people ask me to represent them and I've turned them down because I couldn't be reliable. If I had to go someplace tomorrow at 10:00, I'm not sure I could do it because of my health. I wake up some mornings and I just can't operate. 51 ROH: I know about you're involvement with Weber State and you've indicated that you guest lecture at the University of Utah. Why don't you tell me a little bit about that? RR: My interest was primarily with Weber State. When I left Washington after having seen the legal profession and the lobbyist I thought, "We have a real problem with ethics in this country." I wanted to do something about ethics and I talked to Ann Milner who was president of the university. I embarrassed my wife in what I said, but I said, "Ann, you ought to teach ethics on the campus. If you do that, you'll be a hero and if you don't do it you'll be a bum." She said, "You mean I'll be a bum?" I said, "Yes." We laughed about that. We talked about ethics and the development people got in touch with me. He said, "If you want to do something about it, why don't you put up some money to start a foundation?" So I did. I put up quite a bit of money for it. We started our ethics program and what we've been doing is giving scholarships out. For the last couple of years we've given scholarships and I think last year we gave about $20,000. That is, $1,000 scholarships to 20 people. ROH: Tell me a little bit about who is receiving the scholarships. RR: We put on a program in conjunction with Garff Motors, who has a program for high school students. We decided to have each of the high schools in the area participate in a contest to write the best essay on how we can improve ethics in our community. The people who wrote the best essay in 20 high schools were given a $1,000 scholarship to Weber State. We've done that for two years and I 52 presume we will continue to do it. In the meantime, I decided to write a book. I started writing my book about what I had done and so on and I've got some good help from Gene Sessions up on the campus. It took me a long time. Writing a book is not an easy project. My wife had a lot of good notes. My secretary kept a lot of good notes. I had a lot of press releases. A lot of what I put in there I got from newspapers because most everything I did was written up in the press somewhere. The book is called, "Climbing the Political Ladder One Rung at a Time" That was designed primarily to encourage young people who like politics to get involved. Also, to tell them how I was able to go from nowhere to the National Chairmanship and that they can do the same thing. As I give talks around, one of the first questions everybody asks is, "How did you ever get to become the Republican National Chairman?" The press says, "He came from Podunk Utah. Where's Ogden?" They had no idea where Ogden was. I had no family that was previously involved in politics. My family didn't have money, so how did I get to be National Chairman? ROH: Do you think that in today's environment that something like that could happen to someone? RR: It would be pretty rare because I've never heard of it happening before either. ROH: I'm sure that's what a lot of the students say is that it's really remarkable. RR: Well, what I tell them is that if they are willing to do the grubby, unglamorous work like licking the envelopes, putting on the stamps and running the errands, 53 you can work yourself up that ladder. Candidates love volunteers and if you're a good volunteer, you will just keep progressing up the line. The guy that I hired to be the executive director of the party here when I was the national chairman was Dave Turner, a young kid out of Utah State that volunteered to drive a car for me when I was a candidate. He was just a young kid interested in politics and he was a driver. From there he just moved up the ladder until he ended up in a pretty good position. ROH: What is he doing now? RR: He worked for Hudd for a while and he's just trying to get some years in for government service and he's working for the national security people at the airport. ROH: Back to this ethics business. It's curious to me because I don't know of a lot of ethics programs at other schools, so what inspired you to create something related to ethics at Weber State? RR: Well, because we needed it. We really need it. When I talked to them, Ann said, "Talk to the head of the business department." I talked to him and he said, "Well, we devote an hour or two in the course of study on ethics." I said, "That's nothing. We ought to have a whole program of ethics." I really pushed it hard and Nathan Clark pushed me to put up the money to start it and that's what we've done. Every day you can read in the newspaper about some major breech of ethics on the part of a governor, a senator, or someone that works for the city— everybody. There's ethical breech all around us and a lot of times these kids 54 don't know any better. I've seen surveys where they ask kids if they have ever cheated in school. Seventy-five percent of them say they've cheated and when you ask why they say, "Well, everybody else is cheating and I'm competing with them. If I have to compete with them then I guess I have to cheat." I thought, "We need to start teaching them a little bit earlier." If we can get a hold of these kids in high school and get them involved in ethics, it's going to a make a difference. Someone asked me, "How are you going to measure success?" I said, "I don't know that you can, but somewhere along the line you're going to touch somebody and that's going to improve their attitude on ethics." That's what it's all about. It's a difficult thing. It's prodding all the time and trying to get people to buy scholarships for the kids, but we have had some experience from these young kids that won the scholarship that say, "I could not have gone to college without that scholarship. That made all the difference in the world to me." We give it to them not because they are rich or good students, but because they have the best ideas about ethics. I still spend a lot of time and effort on this ethics stuff. ROH: I think that's great. RR: However, I do have a complaint against the university on this and I've talked to a lot of these guys that raise big chunks of money. I say, "Why don't you tell the people that are giving to earmark some of that money for ethics?" The university doesn't want to do it because they want the money to go into the building or whatever they do. There's no reason why we can't tell a guy that's going to give a million dollars that $50,000 of that can go into ethics, but the university has their 55 own program and it isn't channeling the ethics program. We're getting the new president soon and I'm going to be approaching him. Ann has been supportive, but nothing has happened other than holding those meetings. We had the former governor speak to our group a year ago and we gave out all these scholarships and there wasn't one word in the press about it. Standard Examiner never wrote one word about it. We had the pictures taken of all these kids that got scholarships and we were hoping they'd get their picture in the paper and they did not. I called Doug at the Standard and I asked if he would run a story on the ethics program. He said, "Yes. When is it?" I said, "It was last night." They did not even know what night it was and I said, "You guys at the university and the public relations department failed, you should have seen that the press was there." Again, this is the second year they didn't do it. We've decided that we've got to have a public relations guy on our board. It's their job to get the press. ROH: Is there anything nationally that you're aware of happening with ethics? RR: No. It was kind of interesting when Jon Huntsman was the governor, he came up when they named the Richard Richards Institute. Governor Huntsman and Jake Garn were there and they named it. Huntsman said, "You're the only university around here that's promoting ethics. I'm going to support you. I'm going to help you." Well, he hasn't. I sent him an email when he was over in China and said, "You said you wanted to help us I thought it meant you were going to give us some money or get other people to give some money." We hate to have to go out 56 and grub money a dollar at a time to give these scholarships. Zion's Bank has been a big supporter. They have given us $12,000 each year for two years. That was very helpful to us. The university has paid for the meals when we have the banquet and that's about all the university has done. It really hasn't caught on yet. ROH: It takes some time. How many years has it been now? RR: I've been working on it for about three or four years, but we've been giving out scholarships for the last two. Alan Hall is a big money raiser for the school. I went to Alan and said, "Alan, why don't you tell these guys that are giving money that they can earmark some for ethics." He said he would do it, but I don't think he has. However, in the next week or so that committee meets again and I'm going to go back to Alan Hall and say, "Look, give us some money." In fact, because he writes this business article and I told him, "Alan, why don't you write an article about ethics?" He wrote a paragraph about it out of probably 30 or 40 columns. We got two inches referring to ethics. We're going to have to press it. ROH: I think it would be good for you to write a column too because you've got more experience. RR: I've written some columns only they've been political columns. ROH: What do you think about ethics in politics these days? RR: Well, politics today is meaner than it has been in a long time. When Jake Garn decided he didn't want to run again and Howard Baker from Tennessee, the 57 senator from Colorado said, "It isn't fun anymore. It used to be fun, but it is just mean now. Your colleagues are mean, your constituents are mean, the press is mean and it just isn't fun." Senator Baker told me, "If I knew how good it was on the outside, I would have quit the senate a long time ago." It's just a bad environment and it is getting worse. You can go back in history and you can see even in George Washington's time they slandered one another, but we slander them day after day in the press that gets to millions of readers every day. That's why it appears so bad. ROH: How do you inspire the youth? Let's say these high school kids that you're helping to go to university. How do you inspire them to change when what they're seeing is so slanderous? RR: We've made a couple of attempts to do that. We were assigned by the governor to sit on the committee to tell how to improve elections in the state. I got the students up at Weber to write a program on it and we submitted it to the governor. We also got one on ethics and what the ethics reform ought to be. Our kids on the campus wrote a program on how to establish an ethics program in the state of Utah and the legislation didn't pay any attention to it. We gave it directly to the governor and we gave it to legislatures and we gave it to the press. Everybody saw it but the legislature pre-empted everybody and wrote their puny little ethics reform which is nothing. 58 ROH: I was wondering if that had anything to do with it. I remember hearing about ethics reform a little over a year ago, so I was wondering if that is just one of those things that will take more time. RR: Yes, it will take time beyond my time to get, but whatever we do to get it going is worth it. Like I said, if you ask, "How do you measure your success?" There are no definitive measures, but if you touch the heart and mind of a half a dozen kids, that's good. Out of our first year we had one of our students that got an ethics scholarship and they worked on our committee. They went to Washington to be an intern at the White House for Obama. Another one went to work for congressman Bishop. The kids did get involved and they're doing some stuff. I can pick out two or three kids that I know we've had an impact on and will do something in politics. As I look back, when I was party chairman in Utah, Karl Rove was one of my interns. I didn't even know him. I didn't pay attention to him at that time. Another one was this guy Dave Hanson, who runs Orrin Hatch's campaign and I had lunch with him yesterday. Another one named Alan Peterson who did a nationwide organizational program for Richard Nixon and we had some guys from Ogden participating. Alex Hurtado, he was one of my best political friends and he got involved in this national organization for Nixon. I've seen a handful of people that have become involved and have been very successful, but it's got to be more. ROH: Is there anything else you'd like to add about ethics? 59 RR: There is one thing that's happening. Isaac Goeckeritz is putting together a film on ethics to promote the ethics up here. He has interviewed Jake Garn, Richard Wirthlin, Mr. Mack, the governor, and a whole lot of people talking about ethics in their business. Bob Garff talks about the ethics of his father in the automobile business. They're talking about ethics and he's preparing it and his wife said he is coming close and maybe by Christmas he will have it done and it will go on the air at KUED. I think it will be good enough that it will open up a lot of other things. Another guy that's in that is Dan Jones and he talks about ethics in the polling business. ROH: That will be good to see. Isaac Goeckeritz, for future reference, is a local historian, film documenter, a Weber State graduate, and one of Richard's relatives. RR: We were involved with the one on the Union Station, he did the one on the hill out in Uintah, "The U," he did one on homeless vets and now he's doing one on ethics. He's also doing other stuff. KUED loves him, they say he's got a great deal of talent and they're going to keep using him. ROH: Today is September 26, 2012 and we are in the home of Dick Richards. Present are Rebecca Ory Hernandez and Dick Richards. We are going to continue your oral history. The last time we spoke we talked a lot about the Ethics Institute at Weber State, so today I would like to talk a little more about present day and what is happening in your life. What are your involvements here in Ogden and in 60 the state related to politics? I know that you have been a guest on a few T.V. shows, so why don't you tell me a little bit about that? RR: I was on two Ted Capner shows, that's the Sunday afternoon broadcast. The first one after he read my book he invited me to come and talk to him and we talked about the things that are in the book. You've seen many of them. The other discussion we had just a week or so ago was on how we can cut down the cost of presidential campaign. This year's presidential campaign will probably cost 4 billion dollars. Each one of the candidates will raise about a billion dollars for their campaign and the political parties will make another half a billion. Then, 527 committees, or so-called super-packs, will each raise about a half a billion or more and that will put us at least $4 billion for the presidential campaign. The point that people don't understand is that the Supreme Court has rules that anyone can get involved in a campaign and spend all the money they want provided they do not coordinate with the candidate. All these committees raise money and you know what their message is going to be, they don't have to say vote for Obama or vote for Romney, you can tell what they're promoting. They get involved in it and that will bring the cost to over $4 billion. My proposal was that in order to prevent this limit the time, since you can't limit the money. Reduce the time of the campaign and allow the candidates to do their exploratory effort up until about the 15th of April in the election year. By the 15th of April they have to announce whether they will or will not be a candidate. If they say they will be a candidate, from that day on they can start raising money. They'll have to go through the primaries of the various states from that time before November. 61 If you're in a state with a caucus convention like we have, you might have your first caucus about three months after the candidate announces. We'd have the county conventions and the state conventions and if you had to have a primary you'd push the campaign between the Republican and the Democrat clear back to about August of September. They can't raise or spend a billion dollars between September and November, so it will really force the whole process to slow down to eliminate cost. Romney had been running for about 6 or 8 years and Obama has been running for 3 and it's just boring, wasteful and non-productive. The conventions and the debates they have are really about nothing and they reduce themselves to just petty criticism of the other guy. If you had only a three month campaign period they'd talk about what they want to do. They'd talk about the positive aspects of their campaign. ROH: Who profits from all of this money? RR: I made that point on television. The only ones that profit are the television stations, the radio, the newspaper, the campaign managers, and the advertising firms. The public doesn't profit by it. It's the guys that make money out of the campaign. Professional fundraisers get a percentage of the money they raise, the television people get money for everything they run, the campaign managers and the public relations people get 15 percent of what they spend on television. Just imagine a $200 million campaign on television and the guy is going to make about $30 million for putting the ads on the air. That's a big deal. ROH: So the candidates don't actually make any of the money they are raising? 62 RR: No, the candidates don't get it. It's those that are in the campaign business that get the money. Nobody likes to give it, but when you've got a campaign and they keep hitting you up for money, you feel the pressure and you make contributions. Everybody but the guys that make money on the campaign would like to see it shorter. ROH: Do you think that will happen in our lifetime? RR: It could, but I don't know whether it will or not. There has been a drive in the past for regional primaries or a national primary. If we had regional primaries, that would help a lot because then the candidate would have to talk to all of the American people instead of just eight states. Where they are now they go to Illinois and they talk about automobile manufacturing because that's the big issue there. They go to Ohio and they talk about the agricultural subsidies. It really isn't a national campaign, it is a series of little local interest campaigns. That's not good for the country. ROH: Are there any other shows that you've been featured on other than the one that you just mentioned? RR: No, I've been on his show a couple of times and I speak once in a while at the Hinckley Institute. I get invited more to the University of Utah to speak than I do Weber State, but I do participate on the campuses and I've been asked to talk to civic groups in town. My health is such that I have been turning them down. I don't know whether or not I'm going to feel well enough to do it. I just say, "No, I don't do that anymore." 63 ROH: Are you doing any local speeches during this campaign? RR: I write down suggestions for the candidates to send to them and they never follow those. What happens is that when a guy gets to be the campaign manager doesn't want other people telling him what to do. They look at guys like me and say, "Oh those guys are over the hill, they don't know the campaigns are different today." They don't pay any attention to us. They're wrong. I found my way to the national chairmanship by doing a good campaign on the state and local level and then on the national level. The principles of running the program we run is the same today as it was 20, 30, or 50 years ago. The average American has nothing to do with the campaign. They don't know the candidate. They don't meet the candidates and they don't even know who they are. If you put on a program where you give them the opportunity to participate in the campaign they're flattered by it. They want to do it. What we had done over the years was recruit people. For Richard Nixon, we set up a telephone operation and called people in the various neighborhoods and said, "I'm a volunteer for Richard Nixon, we think he's uniquely qualified to be president of the United States. We're doing what we can, will you help us?" A lot of people say yes and ask what they can do. We send them brochures and ask them to go door-to-door and tell the people about Richard Nixon and give him their personal endorsement. We know it flatters people and they think their job is very important. 64 Many years ago, one guy up in Portland called up after we went through the primary and said, "I did my work in the primary, but I'm 82 years old and legally blind. I don't think I can do it in a general election. So, you better get someone to take my place." He thought that the little role he had in the neighborhood was so important that if he didn't do it, there would be a problem so we'd have to get somebody to take his place. T The campaign chairman doesn't make any money if you do this volunteer work and neither does the television or anyone else, this is a very quiet campaign. The only person that makes any money on this is the guy that rents you the building and maybe the telephone company that has telephones from it. ROH: That's interesting. Are you doing any other kinds of present day consulting? RR: No, I'm actually retired. I'm helping a couple of little businesses, but I'm basically retired. I'm one of the 47 percent that's living off of the government program called Social Security. ROH: Can you share a little bit about the businesses you're helping? RR: I've been helping a company that makes a gasoline additive that reduces the pollution of your automobile and increases your gas mileage. Interestingly enough, my role is to get government people to look at it and try it out. I have found that people that work for the government in the motor pools don't care if you save money on gasoline. It's not out of their pocket. You can give it to them and ask them to try it out, but they don't do it. We talk about the need to increase 65 mileage and reduce pollution, but the guy that's running the motor pool at the state of Utah, Salt Lake and Ogden don't care. ROH: Is it corn-based? RR: No, it's not a food-based. It's made of algae. It does not affect the corn prices or the wheat prices. I use it in my car and I get five more miles per gallon in the city and on the highway. ROH: That's fascinating. RR: It's just a little tablet you put in the gas tank. It looks like a jelly bean and when you fill your gas tank you drop it into the tank. ROH: Is it available on the market? RR: Yes, but it's only on the internet. You can't sell it at the gas stations because it cuts down their gas sales they don't want that. I've got to give my wife credit that she put up with all of the things I've done and all of the moving. I have dragged her and my kids around the country time and time again and they've never complained. I think they've had a great benefit from doing it, but at the same time a lot of people complain if they've had to pick up and move every year or two. We never lived in a house for more than 10 years until we were 13 years in that house in McLean, Virginia and that's the longest we've ever been in a house. AR: Actually, we've been here now about as long as we've been there. It wasn't easy, I'll tell you. 66 ROH: Annette, you do history, right? AR: Yes. I've been doing that. I went to a meeting in Salt Lake on this new family search and they asked how long people have been researching and I'd been researching the longest. Over 50 years. I started when I was pretty young. Our oldest daughter was three months old when I got involved. ROH: Okay. Thanks Annette. Let's talk a little about present day politics, just a couple of quick questions. Are you involved at all in present day politics as far as on the national level? RR: Once in a while a candidate will call me and ask if he can sit down with me for a while and talk about the campaign and I give him some ideas. Otherwise, I'm really not involved. I was called by the campaign chairman for Governor Rick Perry and asked if I would be the Utah chairman for Perry and I said, "We've got to get passed John Huntsman first." I couldn't work for Perry as long as John Huntsman was in the race, but if Huntsman was out I'd be glad to help Perry out. I think he was a good candidate except he can't talk and answer questions. ROH: Other than Perry, are there any other names? RR: Well, I gave a little bit of advice to Hatch's opponent, but I said, "Orrin is a good friend of mine. I can't tell you how to run against him, but I can tell you what I think the issues ought to be." I spent an hour with Dan Lillianquist and I thought he was a good candidate, but he ran a bad campaign. ROH: What makes a bad campaign? 67 RR: If the campaign doesn't connect with the public and the voters it's a bad campaign. What you've got to do is talk about a message that they want to hear about and you have to have a good point of view on it. That's what these polls are about. They're polling all the time, "How do you feel about immigration? How do you feel about this or that?" The candidate tailors their message to appeal to those people. Unfortunately, it gets to be just a pandering deal to them. I respect Jon Huntsman because he said, "I'm not going to go to Iowa because I'm against ethanol subsidies. If I got to Iowa they're just going to "boo" me and I won't make any headway there, so I'm not going to go pander to them." I respect him for taking that position. Most of the candidates will go to one place and pander to them and it's just not healthy for the country and I think it's too bad. I'm 80 years old and my health isn't good, so I deliberately took myself out of a lot of this. I did join the tea party and I'll tell you why I like it. Number one, this is middle class America, the silent majority starting to make a little bit of noise. They're not looking for something special for themselves; they just don't want things special given to everybody else. They say, "We've got to cut down our spending." It isn't a question of raising more money, it's spending less money. When they go out and they have a rally of 15,000 people, there's no paraphernalia on the ground or a mess. They don't create a problem. It's clean, it's nice and these are good American citizens voicing their opinion. I read where people say, "The tea party is fading and they are not going to be all that critical in the campaign." They're kidding themselves. The tea party is alive and well and they will be very active in the campaigns when it comes closer to election time. 68 They don't campaign all year long, but they will be out working and they will have an impact. ROH: I think it's interesting that today that we have a new party. I think most people would find that interesting historically to look back and see the beginnings of this new party. Thank you for sharing. RR: One of the things that I propose in election reform is that they allow all parties to campaign in primary elections. Let them all get into the campaign and you'll wash out those that aren't really going to be a contender and you're going to end up with two or three. Maybe there would be three candidates in November, but there's nothing wrong with that. Maybe the guy that wins the presidency only had 47 percent of the population, but that's okay. Other people ought to have the right to voice their point of view and have the American people hear it. ROH: I had a young political science student ask me a question that they wanted me to ask you. He said that a lot of his friends are just not interested in politics at all. I would say between the ages of 19 and 26 are the age of his friends right now. He wanted me to ask you why they should be interested or get involved in politics because their perception of everything they see is negative. RR: That's unfortunate. A lot of people are turned off by the negative campaigns. I am. I'd get tired of listening to them. In fact, I asked Ted Capner if he watched all of the debates and he said, "No." I said, "Neither did I." I couldn't watch them all because they were not productive. I'd tell these young kids, "If you are really interested in politics, find a candidate that you like who's telling the story the way 69 you like it and join that campaign. If you get involved in it you will see your way through all of these things. You'll see how productive it can be." When you're only 19 years old, you're not thinking about retirement, medical expenses, or high taxes. You just haven't been out in the real world yet. As soon as you get a job and get your paycheck and you find out how much money was taken out for social security and worker's compensation and all these other things you think, "Hey, I thought I was getting $200 and I got $150." That shocks them and that's the eye-opener to these people. It kind of goes along with what Winston Churchill said, "When you're 19 years old, if you're not a liberal you've got no heart, but when you're 55 years old, if you're not a conservative you've got no brains." ROH: Right. That was what he asked, "How does it impact my life? All I'm trying to do is survive." He's actually got a wife and a child. He's working, going to school and he's involved on campus in leadership. He said, "I don't see how I can even be a blip on the radar of what's going on nationally." RR: Well, that's a story I tell in my book. I started out as the junior Republican chairman at Weber Junior College in 1952. In 1980, I was the Republican National Chairman. I climbed up. President Reagan said, "He's had every job on the way up. This is the first chairman I know that's worked his way through the state and national chairmanship positions." There's opportunity out there for these guys and in order to really understand it, I think you have to get involved in a campaign. The guy who's going to school and has a wife and kids says, "I'm 70 worried about my health insurance and if we have another baby we can't afford the cost of it." Then insurance becomes interesting to him. After a while, he gets hurt on the job or he gets sick, then social security, Medicare, and disability becomes interesting to him. These things become interesting as he grows older and he's facing that proposition. Young people don't look that far ahead. They think they're invincible and indestructible. They just don't see the problems down the road. ROH: Right. So let's talk a little bit about your family. I know you've got lots of children. RR: I've got five. ROH: That's a good-sized family. Are any of them involved in politics? RR: No, that is the interesting thing. My oldest son is a professor of philosophy at the University of Alabama. His name is Richard Albert Richards. He was named after Annette's father. He started out to be a dancer professionally and he danced around the world as a ballet dancer. He was quite good, but not good enough to be a star, and if you're not a star you can't make a living doing it. He finally decided that it wasn't for him and he went back to school to study philosophy. When he went back to school, he took the college ACT test and he got in the 98th percentile and he was offered a full fellowship at Johns Hopkins in Baltimore. He got his degree there. He was a very good student and he had very good recommendations by the number one philosopher there and he went around to some of the colleges to seek employment and he ran into people that 71 said, "White men need not apply, we're going to hire a minority or a woman. So don't bother to apply." My oldest daughter, Julie Dockter, is married to a real estate salesman and they have four sons who are all doing very well. One of them is a businessman doing a lot of business with China and has made a lot of money. Another one is a medical doctor and his name is Dr. Dockter. Another one is in college studying something in physical sciences and the other one is a computer expert at Novell in Provo. My next daughter is married to a lawyer who's practicing law in New York. She's interested in politics, but she doesn't do much of it. She reads a lot and she gets involved a little bit but she has three kids and teaches early morning seminary and some other things. Her name is Jan Stevenson. My next daughter is Amy Hartvigsen and her husband is a landscape architect down in Alpine and they have four boys. The oldest is now on a mission. They have really talented kids. There is a lot of talent around my grandkids. My youngest son, Brian, works for the state of Utah in Utah Workplace. That's my family. I have ten grandchildren and eleven great grandchildren and four of those great grandchildren are part Chinese. My grandson, Chris Dockter married a Chinese girl from Taiwan. 72 ROH: I couldn't help but notice that you have a lot of art hanging in your home. RR: It's all family art. My father was the artist. ROH: Other people in your family are also artistically inclined. RR: Yes. My brother is an artist and he taught art at Dennison University in Dallas. My son, Rich, painted that big picture on the wall there. On the wall up there I've got paintings of my father, my brother, my daughter, and my son. We've all got a painting up there. My father is the best artist of the bunch. I have sisters that are very good. I think you saw the picture of the dogs in my bedroom. One of my sisters did that. There are a number of good artists in the family. The etching above the piano was by my brother. That big picture there is done by my son, Rich. The Abraham Lincoln was given to me by the Republican Party of Utah when I completed my term as state chairman. The star is a little thing that Richard Nixon gave out when he was elected president. The eagle is from the inauguration of Reagan and Bush. Geronimo is one that I just purchased. A friend of mine, Jay Taggert, former superintendent of the schools for Utah gave me the Teddy Roosevelt. ROH: Is there anything else that I might not have asked you that you would like to address? RR: I tell people jokingly that I used to be a genius, but now I'm just very bright. As a result of my heart operations, I have lost some mental acuity and I'm not as sharp as I used to be. My memory isn't as good. I have bad days so I'm limited. As a former National Chairman, I always have access to a seat at the national 73 conventions. They have one for former chairmen and I couldn't go so I asked them if my nephew could use my credentials so he went to the last convention. I went to every convention from 1968 until George W. Bush ran. I did not go then, but I went through Nixon, Reagan, and H. W. Bush. I've been to a lot of conventions. ROH: Is your nephew involved in politics now? RR: He's a lobbyist so he's a little bit involved in politics, but he likes to get involved. He has worked for candidates in the past. I don't have any children that wanted to be lawyers or wanted to be in politics. I wouldn't encourage them to be lawyers because I'm unhappy with the profession now. ROH: I was going to ask you if you encouraged them at all when they were younger to go into law or politics since they were living in Washington. RR: My girls were more enamored by living in Washington than my sons. They loved going to the White House and going to Kennedy Bunk Port and going to the parades and inaugurals and so on. They really enjoyed that. Everybody really loved being in that historical place, including me. ROH: Are there any stories about Ogden that many people might not know about or historical stories that would be just interesting to share? RR: Did you see the film that Isaac did on 25th Street? There is some historical stuff that I'm involved in on that 25th Street thing. When I went to law school, I drove from Ogden to Salt Lake and I had a couple of people that paid me to ride with 74 me. One of them was Annabelle Weakly and the other was Jane Larson. She was about 70 years old and she wanted to go back to school. She graduated from Weber College when she was 70 or 72. I got to know both of them fairly well. After I got out of law school I wanted to try lawsuits and I wanted to go to trial. If you want trial experience as a young lawyer you're not going to get it in a civil case. I went to the judges and said, "I want some trial experience so give me your criminals that don't have any money that are in jail and can't make bond." We didn't have a public defender system then. Over a period of one year they gave me 10 criminals and I tried the 10 felonies to a jury. I got 8 acquittals out of my 10 and that put me in business. I had lots of criminal business. In fact, it was too much. I ended up trying to get rid of it because I got tired of the criminals, but that's where I got my experience in the court room. I'll give you a quote from a guy if it won't sound politically incorrect, "One day I was walking along the street and this black guy came up to me and said, are you Mr. Richardson Richardson?" I said, "Well, I guess I am." He said, "Are you the man that represented Copeland Griffin?" I said, "I guess that's right." He said, "Well, let me shake your hand. You must be good. He was the biggest crook in town." Two of my defenses were for one guy and I won both of the cases and this impressed those in the black community. All my life I've been interested in politics, not for the sake of winning, but for the sake of helping the country. I've been concerned about the country. I see things that I don't think are right and I don't know whether I told you this story but when I was pretty new in the practice, we saw some misconduct and what I call 75 criminal activity on the part of elected officials in Weber County. I was instrumental in getting a grand jury called and ended up putting a sheriff in jail and some other things. These guys were doing a lot of things wrong. ROH: No, you didn't mention that? Who was the Sheriff? RR: It was LeRoy Hadley. I was representing a guy by the name of Ralph Anderson. He was a federal prisoner being housed in Ogden and waiting for his appeal in the tenth circuit. He appeared to have the run of the jail. Every time I'd go up to jail to see another client I'd see him hanging around. He wasn't in a cell, he was hanging around. One of these guys that had tattoos on his arm and had a pack of cigarettes rolled up in his shirt sleeve tried to hire me to represent him and he wanted an appeal to the tenth circuit. He was in jail for burglarizing a couple of post offices. He and his brother-in-law would drive a particularly adapted automobile up to these small post offices, break in, wheel the safe out and put it in the trunk of the car and drive up into the mountains and blow it up with dynamite and take out the money orders and postage stamps. He said, "Dick, I'll hire you. I'll give you $10,000 to represent me. I've got $60,000 stolen in postal money orders up in Pocatello. I can sell those for $20,000 and I'll give you half of it." I said, "No thanks. Not interested." Anyway, as time went on I talked to the guy and one day his wife came to me and said, "Mr. Richards, they're going to let Andy out of jail again this weekend. I'm afraid if he gets caught out of jail when he's supposed to be in jail the sheriff will say he escaped and he'll get an extra 5 or 10 years punishment." 76 When I found out they were letting him out of jail I said, "I've got to tell the judge. I am an officer of the court so I have to tell Judge Anderson, the federal judge in Salt Lake, what's happening here." I called the judge and he said, "You ought to call Judge Ritter." I said, "Judge, I don't like Judge Ritter and he doesn't like me so I'm telling you. I've now done my duty." As a result of what happened here a grand jury was called and the grand jury heard the evidence that the sheriff would let him out on weekends and he'd go burglarize someplace and share what he stole with the sheriff. The grand jury said to contact him and ask him to give some specifics about one of the burglaries that only the burglar would know. We'll find out if he's telling the truth. He said, "I knocked off the Red Pantry Café on the corner of Ogden Avenue and 25th Street. I got in by kicking in the back door with my foot and I left a shoe print on the door so I had to get rid of the shoes afterward. When I went in I got into the cigarette machines, I got into jukeboxes and I stole the stuff out of there. One thing that was very peculiar is when I got the jukebox money, there were a lot of quarters with red fingernail polish on them. I don't know what that meant, but that's what I took." They called in the man that owned the Red Pantry Café and said, "What about the money in the jukebox? Is there anything unusual about it?" he said, "Oh yeah, part of those quarters are what I call show quarters. I put red fingernail polish on the ones I put in so I get them back. When somebody saw other people put in for music they'd play music. They were show coins. I got to keep them and 77 the guy that owned the music company would take all the others." That was proof that my guy stole the money out of the jukebox. Finally, they put the sheriff on trial. When it was known that the sheriff let the guy out, his attorney said, "Sheriff, isn't it true that the reason you let him out was to take him to your home and show him what good law abiding citizens lived like and to get a little spirituality in your life?" The guy said, "No, that isn't true." The lawyer asked the question, "Well, why did you let him out?" He said, "Greed, Mr. Alsup. Greed." They convicted the sheriff and the sheriff was put in jail down in Davis County. ROH: What year was this? RR: I don't know what year it was. I went back to Washington shortly after that. The sheriff came up to me one time when I was alone and said, "Richard, you son of bitch. I'll get you for this." He threatened me, but I didn't say anything about it. He went to jail and some of the other public officials lost their jobs and it kind of cleaned up the community. The interesting part of that is that one of the guys that we had as our plaintiff in our action against the county officials was the lieutenant governor's father. He ran a janitorial supply place in Ogden on 25th Street. His name was George Bell. His son is now the Lieutenant governor. It took courage on the part of his father to act as a plaintiff in the case. It was a taxpayer's lawsuit filed against him because they were crooked. The

Issue 3.3 of the Review for Religious, 1944. ; MAY 15, 19,44 ~Voi~UME,.III Ri VI, I W' FOR :i I LIGIO,,US .VoLuMEIII :" MAY 15, 1944 ~ NUMBER3 ° ONTENTS GOOD CONFESSIONS AND BETTI~R CONFESSIONS--r ~ 'Gerald Kelly, S.J.' ; . 145 THE-QUEgTION OF VOTING Edwin F. Healy, SIJ . 158 CONCERNING BOOKLETS . . . . . THE CARE OF SICK RELIGIOUS Adam C. Ellis. S.3 . " 1"67 WE SALUTE THEE. MARY'. MOTHER OF GODT William B. Fah~rty, S.3. " ' .,'175 WHO IS THIS RODRIGUEZ? Augustin~e Klaas, S.J. " " 181~ ,TWO HYMNS TO ~MARY" -F~ran¢is N. Korth.-S.J . . 1.92 COMMUNICATIONS .(On Retreats and Vocations) . : 198 BOOK REVIEWS~ (Edited by Clement DeMuth S.3.)-- The Man"from Rocca Sicca: Subdeaconship~ Masyk.noll Mission Let~ .tars: Cardinal Mercier's Conferences: Venerable Vincent Pallotti: "Con- " , ,else Catholic' Dictionary: Lourdes Interpreted by the Salve-Re~ina; Teaching Confraternity Classes: Publlc,Speaking . ! . . ~ ¯ . 204 DECISIONS OF THE HOLY SEE OF INTEREST TO" RELIGIOU~ ~210~ BOOKS -RECEIVED . 2110 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS 2-1. Redecorating Stations of the Cross . x . '.;. ~ . . . : 212 22. Visit Required for Gfiining Indulgence . 23. Use of Standard Time for Eucharistic Fast . 213 "L24. Voting in Chapter Elections . 214' ' 25. ,Co~frat~rnity of Pil~rim~ " " 2"15 26. Religious Attending Motion Pictures ~. . . : . ". 215 bUR CONTRIBUTORS " ' " . '. ' REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, May, 1944: Vol. III, No. 3. PubliShed bbmon~hly: January. March, May, July, September; and November at the,~College, Press. _606 Harrison~Street, Topeka, .Kansas, by St. Mary's College, St. MarTs, Kansas, with' ecclesiastical approbation. E~tered as second class matter January 15, q9~2, at the Post Office, Topeka, Kansas, under'the act of March 3, 1879. Editorial Board: Adam C. Ellis, S.J., G. Augustine~,Ellard, S.J., ~erald Kellyl S~.3,.~ Copyright, 1944, by Adam C. Ellis. Permission is hereby granted for quotations .6f reasonable length, provided due ~:redit be given this review and the author. Subscription price: 2 dollars a year. Printed in U. S.A Before writing to us, please consult notice on ins;de back cover. ood Con essions and Bet: :er Cont:essions Gerald Kelly, S.J. ~'~ELIGIOUS not infrequently exp.eo~ience a vague sense |'r~ of dissatisfaction with their conKssions. They must confess .weekly, generally at a certain time, even though they are not in the mood. At times they must make a rather hasty immediate preparation for confession. Their sins are usually "small sins"; in fact, it is often difficult to fodus on any really, definite sins to confess.A certdin 0 amount of routine seems unavoidable; yet routine confes-sions are strongly condemned by many spiritual writers. Finally, most religious have read or heard of the many advantages of frequent devotional confession, and the~. want to reap some of these fruits ~:or themselves. Yet, despite their holy desires, they sometimes fail to see any good effects of their confessions; they are even inclined to wonder if their confessions are not entirely fruitless. Very likely there is no absolute remedy for a sense of dissatisfaction in those who are striving for perfection. Some dissatisfaction is natural, even helpful. But this holy sense of dissatisfaction is different from discourag.ement, worry, or a vague feeling of uneasiness. As much as pos-sible, the dissatisfaction should be clearly defined, because only then can it be used constructively as a stepping stone to the attainment .of one's ideals. My purpose in the present article is to propose a few rules that may help religious to clafif.y any dissatisfaction they may feel with their confessions ~nd to give some defi-nite direction to their efforts for self-improvement. The" rules enunciate nothing new. No doubt most religious- 145 GERALD KELLY ,. Review for Religious know them well; yet I believe that some fail to apply them and that the results of not applying them .are a waste of effort, a lack Of perfect peace of mind, and sometimes dis-couragement. If all religious, from the novitiate onward, would observe these rules faithfully, they would be'much more satisfied, with their confessions and would reap many definite advantage~ from them. Four Rules In formulating these rules, and in commenting on them, I am limiting the subject to the devotional confession, as this is the type of confession that. religious most frequently make. Keeping this in mind--namely, that we are speaking only of the devotional confession--we can state the rules as follows: Rule I: Be sure to confess, at least ;n a 9eneral way, some real, subjective s;n that you have cerfainly comm;Hed. Rule 2: Have genu;ne, supernatural con÷r;÷;on, a÷ least ;mperfecf, for some s;n ;nclucled ;n your confess;on. Rule 3: Be willincj to accept and to perform anyjustly ;reposed penance. Rule 4: Try to sanctify yourself ÷hroucjh confess;on by cult;vaf;ng a more e~fecfive purpose of amendment. It may be well to call attention immediately to the decided, difference between the first three rifles andthe fourth rule. The first three express minimum essentials; the fourth .expresses an ideal. A penitent who observes the first three rules makes a good.confession; a penitent who keeps not only the first three, but also the fourth, makes a better confession. This is an important distinction. Our. ideal, of course, is to make the better confession; but there is a great deal of consolation and peace of mind in knowing that our confessions are good, even though they could be better. A good confession o~ devotion always produces some grace in the soul. 146 May, 1944 GOOD'CONFESSIONS AND BETTER CON~ESSIONS A GOOD. CONFESSION It would be a wise policy .fob every religious to have a two-fold aim in making hisconfessions: first, to make a 9ood confession by fulfilling all minimum essentials; and °secondly, to make his confession even better by the use of some practicable plan for applying the fourth rule. In keeping with this two-fold aim, I am dividing the remain-der of this article into two parts, which treat respectively of a 9ood confession and a betterconfession. Confession of Sins On the part of the penil~ent, three things are requirgd for the reception of the Sacrament of Penance; confession of sins, contrition, and satisfaction. The first of our rules enunciates the minimum essentials for thd first of these acts. It is certainly not difficult for anyone to fulfill this rule in a d~votional confession. It is sufficient to confess any or all of the venial sins comm.iyted since, the last con-fession, or any mortal sin or venial sin of one's past life: A penitent can even fulfill this rule by alv~ays confessing the same sin from his past life: for example, he once culpably missed Ma~s on Sunday, and since, then, in his devotional confessions, he never mentions anything specifically but that one sin. "There's nothing special since my. last confes-. sion, Father,-" he says week aftgr week,. "but in my past life I once missed Mass through my own fault." Finally, the penitent does not have to do even as much as that in a devo-tional ~onfession. It dan b~ sufficient if he simply includes his sins in a general way: for example: "There's nothing special since my last confession, but I want to include all the sins of my life." ,The repetition, week after week, of the same sin of the past life, without confessing any new matter, is not, of course, the ideal. Nor is it the ideal to make a merely gen- 147 GERALD KELLY Review for Religious~ eral accusation. Yet such accuations are, strictly speaking, sufficient in a devotional confession, provided the.penitent has the requisite contrition--as will be explained in the comments on-the second rule.1 I have referred to such accusations, not to encourage their use, but simply to indi-care how easy it.is to live up to the demands of the first rule. Despite the fact that it is comparatively easy to.observe the first rule, it is also possible for well-meaning penitents-- even religious--to violate it and to make unintentionally fruitless~ confessions. Perhaps a few sample confessions-- entirely fictitious, of course--will serve to illustrate what I- mean. A religious is preparing for confession. To him, as he examines his conscience, the past week looks.biack enough. On Sunday, when he,assisted at Mass he had certainly done everything that the Church requires for the complete ful-fillment of the obligation. Yet he had been no seraph at Mass; he could surely have assisted more.devoutly. On Monday, he had felt a strong inspiration of grace to pass up the butter at one meal: and on Tuesday he had felt an equally strong inspiration to spend a half-h0ur of his free time before the Blessed Sacrament. He had neglected both these divine:"invitations. Finally, despite the fact-that his rule ordered that all. should make their beds before the morning meditation, he had three times ~put off this dis-tasteful action until after breakfast. Of course, 1~is insti-tute states explicitly that merely disciplinary °rules, not involving the vows, do not bind under pain of sin; liuf 1The unnecessary use of the merely generic accusation, without mentioning anything in particular (e.g. "There's nothing special since my last confession,. Father; but I want to include in this confession all the sins of my life"), is particularly to be dis-couraged. By reason of a more or less general custom iri the Church, penitents who make devotional confessions are expected to mention some particular kind of sin, either from their past life or conimitted since their last confession. ~For the benefit of students of theology who might read this article, let me say that in speaking of the confession of devotion I use the words "fruitless" and "invalid" indiscriminately. The valid devotional confession must, I believe, be fruitful. 148 Ma~l, 1944 GOOD CONFESSIONS AND BETTER CONFESSIONS this, he tells himself, is no excuse for him. He enters the confessional and accuses himself as follows: "Since my last confession I was negligent in my prayers; I was ungrateful to God; and I was disobedient. That's all I can remember, Father." Another religious] in preparing for confession, note~ that he has often felt strong resentment against someone who had offended him; that he has 10ad many distractions during meditation; and that 6n one occasion he made a re-mark that hurt someone's feelings. He might note also that the feelings and distractions were not voluntary find that the offending remark was unintentional; yet these excuses do not occur to him. He confesses as follows: "Since my l'ast confession I was uncharitable in thought and speech and was distracted in my prayers. That'll be all, Father." A third religious has had a really trying time of it since his last confession. He has been literally besieged by a strong temptation to impurity of thought; in fact, the temptation has been so strong that he really does not know how he stands before God. He decides to go to confession "just~to be safe." In confession he says: '.'I had a very strong temptation against purity, and I want to accuse my-self in ~o far as I am guilty before God. Th~re's r~othing else bothering me, Father." I have chosen these three fictitious confessions because ."they illustrate defects which, thot~gh very likely uncom-mon, could make a.confession unintentionally fruitless. In the first confession, only imperfections,, not real sins, were confessed. In th~ second confession,, the things mentioned might have been sins, but there was no subjectioe guilt; the uncharitable feelings and distracting thoughts were invol-untary, the offending remark was unintentional. In the third confession there was no certain matter: the penitent may have been guilty of mortal or venial sin, but he may 1,49 GERALD KELLY Review for Religious have committed no sin.at all. All of these confessions are at least probably defective. Yet all could be saved from fruitlessness by the intelligent use of a concluding accusation such as "I include in this confession all the sins of my life"; "I want to include all the sins of my past life"; "For these, and fdr all the sins of my life, especially for . . ., I ask pardon from almighty. God and penance and absolution from you, Father." It is true that accusations like these can become purely mechani-cal and practically meaningless, yet they are infinitely bet-ter than such conclusions as: "That's all I remember"-- which adds nothihg to the confession.; "That'll be all,"-- which sounds like a person burring groceries ; -and so forth. It is hardly advisable to force religious to make subtle dis-tinctions between imperfections and venial sins; but it surely is advisable for all penitents who habi'tu'ally commit only small sins to have some concluding accusation which covers up a.possible insufficiency of matter in their con-fessions. " As I said, these confessions are purely fictitious. If they occurred in real life, a confessor would generally note the.deficiency and ask a question or two that would save the confessions from invalidity. Yet this might not always be ,the case; and penitents should be tiained to make goo.d confesiions independently of questions by the confessor. Contrition The second rule givei the minimum essential for con-trition in the devdtional confession. Here again, it is important to distinguish between the ideal and the essential. Of all the acts of the ,penitent, contrition is the most important; and everyone's ideal should be to have a pro-- found and effective contrition. Yet the confession can be good, even though contrition be far from the ideal. The 150 May, 1944 GOOD CONFESSIONS AND BETTER CONFESSIONS ideal, even in a devotional confession, is perfect contrition; yet imperfect suffices. The ideal is that the contrition extend to all.sins confessed: yet it~ is sufficient if the contri-tion applies to any sin included in the confession.8 The ideal is that contrition be deeply moving, like Magdalen's; yet it is sufficient if the contrition be as unemotional as paying the rent. Important though it is, it is not extremely difficult, to haye sufficient contrition for a fruitful devotional confes-sion. A penitent who has once committed a mortal sin, has repented of it, and now includes that sin in his confes-sion, either by mentioning it by name or by including it in a. general accusation, may take it for granted that he has sufficient contrition if he continues in his good resolve to avoid all mortal sin. A penitent who has committed a delil~erate venial sin in the past and who now includes that sin in his confession, either specifically, or at least in his gen- . eral accusation, ha~ sufficient contrition if he renews his good resolve to avoid that sin in future. Even a .penitent who includes only the "smaller" venial.sins in his confes-sionmthe semi-deliberate sins, as they are sometimes called--has sufficient contrition, if he is sincerely resolved to try to do better in some way, for example by eliminating one kind of sin or a certain class of sins, or even by reducing the: number of his small sins. We generally speak of contrition for sin as if it were one simple act. In reality it seems to involve a rather com-plicated process. It would not be worth our while, in a, aWhen I say that it-is sufficient if the contrition applies to only one of the gins confessed, I mean that this is enough for the absolution and the reception of grace through the sacrament. This does not mean that all the other venial sins are for-given. Sins for which there is no repentance at all ar~ not forgiven either in con-fession or outside of confession. For example, a penitent who has committed two venial sins, has true sorrow for one, but no iorrow for the other, would receive grace through the sacrament but not forgiveness for the one unrepented sin. His confession would be fruitful, but it could be more fruitful. 151 GERALD KELLY Reoietu for Religious pratti.c.al article of this nature, to go deeply into this proc-essl " But it may be useful to indicate here that, in making aft. act of contrition, a penitent should pay particular atten-tibn to two dements of the psychological process: namely, to motivation .and to purpose, of amendment. If these two elements are present, one may safely assume that an act of contrition is good; if either one is 1~icking, there is no real cogtntion. ¯ Motivation is not contrition, but it. is a necessary pre-lude td it. The sinner must realize the evil of his acts before he can truly repent Of them. And he must see this evil ~hrough the eyes of faith if his contrition, whether in or out of confession, is to be supernatural and effective. As we know, faith supplies us with a variety of motives f0r.repen~ance, some more perfect than others. It shows Us sin as contrary to the will of God and therefore some-thingagainst God's infinite holiness and goodness; it shows Us: the Son of God suffering on the Cross for our sins; it reveals sin as ingratitude to God~ o.ur.supreme.benefactor; it tells us of theo richness of heaven, of the terrible fate of hell, of the punishmen.ts of pu.rgatory, and of the temporal purlishments for sin in this life. All penitents shOuld keep in mind that the motive for their contrition should be applicable to the sins for which they wish to be sorry. In particular, it is necessary for those who Want to make an act of contrition for venial sins to remember that not all motives that apply to mortal sins are applic~ible to venial sins. Despite the fact that many books speak of venial sins in the most thunderofis terms, venial sin js not mbr~al sin. Mortal sin destroys the likeness of God in the soul; venial sin dods nbtt Mortal sin breaks the l~0nd.gf friendship between the soul and God; venial sin does not. Mortal sin is deserving of hell; venial sin.is not. In recalling these differences I am not trying to 'belittle Ma~l, 1944 GOOD CONFESSIO~IS AND BETTER CONFESSIONS venial sin. I simply insist on the necessity 9f seeing such sins in their true perspective in order to elicit a genuine act of contrition for them. It is only by stretching words far beyond their obvious connotation that one can make an act of contrition for venial sin "because of the fear of hell." This motive is applicable only in a roundabout way: for example, because venial sins may lead to mortal sin,. which is deserving of hell. On the other hand, there are many motives which do apply directly to v~nial sir/s, even to thd smallest of them. Venial sins are contrary to God's holy will; they defeat His wise plans for our sanctification and for our attainment of a certain degree of heavenly glory; they manifest a failure to appreciate His gifts; they are a shabby return fdr what our Lord did for us; they are deserving of some punishment in this life or in purgatory. It would be well for those who make devotional confes-sions to meditate occasionally, especially during the time of retreat, on motives such as these so that they can briefly and intelligently recall appropriate motives when preparing for confession. From the point of view of motivation, therefore, it is perhaps easier to make an act of contrition for mortal sin than it is for venial sin. At least it is easier to see the evil of mortal sin. As for the purpose of amendment, less is required for venial sins than for mortal sin. No matter what mortal sins a penitent has committed, he has not sufficient contrition unless his purpose of amendment extends to all mortal sins. He must will to avoid all mo]:tal sins in the future. Thus, the ordinary definition of a purpose of amendment as "a firm purpose to sin no more" applies quite literally to mor-tal sins. But this does not seem to be strictly necessary with regard tovenial sins. In facL.with regard to all the smaller sins. taken together, it is hardly possible. Rather, in the 153 GERALD KELLY Review for Religious case of sorrow for venial sins, the essential thing is the sincere will to do better. This distinction between mortal and venial sins, with respect to purpose of amendment, is based on the ft~nda-mental difference between these two kinds of sin. Mortal sin, of its nature, implies a rejection of God's friendship; hence one cannot will to gain or continue in God's friend-ship unless he intends to try to avoid all mortal sin, with-out exception. But one who commits only venial sins is already a friend of God; and this friendship admits of many degrees and of continuous growth. There is no con-tradiction in willing to a~coid some venial sins, but not others, or in willing to reduce the total number of one's venial sins, without proposing to avoid venial sin entirely. _ Satisfaction The third rule enunciates' the minimum essential for the third act of the penitent--satisfaction. I stated this rule ¯ merely for the sake of~omplete.ne~s. The rule itself hardly requires comment or explanation, except perhaps to remark --what is probably obvious--that there is a difference between willingness to accept a penance and the actual per- ' formance of the penance. The willingness is required for the validity of the confession; without this disposition a confession would not be good. But the actual perform-ance of the penance does not pertain to the essence of the Sacrament but only to the integrity of it. A BETTER CONFESSION The first three rules, as I said, express the minimum essentials of a fruitful confession. All who make a devo-tional confession, even religious, should make it their first aim t6 keep those rules. But religious, in particular, should not be content with that. Their aim should be to ,make 154 May, 1944 '" GOOD" CONFESSIONS AND BETTER CONFESSIONS their confessions better, especially througl'i the observance of the fourth rule. ¯ Books and articles on confession offer many suggestions for improving our confessions. I .should like to suggest ¯ here merely one workal~le plan for.using confession as an instrument 6f self-improvement; and I think I can accom-plish my purpose better by an example .than by a long dis-cussion. A religious is. making his annual retreat. In surveying the past year he notices that he has committed many small sins. He.wants to correct th~se, and in particular he wants ¯ to correct two habitual~.faults: uncharitable -speech and small sins against poverty. He, determines:what mearis.he willtake to'avoidthese fatilts, and he makes his resolutions accordingly. When his program:is .all prepared, he sud: denly re.alizes,- with a.twing~ of conscience, that he has made :such resolutions in previous refreats and that in a very sh6rt ¯ time they were either badly mutilated or completely ignored. He knows that during the retiea~ hehada sincere.purpose ¯ of amendment; what helacked was something .to sustain that purpose of amendment thiough the year .follow~i.ng the retreat. . Confronted with the vexing problem of an unsustained pubpose of amendment, thereligious decides to solve it.by effecting a union betweenhis retreat .resolutions and.his weekly confeshions Of the coming year; : :.: ¯ .'. The retreat ends; the daysgo by till it is time for.the weekly confession." . In examining his conscience, the rdi-gious looks first .to ~his retreat resolutions. He has kept them this week. He thanks God for this, renews his good resolutibn and, having finished his examination of con-science, he confesses as follows" "Since my last confession ¯ have ' I accuse myself of these and ot: all the other sins of my life, especially uncharitable speech and sins 155 GERALD K~LLY Reoiew for Religio~e against poverty." Another week goes by, with the same results. The "examination of conscience and the accusation of the two special kinds of sin are made in.the same way. In the third week, there is a weakening. Before confession the religious recalls the motives for avoiding these sins, asks pardon for his falls, and renews his good resolution. In confession he accuses himself as follows: "Since my last confession I was uncharitable in speech twice and committed one small sin against poverty. In my annual retreat I determined to cor-rect these faults, and I want to ask pardon for them now and to renew my purpose of amendment. I include in this confession all the sins of my life." Enough for the example. In giving it I do not mean ¯ that evdrything must be taken literally. Ten penitents might follow the same general plan, yet use ten slightly differing methods in applying it. The important thing is the general plannthe linking of the retreat resolutions .with the subsequent confessions. The plan that I have suggested may not-be suitable to all; but, in the absence of a better . one, it is worth trying. It offers definite help along the lines 'of motivation and of concentrated effort at amendment of faults. Retreat is a time of great grace; seldom Will our motivation be nobler .or.more clearly perceived. Any plan which wili continually recall that motivation must be profitable. And I think it is a truismthat in the spiritual life, whether on the nega-tive ok the positive side, there must be some concentration of effort. We cannot rid ourselves of all faults at once;. we cannot acquire all virtues at once. I iealize that this plan involves "monotony"; but I do, not know of any plan for spiritual progress that'does not involve some "monotony." If more variety is really .required, the objectives can b'e changed occasionally, for ¯ 156 " Ma~l, 1944 GOOD CONFESSIONS AND BETTER COlqFESSIOBIS instance, from monthly recollection to monthly recollec-tion: but I think it is important .that we should never get away entirely from our retreat program unless we are faced with entirely new difficulties that demand our undivided attention. Some may object that the plan is too "negative." To this I can answer only that confession.is sfipposed to deal with the "negative" side of our lives and that I have not proposed this plan as a complete enunciation of our spir-itual ideals. And I might add that, if used perseveringly, the plan is very positive in its results. It makes for a great increase of grace through the Sacrament, for increasing purity of conscience, and, incidentally, for helpful spiritual direction by the confessor. MARIAN LIBRARY Some time ago plans were formulated for the organization of a Marian Library at the University of Dayton. The purpose of the project is to collect all known books on the Blessed Virgin, thus honoring Mary, Patroness of the United States, and establishing a center of research on Marlology in this country. If~ you wish to help in the project or wish further information concerning it, write to: Father Law-fence Monheim, S.M., Director, Marian Library', University of Dayton, Dayton 9, Ohio. BROTHER RICHARD PAMPURI Brother Richard Pampuri was a physician and surgeon, a member of the Hos-pitaller Order of St. John of God, who died in 1930, at the early age of thirty-two. The Brothers of St. John of God now publish a small pamphlet containing a sketch of Brother Pampuri's life and some vocational information about their order. For further information apply to: Rev. Brother Master of Novices, Brothers of St. John. of God, 2445 South Western Avenue, Los. Angeles 7, California. PLEASE~Somo subscribers have not yet sent us their Postal Zone numbers. If yours is not on the wrapper of your copy, will you please send it? ,. 157 The Question ot: V0t:ing Edwin F. Healy, S.J. 44| N WHAT ways may a citizen help in maintaining .a genuine democracy?" asks a Civics' Catechism; and, in the answer, first place is given to "voting at elec-tions." The reason for thus stressing the .importance of voting is ~asily understood when one realizes that the bal-lot can fashion the whole superstructure of our govern-ment. The justice of our laws and the effective and impa.rtial administering of them depend upon those who elect to office our legislators and our administrators. Responsibility for the quality of our government thus lies, to a large extent, in the hands 0f our "voters. The citizens of a nation have the obligation of pro-. m0ting the general welfare of their country. This obliga- ¯ tion is one ot? legal justice. BU( what exactly is legal jus-tice? Legal justice is a virtue which inclines citizens to render to their community what is its due. Men are intended by nature, not to live as hermits, but 'to dwell ' togetl~er in groups or communities. Living in groups, they enjoy many benefits. They are thus aided in developing themselves spiritually and intellectually. ~ They thus par-ticipate in the joys of varied companionship. They feel the protective strength of large numbers bound together for a common purpose. They Share in the improvements made possible by the industry and ingenuity of their associates. They have access to~ commddities, forms of XFather Healy wrote this article at our request. It seemed to us that ~uch an article. might be necessary, or at least very useful, at this time. During election year teach-ers are frequently asked questions about the duty of voting, and religious themsel~,es face the personal problem of judging the utility of their voting and their duty to do so. We believe that in some places ecclesiastical superiors" give specific instructions concerning the fulfillment of this duty. In the absence of such particular guidance, religious should find Father Healy's general explanation helpful.reED. 158 THt~ QUESTION OF VOTING entertainment, facilities for travel, and so forth, whic.h would be undreamed of if all were recluses. All this is just as nature intended it. Human society, then," is a natural institution and it,has certain claims on the members of the community. As Pope Leo-XIII wrote in his encyclical Christian Democracg, ".No one lives in a community only for his personal advantage. He lives for the common good as well." A country, a State, or a city, has the right to ¯ deman'd of its citizens whatever is, necessary to promote the general welfare. A citizen, therefore, must fulfill the duties which correspond vcith these rights of the community. The virtue which inclines citizens to live up to these obligations is calle~d legal justice. Legal justice, for example, prompts one to defend.his country, even though this involves facing the devastating gun-fire of the enemy. Legal justice dis-poses citizens to observe the just laws of their State, to con-tribute a fair. share to the.financial support Of the govern-ment. It is legal justice, too, which imposes on citizens the duty of p.romoting the common good by means of intel-ligent voting. The common welfare is greatly furthered by the con-scientious use of the ballot. Member.s. of a community.,' then, should reflect upon the vital importance of exerc!sing this power that is given them by virtue of their citizenship. Intelligent, competent, honest leade~rs are needed by our country. This fact is brought home to us when we realize that our public officials manage, not only political affairs, but matters which may intimately affect the religious activi- " ties, the educational system, and the whole social and indus-. trial life of a city, or State, dr country. A communistic governor or president, for example, could accomplish much towards u~dermining our democracy. A militantly bigoted mayor could do much harm to the Church. Judges who 159 EDWIN F. HEAL¥ are guided by a false philosophy will injure the community in which they live~ One can, therefore, readily understand how much is involved in the selection of those who conduct the public business of our country. It is regrettable that, in spite of its importance, not all who are entitled to the ballot exercise this privilege. It has been estimated that as many as one half ofthose who were .eligible to vote have absented themselves from the polls in some election§ of the past. This was true ev.en in impor- .tant presidential elections. In elections of less general inter-est it has happened that only about one-fourth of the elig-~ ible voters appeared at the polls. Moreover, in primary elections, which select the candidates for o~ce, this apathy in public affairs is often far more pronounced. Such indif-ference ¯ to matters which concern the common welfare encourages corruption in our government. Many of those emp~owered to vote fail to do so because of laziness, or because of some slight inconvenience Which is involved in their particular case~ It requires fair weather to lure some citizens to the polls. Others refuse to vote because they are dissatisfied with the choice of candidates offered by our political parties. Others, again, feel the futility of trying to-defeat one who' is supported by a powerful, well-organized political machine. Often enough citizens excuse themselves from their duty of ~roting on the assumption ¯ that their single ballot will make little difference in the final o results. Although it is possible that one vote may change :the outcome of an election, one must admit that this is highly improbable. Let us suppose, however, that thou-sands of uprightcitizens were to excuie themselves from voting on the plea that "My vote won't matter".--cou,ld not the resulting loss to the desirable candidate easily bring about his defeat? This point should be remembered-by those who honestly desire to fulfill-their civic duty.¯ At 160 May, 1944 TNE QUESTION OF VOTING times, moreover; one is inclined to forget that his failure to east a vote will, in many cases, be equivalent to casting a Vote in favor of a candidate who will harm the public welfare. Althougl~ the common good can be advanced so much by the honest voting of the members of the community, there are a great many cases ~where the choice made at the polls is not dictated by conscience. Not a few of our citi-zens, it is said, sell their votes to the highest bidder. Besides this, there are no doubt many thousands who write their ballots according to the instructions which they have received from some ward boss who has befriended them in one manner or another. A.petty politician obtains votes for his candidate in various ways. He procures jobs on the city payroll for certain ones who will be able to influence the opinion of many acquaintances. He protects Others who are running a business which is forbidden by the law. He "arranges" matters with a friendly judge for thosewho have been arrested for violating minor city ordinances. At election time a dollar here and .a few dollars there buy va!u-able votes. Vo~es which are delivered to the ward boss because of a favor .received do not represent the genuine preference of the v6ters for the candidates selected. They represent merely the preference 6f a single individual, namely, that of the petty politician who has gained control over these votes. Frequently enough the ward boss is quite dishonest. Biibery, lying, injustice are common tools by which he "gets results."~ He has but one choice in any election' and that choice is the candidate that has 'been selected by his political party. Be that candidate good or bad, the ward boss will support him by every means available. We can re.adi!y understand, therefore, that the ward boss's choice may turn out to be one which will be quite injurious to the ¯ ¯ 161 EDWIN F. I-ii~gi.~ :" '/tevie~o ¢or. i~et.,'gio,,s~ go~d of the community. If we recall to. mind the thou-sand~ of those whose purchased votes are merely the rubber-stamped selection of some w~lrd boss, we shall realize what an unfair advantage an unscrupulous candidate may have over one who is honest. Thousands of voters, it appears, are influenced at the polls by one c0nsideration:."What immediate advantage will this'person's election, bring to me?" They seem never to give thought to the effect which the candidate's victory may have on the State or country as a whole. They focus. their attention on some petty benefit which they them-selves will receive. Ordinarily the major consideration for them i~ the question of jobs. Many of those who are employed by the ~idministration which is in power vote for that administration's candidate as insurance against the. iossof their.jobs. They realize that, if the candidate of another p~rty is elected, in all probability he will replace then~ with those who have proved their political allegiance .to him. Th~ere is; of course, no fault to be foun~l with men anal' wom~n-Who endeavor to protect themselves against the loss of their jobs, but it should be evident that .such Pr0.tectiOia .mustnot betheir primary consideration. It should not inteifere Wi~h the fulfilment of.~ their duty .to p.".r0mote thi~: ~0mmon good: Hence;" if.:a 'certain candidate is unfit .for o~ce, he sh0uld: not be. Voted for, no~ matter what patter loyalty might dictate. . " -~ . ¯ . :- . An0~her"~ype 6f citizeri~ ~hat concerns. .us- :in this queso: tion is the one who a~cepts his duty of voting very lightly. Hema~r be an Upright and an intelligent'pe.rson. He may .be irreproachably honest in all his de.alings.with his neigh-boi. He may be a generous contributor to charitable insti-tutioiii. But he fails to do his sha~e in the task of electing competent public officers. With men 0f this type, there is .no pretence ~t making a serious effort to !~arn the qUalifi- 162 Ma~t, ~19 4 4 THE QUESTION*OF.~ VOTING cations:of the candidates listed on the.ballot. They kno~" little of the good qualities or of the bad ones of those: who are running for office. They may .base their opinion of the candidate on such superficial points as that of a winning personality, a magic voice, social standing, the nationality ~ of his parents, and so forth. They form snap judgmentSOf the candidate's ability and do not b~ther, to investigate the soundness of their conclusions. They accept a party plat-form at the value given it by its defenders'and refuse ~to read the arguments of its opponents. " When one recalls, then, the large number of those who are guided in voting by unfair influences and by superficial considerations, the importance of the honest, educated, conscientious voter becomes apparent. " Consequently, it.:is not too much tO expect that especially th6se whoare ¯ blessed with sound 'Christian. training and with at:,least average intellectual gifts employ these benefits' at election time to promote the common good. They should ex~rcise 'all the influence in their power to protect the less fortunate, who are being.exploited by unsciupulous political .bosses. From what has beenexplained above,-it is' deaf,.then, that ci(i'zens~ are obliged :in conscience to, fulfill ~the"du'ty 6f voting. Is this 6bligation a serious one? .Yes, it is, ff0n~e.'-s vote will probably defeata candidate for.office who -would bring? graveharm :to the. comi-fi:unity. A very indompetent. person~ for example,. or-one who'is strongly anti-religio~s~ wouldbe such a candidate. Ordinarily,,however, in this country,' this condition is not verified, .and so the duty to vote is, not grave. Moreover, there is no obligation at :all - ¯ , to vote: (a). if I am certain that my vote would have no effect on the final results of the election; or (b) if ~¢6ting -. would prove seriously'inconvenient or gravely injurious to me. Hence, ,if I were quite sick, and going to the polls would increase my illness, I should be excused from the 163 EDWIN F. HEALY . " Review f.or Religiou~ duty of voting. Even though one's vote would clearly riot affect the course of an election, nevertheless, it is preferable that one go to the polls anyway, in order to give to others the g6od example of taking interest in civic affairs. This, of'course, applies, particularly to persons of authority, whose actions are a guide to many. Besides, my vote is not altogether useless, even if my candidate has no chance of winn';ng the offce, for his. prestige will be increased by each additional vote which he receives. With reference to the duty ofv0ting it should be noted that one' is obliged to vote bonestl~l, that is, he must be guided in his choice of candidate by his genuine desire tO furthe~ the common, welfare. He must select the candidate wh~ is bes~ fitted for the office. The one voted for must l~e qualified to carry .out the requirements of the position sought. It may be that a man is morally blameless, but if he 'is inefficient, inexperienced, dr poorly gifted intellec-tually; his election .would. not be to the best interests of the community. Moreover, one must vote intelligently. He must make sure that he does not waste his vote. A vote is wasted if the ballot is not marked in accordance with the directions given, because such a ballot will be discarded without being counted. An erasure, or blots, or blurs, or -some sign that may be interpreted as a distinguishing, re.ark, . can invalidate the ballot. Writing in ink, instead of pen-cil, marking an "X" outside the prescri.bed box or circle, voting for several candidates for an office when only one may be selected--these are some of the ways in which one can waste his ballot. Not infrequently it happens that the shortcomings of a candidate for some public office are reviewed in detail in newspapers and magazines. The charges made-against candidates by a news organ of an opposing political party are at times very damaging. What is to be said of the moral- 164 Ma~ , 1944 THE QUESTION OF VOTING ity of the practice of exposing the faults and errors of one who is running for a public office~ To call attention to the mistakes and misdeeds ofthe candidates can be a service to the community. The men and women who are seeking publicoffice are thus revealed in their true light, and so the voters are able to judge whether or not the election of such candidates would prove to .be injurious to the common welfare. It is, of course, forbidden to exaggerate a candi-date's deficiencies or to make slanderous statements about him.However, it is altogether licit to mention certain facts in his life: faults, past crimes, evidences of favoritism, dangerous tendencies, examples of inefficiency, ignorance, bigotry, dishonesty, and so forth, when these are of a pub-lic nature. Even hidden crimes or defects may be pub-lished, if these render the candidate unfit for such an office. The reason is dear. Candidates give up their right to keep secret what the common good requires to be known about them. Moreover, those who hold public positions can be said tacitly to consent to the open scrutiny .of their official acts. They are, after all, but the agents of their constitu-ents; hence those whom they represent have the right to demand an acc6unt of their official conduct. The realiza-tion that their actions will thus be analyzed in newspaper and magazine may perhaps exercise a restraining influence against violations of duty. Since, then, writers are allowed. publicly to review the faults and misdeeds of candidates for office, such articles of theirs may be' read without scruple. Not many years ago a certain socialist urged that all nuns be deprived of the right to vote. The argument adduced to justify this recommendation was, we believe, that such women have no interest in civic affairs. In reply to this suggestion it should be made clear that religious men and women, as a rule, have very much at heart the common welfare. Moreover, their interest is not merely an aca- 165 EDWIN F. HEALY demic one, for by their daily lives of prayer and sacrifice and good example they greatly benefit the community in which they live. Because they love their country and ever seek its best interests, they are eager to have only candidates of ability and integrity elected to office. They cast their votes in accord with the dictates of their conscience. Who would deny that their choice at the polls is as carefully considered and as intelligently weighed as that of the average citizen? CONCERNING BOOKLETS The Congregation of Holy Cross is publishing a revised edition ofDirections for Nooitiates of the Congregation of Holy Cross, written in 1895 by the saintly Father Gilbert Francais, Superior General of th~ Congregation from 1893 to 1926. The book contains a simple, fervent set of instructions designed to help novices in the various exercises of the novitiate. Though the book is really the Family Bool~ of the Congregation of Holy Cross, masters and mistresses of novices of other in-stitutes should find it useful. Paper-bound: 182 pages; $I.00. Published by The Ave Maria Press, Notre Dame, Indiana. The Holy Cross Brothers publish a very attractive and informative booklet en-titled Holy.Cross Brothers. This booklet may well be held up as a model of clear, simple, verbal instruction on the life of a Brother and of the apt use of photographs to illustrati the text. The Brothers will send a copy to any priest or religious who is interested. ~Write to: Director of Vocations, Sacred Heart ,luniorate, Watertown, Wisconsin; or tb: Direcior of Vocations, St. 2oseph ,luniorate, Valatie, New York. Similar to the booklet on Holy. Cross Brothers is anew brochure, Jesuit Life, prepared by the' Jesuits of the Missouri Province. This province comprizes Colo-rado, Illinois (south and west of Springfield), Iowa, Kansas, Minnesota, Missouri, N. ebrask~, North Dakota, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Wisconsin, and Wyoming. Residents of this territory mas; secure copies bf Jesuit Life free by applying to: Reverend Father Provincial, 4511 West Pine Blvd., St. Louis 8, Missouri. An Army of Peace is the title of an unusual historical pamphlet--"The Story Of the Sisters of Loretto at the Foot of the Cross as told by Modern Youth." This pamphlet was originally planned and written by the American History Class, Loretto Academy, Kansas City_,. Missouri. "1941. Two years later it was revised by the students of Loretto Heights College, Loretto, Colorado. The illustrations (very "cute"--if you don't mind the word) are the combined work of students of Web-ster College, Webster Groves, Missouri. 48 pages. 10 cents each; 11 for $1.00; 50 for $4.25; 100 for $8.00. Order from: Loretto Heights College, Loretto, Colorado~ 166 The C~re 0t: ~ick Religious Adam C. Ellis, S.J. BECAUSE of the regularity of their lives, their simple but wholesome diet, and the peaci~ of mind resulting from serwng God, rehg,ous usua.lly enjoy remark-ably .good health. It ~s mewtable; however, that there be some sick rehg~ous. These should be looked upon.as bles-sings in a community, and they shoulld be given proper care, both physical and spiritual, according to the letter and the spirit of. ecclesiastical legislation. . Phgsicat Careof the Sick ¯ The Code of Canon Law contains nip specific legislation regarding the physical care of. the sick. This is provided for ¯ in ~he constitutions of individual lnst~tutes, ~which in ~turn are based upon the. provisions laid down ~n the Normae issued by the Sacred Congregation of Bi,~hops and Regulars, June 28, 1901. We may, therefore,' tal[e these latter as.the .basis for our remarks:. ¯ . ¯ Art. 183 requires that each religious, house,., as 4:ar.as. possible, shall have a special place for an in~, rmarg. Though it is impracticable in a small communit~ to reserve aplat~ in the :house for occasional sick members, it is customary-to have a well-eqmpped ~nfirmary ~n the motherhouse, ~n the novitiate, in the house of studies, as w~ell as in all larger communities. These places should b~e kept bright and cheery, ~vithout, however, introducin~ luxuries not in keeping with '.religious poverty. - Art. 184 states that one or more re'embers of the com-mun~ tg, should be set aside for the care ]of the sick. These persons should be endou~ed u~itb all tb le qualities necessar~l 167 /~DAM C. I~.LLI$ Review for.Religio~s f~r the proper fulfillment of their office, and should be -noteworthg fo~ their Fraternal charitg. It is their dutg, under, the direction of superiors, to provide For atl.the necessities of their sick charges, with regard to nourishment and other remedies. In modern times no religious institute should find. any difficulty in having one or more of its members trained as .professional nurses. Many of our Catholic hospitals have training schools for nurses, and religious are always wel-come to go there for training in a religious atmosphere. Every large infirmary in a religious house should have its own diet kitchen in which the special dishes required for the si~k may be carefully prepared either by the religious-nurse in charge or by an assistant. We may remark here in passing that it is not contrary to common life to give a special diet in the community refectory to those religious who need it, ~ven though they are well enough to carry on their work. In many com-munities it is customary to l~ave a special table in the refec-to. ry for those who are on diet, thus saving unnecessary steps for those who serve at table. Art. 185 tells that when necessar!l a doctor should be called, and his prescriptions should be FaithFullg carried out. All things considered, the community doctor should be chosen by reason of his understanding of the nature of the religious life in general and of the special work performed by the community in particular. Then he will know more readily the circumstances Of his patient, and will not be inclined to prescribe extraordinary remedies which are . usually available only to the wealthy. Superiors should be generous in providing for the needs of the sick members of their community. It seems to have been a special characteristic of many founders of religious institutes that they were most solicitous for the care of their 168 Mag~ 1944 THE CARE OF SICK RELIGIOUS sick members. Such a tradition should be carefully pre-served. For major operations, as well as for the cure of.certain diseases, it will be advisable to send a religious patient to a hospital. Ordinarily religious should be taken to a Cath-olic hospital where they will .receive the loving care of other religious and will not.be deprived of the religious atmos-phere. Both superiors and religious nurses should be familiar with the laws of the Church regarding exemptions from fast and abstinence, Sunday Mass, and other like matters, so as to be able .to quiet any scruples on the part of their charges. Spiritual Care of the Sick Art 186 of the Norm~e prescribes that the spiritual needs of sick religious should be attended to no less. ear-nestlg than their material needs. The principal :spiritual needs include confession, Communion, and Extreme Unc-tion. On all these matters the Code of Canon Law con-tains some explicit provisions, on Which it may be helpful to make a few comments. Confession: Sick religious should have the opportunity of going to confession whenever the community 'does, that is, weekly to the Ordinary confessor, on occasion to ,the extraordinary confessor, though they should be asked first whether they wish to avail themselves of these opportuni-ties, ,and should not be forced to do so. Special provision is made in canon 523 for religious women who are ill: "'All religious women when seriouslff ill, even if not in danger of death, mag, as ofte/~,as they u3ish during their serious illness; invite an~t priest whatever to hear their confession, provided that he be approved to 169 ADAM (2. ELLIS- Review [or Religious bear the confessions of women, no? can the superioress either directly or indirectly pre~ent them from doing so." It may be well to note that the canon does not require that the religious be in danger of death, but it suffices that she~be seriously ill in order to use the privilege.The judg-ment as to the seriousness of the illness should be left to the doctor or to a competent nurse. The very fact that it is deemed necessa.ry to callo the doctoi would generalIy be a sufficient indication that the illness is serious, since it is not customary for religious to summon a physician for slight ailments. Again, a patient who is running a fe.ver, or who. is obliged to be in bed for a week or more because of illness, would certainly come under the canon. In case of doubt ¯ about the seriousness of the illness, the sick religious should be given the benefit of the doubt. Sick religious on their part should be reasonable. It would hardly be in keeping with the spirit of the law to call for a confessor wholives a long distance away from the community, thus involving expense for the community and .grave inconvenience for the priest in question. It should also be kept in min~l that the 'canon impose~ no special obligation on the priest who i~ called to answer thd summons,.and the sick religious should be patient and resigned if the priest is delayed incoming or does not come at all. 'Holy Communion: Let us. first recall .that the reception of Holy Communion is a privilege and that, while the Church urges her. children,' especially religious, to use this privilege frequently, even daily, still there is no obligation to do so, except during the Paschal. season. Hence a reli-gious, whether sick or. well, who abstains from the recep-tion of Holy Communion, should not be looked upon as singular, This is a matter which is strictly personal, and one which should never be commented upon in commun-ly0 May, 1944 THE .CARE OI~ SICK :RI~LIGIOU$ ity life. As to sick religious, theremay be many reasons w.hy they do not wish to receive Holy Communion on any specified day. Hence the practical rule to be followed is to ask them each evening whether they wish to receive On the following morning or not. They should be given the opportunity of communicating daily Should they wish to do so, but they should ne.ver be made to feel that they are obliged to do so, much iess forced to do so. Dispensation from the Eucharistic Fast. Canon~858 § 2 makes a partial exception to the law of the Eucharistic fast for certain sick persons. "'The sick who. have been .in bed for a month without cet~tain hope of a speedq recooerg maq, with the prudent advice of their confessor, receive Holq Communion once or twicea week, even though theg ma~] have taken medicine or something b~t toag of~.tiquid food beforehand." . The sick who have.beenin bed for a mot~tb. This does not exc!ude:the patient's being able. to. sit up during cer-tain hours of the day. Besides, there are some sick persons who; because Of th~ nature of their infirmity, cannotlie in bed,- b.ut are confined to a chair Or couch. They certainly may use .this privilege. Likewise those sick persons who are able to get up for an hour in. the morning and go :t6 the chapel for.Mass and Holy Communion; may. use the privi-lege. The .canon does n6t require .that they receive.'H61y Communion in bed in order to.use the privilege. " . " It should be noted, however, that this privilege-may not be used until a person has.actually.been ill. for amonth. The opinion of a doctor that the sick person will be in.b~d for more than a month would not justify that person in using the privilege immediately, but he:must .wait until he has bee~a ill for about thirty days. This number of days.is ,to be counted morally, not ma, thematically, It may be difficult to determine exactly the day on wh'ich a person 171 ADAM C. ELI~I8 Review/or Religi~ous became ill. He may have been feeling poorly~ for several days before be went to see the doctor and was ordered to bed. Such days should be counted to make up the month. Without~ certain hope of a spee'dg recoverg. These words exclude mere conjecture or probability. Unless it is certain, therefore, that the person who has been confined to bedby illness f;3r a month will.be well in a very few days, he may use the privilege as long as. his illness lasts. With tb~ prudent advice of theconfessor. ,This does not mean that the confessor grants the privilege of receiving Holy Communion not fasting--the law does that--but it implies .that his judgme.nt may be, required that the sick person is properly disposed. Hence a sick" religious who is mora.lly certain that be is in the state of grace and properly disposed need not ask the permission of his confessor to use the privilege granted by the.law itself. Once ortu;icea vaeek. These words are to be inter-preted strictly. The sick person may use the privilege not more than twice a week. He may use it on any two days of the week, even though on the other days he observes the Eucharistic fast in its entirety and receives Holy Commun-ion. ¯ Medicine or something bg wag of liquid food. The medicine taken may be liquid, or in the form of solids such "as pills, powders, and the like. Any food taken, however, must be in the form of a liquid, that is, it must be of such a nature that it can be drunk. Under this head would come such items as egg-hOg, thin gruel, milk, fruit juices and the like. Religious nurses will do well. to remember that the privilege granted in canon 858 is for all sick persons; not merely for religious. It may be well to mention here that religious who are chrohic invalids and who find it difficult to observe the 172 ' Mag, 1944 -. THE CARE OI~ SICK RELIGIOUS ]~ucharistic fast-either because of physical weakness, ' or because of the'need of taking medicince during the night, can obtain an indult from the Sacred Congregation of Religious to communicate even daily after having taken medicine or liquid food. It will suffice to write a simple letter stating briefly the nature of the disease, and asking for the privilege~ It will help to expedite matters to have the local Ordinary give his approval to the petition. , As for the Last Sacraments, canon 514 provides as fol-lows: "'In every/clerical institute the superiors.have the right and the dutg to administer, either per. sonall[t or bg delegate, the Holg Viaticum and Extreme Unction, in case of sick-ness, to the professed members, to the novices, and to other persons duelling day and night in the religious house reason or: service, education, hospitatitg, or health." In the case of lay institutes, that is, congregations of Brothers and Sisters, this right belongs to the pastor of the parish in which the religious house is located, or to the chaplain designated by the Ordinary to replace the parish priest (canon 514, § 3.). In convents of nuns, the ordi- -nary confessor or his substitute has this same right and duty (canon 514, § 2). Viaticum. Holy Communion is given to the sick by way of ,Viaticum whenever tl~ey are :in danger of death. It may be received daily as long as tha~ danger lasts, and the sick person is exempted from the Eucharistic fast during this time (canons 858 and 864). The opinion of a doctor, or of a competent nurse may be followed regardihg the danger of death. The sick person need not be actually dying, but it suffices that the illness be such that death may be the result of it. Extreme Unction. This sacrament may and should.be administered to the sick who are in danger of death. ~It may be administered only once during the same illness, ADAM C. ELLIS unless ,the sick person shall have recovered, and again fallen into danger of death (canon 940). Again the. prudent judgment of the physician or a capable nurse should.be fol-lowed both ~as regards the danger of death and subsequent recovery. The administration of Extreme Unction should not be put~off until the patient is actually dying, but should be " administered while the patient is in full possession of his senses. Sick persons, including religious, should be in-structed regarding the secondary effects of this sacrament, one of which is the recovery of health, if such be the will of God. Conclusion It will not be out of place here to urge religious supe-riors and those who have the care of sick religious entrusted to them to do all in their power to care for the material and spiritual needs of the sick. Let them, in thei~ charity, .use measures to prevent, as far .as possible, the beginnings Of sickness, by not overburdening their subjects, by supply-ing them with a sufficiency of good wholesome food, and by providing proper relaxation and recreation within the .bounds of religious propriety. In this connection religious superiors must learn to say "NO" to the .many demands put upon them f(~r.help or work which they cannot undertake without putting too great a strain upon a commun~ity which may be already. .overburdened. They will serve the best interests of the Church and of their own institutes by refusing such work until .they have a sufficient number of subjects properly trained both intellectually-and religiously to undertake such additional burdens. 174 ~ ¯ We, Salu!:e Thee, Mary, h ot:her God! William 13. Faherty, S.J. NO ONE has ever had the persevering energy to list all the titles of Mary. Each country, yes, almost every Catholic locality, has its own beautiful manner of invoking our lovely Lady. In the Litany of Lotetto alone we. appeal to her in over forty ways. Some titles, such as the Blessed Virgin, have universal esteem. Others possess only local popularity] Of all the loving appellativ~s by which her devoted fol-lowers call on Joachim's daughter, the .greatest is "Mother of God." So astounding is it to address a human being in this manner, that we might hesitate to. employ it, were it not revealed doctrine, its use sanctioned by. the Church. In the May 1943 number of REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, Father Aloysius Kemper, S.J., analyzed the doctrine of the Divine Maternity. The interesting controversy .that led to its sanction is the theme of this article. The antagonists in this case Were two leading bishops, Nestorius of Constantinople, and St. Cyril of Alexandria. Dispute and discussion of a controverted point of doctrine not infrequently lead to its settlement by conciliar defini-tion. So it was in this matter. .The Council of Ephesus (431) settled the question. But that is running ahead of the story . The Fifth-Century World . Accustomed as we are, in this modern era, to think.of the e.astern shore of the Mediterranean as non-Catholic . territory, we find it difficult to visualize the fi'fth-centur7 setting. Constantinople was the center 6f the Empire, not 175. W. B. FAHERTY Revie~u [o~ Religious Rome, so recently sacked by Alaric and his Visigoths. Not Italy, or Spain, or France, but the Province of Asia on the XVest coast, of modern Turkey was the most Christian sec-tion of the Mediterranean world. St. Patrick was just then preparing .for his missionary trip to Ireland. The great St: Augustine of Hippo was in his last years~ So much for the scene, now what about the Drarnatis Personae? Into the easiern capital as its patriarch came Nestorius, a priest of Antiokh, who soon became known for his zeal-ous hounding of heretics. Worried over'the danger of polytheism, still so strong in the pagan parts of the Empire, as well as over an error concerning Christ's humanity taught by~ a priest, Apollinaris, Nestorius leaned backward in regard to the doctrine of the Divine Maternity. Against him stood St. Cyril, the Patriarch of Alexan-dria, rugged as Gibraltar, a man renowned for the strong virtues of John the Baptist rather than for the gentle quali-ties of dohn the Evangelist. Far away, at Rome, Pope Celestine odcupied the Chair of St. Peter . Theological WarFare The first barrage of battle came when the priest, Anasta, sius, a protegi of the Phtriarch of Constantinople, preached against the use of the extremely popular title for Mary, Tbeotokos (God-bearing). Call her merely Christ-otokos (Christ-bearing), he ordered. Consternation spread arnbng the-Constantinopolitans, for this title, Tbeotokos, had been indaily use for over a hundred years. Almost everyone in the audience had been familiar with it .from ehrliest childhood. The people were.gripped by a dismay and bewilder-ment almostinconceivable to us who live in a milieu that 176 May, 1944 WE SALUTE THEE, MARY, MOTHER OF GOD tends to take doctrinal differences as easily as the changes of the ieasons. Nestorius answered ?omplaints with excom-munication and imprisonment, then mounted the pulpit and bulwarked Anastasius' position. The Patriarch. of the Eastern Capital had flung down the gauntlet. Proclus, the bishop-elect of Cyzicus, a lesser name in this theological battle, accepted. the challenge. Despite the presence of Nestorius in the audience, he rose to the defence of the popular opinion. The Patriarch coun-ter- attacked with a whole series of sermons. Not along the shores ,of the Golden Horn alone, but throughout the East, news of these teachings spread. Across the blue Mediterranean they carried, like the sails of the Phoenicians, to the ancient land of the Pharaohs. St. Cyril rose to the defence of the tiaditional opinion with several letters. First to his own people, then to the monks of Egypt, he gave the true explanation of the Incarnation. He -mapped out a detailed counter-offensive against Nestorius. Two letters to that Patriarch complained of the teaching that had thrown the faithful throughout the East into war-time excitement. Availing nothing by this, Cyril referred the matter to Rome. He sent to the Holy See his correspondence w.ith Nestorius, a collection of the con-tagion- filled sermons, and a work of his own just com-pleted. ¯ A local council, convoked at Rome by Pope Celestine in the .summer of 430, condemned Nestorius. Early in August the Pope commissioned St. Cyril to carry out the condemnation, giving the Patriarch of Constantinople only ten days to retract 'his false teaching. Celestine wrote similar letters to Nestorius himself, to the clergy and people of Constantinople, and to John, the Patriarch of Antioch. The last paragraph of the Pope's authoritative letter to Nestorius is a good.summary of the whole epistle. "You 177 W. B. FAHERTY Review t~or Religious know clearly.out opinion. Unless you preach concerning Chris.t, our God, those things which the Roman ChUrch, the Alexandrian Church,-and. the whole, Catholic Church teach~s, and the most holy. Church of the Cityof Con-stantinople held up to the present, and you separate your-self from that foul novelty as the Scripture enjoins, and condemn it in a written profession within ten days from the day on which you are aware of this. sentence, you will be expelled .from the communion of thewhole Catholic Church" (Mansi, IV, 103~4.35). ~ ~ This was a lightning attack on Nestorius. He was condemned and his rival .was chosen to. give the coupde-grace. What would he do? The cornered Constantino-politan parried the thrust with an. evasive reply and.-a promise to abide by the decision of the general council he had asked the Pope to convene. The Anatbematisms Cyril. was busy, tOO, preparing.the death blow. He drew?. UP twelve statements, called "The:.Anathematisms,'." to which,Nestorius was asked to.subscribe. Though these , ~ere couched in sucha way as tO make evasion impossible, they contained, certain difficulties of terminology. What Cyril understood to mean:-one thing, Nestorius interpreted-in a way that bordered on the false teaching of Apollinaris. So, .,instead of submitting, he issued, twelve, counter-anathematisms, John of Antiocia now stood With Nes-torius. Other bishops of the region of Antioch a.ttacked the twelve statements of Cyril, especially the third, which seemed to teach only one nature in Christ. When everyone seemed, drugged-with anathematisms; the Emperor Theodosius II con, yoked a general council to be, held at Epl~esus in Asia Minor, on Pentecost Day,~' June 7, 431. Ma~t, 1944 WE SALUTE THEE, ~ICIARY, MOTHER OF. GOD Ephesus is today a miserable village on the-west coast of Turkey, not far from the Italian naval base at Rhodes. But in Roman times, it bore the pr6ud sobriquet, "The Torch of Asia." One of the chief ports of. the Levant, it was the center of the cult of Diana in the days of St. Paul. Recall the riot recorded in the Acts, when the streets rang with the cry, "Great is Diana of the Ephesians." From a pagan stronghold it became by the third cen-tury a populous Christian city. Here St. ,John lived in later life. Here sprang up a great devotion to the Mother of God, supplanting the worship of the pagan goddess. To the main church of the city, dedicated to Mary, the bishops were making their way in the spring Of 431. The Council Convenes Since the Antiochean prelates had not arrived by June 7th, the opening of the Council was delayed. On ~he 22nd Cyril opened it, though the Papal Legate and the Patriarch of Antioch were still on the way. This seemed a high-handed act on the Alexandrian's part, for he had no com-mission to preside over the Council. Perhaps he extended hi~ powers as commissary in the indictment of Nestorius. The Acts of the Council record that two bishops, both bearing the name of Alexander, one from Apamea, the other from Hierapolis, had come from John of Antioch to tell Cyril to wait no longer. Yet these same two, along with sixty-six others, personally voted against the opening of the Council in the absence of the Syrian bishops. Nes-torius refused to recognize the jurisdiction of this incom2 plete number, and consequently would, not appear or put in any defence. Yet the first, meeting was held. A crowd of Ephesians g~ithered outside the Church of Mary as the sessions opened. Would Nestorius be con-demned? Would the popular app+llation of the Virgin be 179 W. 'B. FAHERTY '~: ' approv~O.~"~ C~rril, ,whom the Acts Of the Council describe as ".holding the.place of the most holy Celestine, Bishop of the Roman Church" (Mansi, IV, 1123);. presided when the ~ase of Nestorius was discussed. Various pertinent docu-ments were read, and a vote taken.'One hundred and ninety-eigh.t bishops subscribed to the condemnation. The setting sun, had reddened the waters of the Ionian Sea and the quiet .of evening wrapped the city be'fore the first long sessi6n was over. When the bishops filed from the Church, the word of the condemnation spread lik~ elm leaves in autumn among the expectant multitude. Where once rang the ~ry, "Great is Diana of the Ephesians," the shouts of "Theotokos, Theotokos" reechoed in honor of Mary, the Mother of God. With a thousand flaming torches, the Ephesians led the Fathers of the Council in tri-umph back to their temporary residences. A few.days later the papal legates arrived with a defini-tive letter from Celestine. The assembled prelates Were merely to promulgate the decision already made against Nestorius and make it universal. In the third session (2uly lst)the Roman legates confirmed the measures taken. With this the doctrinal work of the Council was a.lmost at an end. ¯ Several trying weeks, were to elapse before the adjournment.-During this interval Cyril preached the sermon in which he spoke the words of our title. Nestorius was deposed from his see in October of the same year, and a moderate prelate, Maximinian, succeeded him. Thus e~ded the Theotokos cgntroversy. For all time it was settled that the universal brotherhood of the-Chris-tian people could salute Mary as the Mother of God. 18o Who Is This Rodriguez? Augustine Klaas, S.J. AUGUSTA Theodosia Drane, the future Mother Francis Raphael, gifted writer and Provincial of the Dominican co.mmunity of Stone, England, tells in her memoirs of her first meeting with Rodriguez. She was about twenty-five at the time and still an Anglichfi. "One day in Mr. Maskell's library I stumbled on three volumes in dark green cloth, the title of which took mY fancy 'Religio.us Perfection.' I carried them ~0ff. It was Rodriguez. A girl of sixteen reading .the Waverley novels for the first time would be a feeble comparison. Better was .this than any conceivable novel, for here at last I found reality. It was precisely what I wanted, what I had always felt the want of: and I Used to cry out, 'Oh if I had only had this bbok at fiftee.n, what a different being I should have been!'~.Imp°ssi'ble not. to be a glutton over these books. I read them by davy; I'read them by night; I read them aloud to my sister, who .was vexed with my enthusi-asm and did not relish the Fathers of the Desert; and When she objected, I walked down to Petit Tot and read them there. I went right through them in a week, and then I be-gan again, and went right through them a second time. If I ever hear depreciating remarks about Rodriguez, as if he were an old fogy, I feel as if I could slay anyone who does not lo;~e him as I do! I think he saved my faith." (A Mere-. oir; edited by Bertrand Wilberforce, O.P., p. 51.) Most religious, perhaps, have not felt the initial impact of Rodriguez' spiritual classic quite so acu(ely as this Angli~ can young lady. At least they have not expressed .them-selves nearly so enthusiastically. Yet, it must be admitted 181 AUGUSTINE KLAA$ that the work of Father Rod/iguez is one of the all-time spiritual best-sellers, and certainly, after "the Spiritual Exercises,;. the most influential spiritual book written by a Jesuit. It has formed and molded tens of thousands df ~eligious, priests, and layfolk for three hundred years and in importance has been placed by discerning critics immedi-ately after the Imitation of Christ, alongside such notable works'as Scupoli's Spiritual Combat and'Francis de Sales'. Introduction to a Devout Life. Pius XI in 1924 addressed to the major superiors of all religious orders and congrega-tions of men an Apostolic Lette.r, in which referring to the training of novices, he says: "Most useful to read through and study will be the writings of Saint Bernard, and of the Seraphic Doctor Bonaventure, as also of Alphonsus Rodriguez . Their power and efficacy, far from failing and being weakened by lapse of time, seem today rather to have increased." (AAS, XVI, p. 142) Who, then, is this Rodriguez? : The Man Alphonsus Rodriguez, unfortunately, has always suf- ¯ feted from the petty annoyance of mistaken identity. And no wonder, since some thirty-five Jesuit writers bear the name of Rodkiguez, four of these prefixing Alphonsus. 'Most frequently he is confused with the Jesuit lay-brother, Saint Alphonsus Rodriguez, who was his contemporary and also a spiritual writer. It is worthwhile, therefore, to set things right by sketching the main events of his life, about-which there is almost nothing in English, and also to add a few interesting details about his great spiritual book. For an account of his early year~', two documents, signed by himself, are of special value. The first is a statement 1~82 Ma~ , ! 944 " " WHO I8 THIS RODRIGUEZ? written by him in the third :person when he was received.:.as. a Jesuit novice in Salamanca:- "He was examined by Father Rector, July 141 1557. Native of--Valladolid, 19 years old, son of Doctor.Rodri-guez and. I)ofia Maria Garcia; a student, has done two years of theology; has profited, greatly from his studies. Signed: Gonzfilez Alonso .Rodrlguez. J In the margin occur these words: "He has.received the tonsure." ¯-Four and a half years later, in January 1562, Alphon-sus, then a Scholastic, filled out-a questionnaire for the Jesuit Visitor from Rome,. Father Jerome Nadal, in which¯ he gives us acandid.portrait of himself (Monttrn.entaS.d.; Nadal, Tome. II, pp. 532-533) : " "My name¯is Alonso Rodriguez. -- Three months from now I shall have completed my 24th year.x , -- I am from old Castile.and V-alladolid. m My parents-are living: -- They have sufficient to support them. --. I have two sisters who are nuns, and four brothers: one.is a monk, another is a priest. , the other two have. almost nothing~ except what their parents may leave them .,. neither is married. " -- I have no debts or obligations, .excepta half-real. which I found and. though knowing to whom it belonged, I did not return it ;.now I have nothing, and even. if I had anything, it seems I could not return it.-- In the world I was devout and given to prayer and almsgiving; and so I prayed a lot, but I did not often frequent the.sacra:. ments, nor did I know anything about mental prayer.-,- I made a vow to be a religious or a monk " On account: of my vow and desire to serve God, .I entered the Company without any consolations., four and a half years ago . . ~ It is a year and a half since I took the vows. ~ Once I XHence, Alphonsus Rodriguez was born in 1538, and, not in 1526, as is stated in Father Rickaby's English edition and elsewhere.' 183 AUGUSTINE KLA~$ Review/or Religious made:the exercises of the First Week for eight or~ nine days. -- I have served in the lowest'offices of the house, made a pilgrimage, served" in hospitals., taughtcatechism. - "I desire to persevere until death in the Company and, with the grace of the Lord, to Obey in all things, no matter how difficult and hard they may be, and to keep the rules very perfectly,, as something in which my perfection con-sists. I desire very much to undergo all the mortifications and experiments of the Company, as though I had just recently entered it, and I desire my superiors ~to take great care to mortify me, because I need it very much, since I am very remiss in mortifying myself . On the other hand, Our Lord gives me promptness to obey in all things . . . Particulaily do I wish to be instructed in prayer .(about whichI am very ignorant) in order to know how to make further progress. -- Wherever the greater service of God our Lord may be, thither am I inclined to go; even though it be to the confines of the earth, I shall go there with good will; and I desire to be able and capable of undeitaking difficult and great things with the div.lne favor. -- Sala-manca, January 15, 1562. Alonso." ¯ Questioned about his studies, he adds: "I have studied thirteen years: five of grammar and three of arts in Valla-dolid, and am now studying theology for the fifth year in Salamanca. I have been thought to be very healthy through-out my studies. I have an inclination for studies, and especially, for theology. But I have little talent for them, especially for metaphysics. Memory is poor and intelli-gence likewise. I know very little about anything, but it seems I know more theology than anything else. I am a bachelor of arts." Obviously Alphonsus.was a young man of high Spir-itual objectives coupled with a humble estimate of him-self. This depreciating inventory of his talents and virtues, .184 May, 1944 WHO Is THIS RODRIGUEZ? however, was not accepted by his. superiors, for after his studies and ordination to the priesthood he was immedi-ately made master of novices in Salamanca at the precocious age of twenty-five. And the records of the time note also that he was "very skillful in solving cases of conscience:" Three years, later, in 1~566, Father Rodriguez left the novitiate at Salamanca for the joint college and seminary at M0nterrey in Galicia, where he taught moral theology in the seminary. Certain little moral treatises written during this period were highly esteemed by Father Thomas San-cbez, the distinguished Jesuit moralist, who made use of " them in his own writings. R.odriguez wasalso rector of this institution of some eight hundred students for six years (1570-1576), and, despite his many duties as rector and professor, f?equently preached "with some ability," heard confessions, and taught catechism in the town's ¯ environs. In 15 79 we find him. in his native cit.y of Valla-do! id, engaged in the Works of the ministry and solving cases of conscience. He remained there for six years. In 1585, by special Order of Acquaviva, the Father General, Rodriguez was sent from his own province Of Castile to that of Andalusia"to be rector and mas[er of novices at the famous college and novi'tiate of .Montilla. He was sent as a troubleshooter to solve some peculiar diffi-culties ~involving the training of young religious. His own provincial superior, Father Villalba, was loath to let.him- .go! "In very few men are so many qualities found together: It is truly a considerable loss for our province. He is very learned, an excellent religious, and made for training young religious in spiritual life and devotion. Of that we have no less need in Castile than in Andalusia." (Astrain, Historia IV, p. 745) On the otherhand, the success of his work at Montilla can be gaged from a letter written two years later to the 185 AUGUSTINE KLAAS Review /:or Religious General by the Andalusian Provincial, Father Gil Gonz.~- lez Dfivila: "One finds there the true formation of the Company and the real way. of training novices . Those who come from" it live according to the true religious spirit, the spirit, of obedience and abnegation, and are. distin-guished for these virtues? To my mind, the best present that Your Paternity has made tb our province . has been to call to it Father Alphonsus Rodriguez; and I hope that if the Fathers of the. third probation pass through his hands, the fruit will be still more precious . '~ (Astrain, ibid, IV, p. 745) Another n~ark of confidence was shown ¯ him when he was chosen to represent the Andalusian prov-ince at the Fifth General' Congregation of his order, held in Rome in 1593. This Congreg.ation put an end to those internal difficulties of the Spanish Jesuit provinces-for .the solution of which Father Rodriguez had labored with such consummate prudence and ability. Five years later Rodriguez left Montilla, having been appointed a general inspector of the Jesuit-establlshments in the province of Andalusia. That done, he.was in Cor-dova the following year, hearing .confessions and giving retreats, and there he remained for eight years, until 1607, when at the age of sixty-nine he once more took up his old duties as master of novices, this time in Seville, and added to them the duties of spiritual father of the community. This was to be his last appointment. During the final two years of his life he was plagued with ill-health and the infirmities of age, so.much so that he could no longer offer up the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass. Then, on-February 21, 1616, "after having received all the sacraments with full consciousness and with such serenity that he seemed rather to sleep than to die," he quietly passed away at the goodly age of sev2 enty-seven years and ten months. Father Alphonsus Rodriguez was an exceptionally 186 .7 May, ,1944 WHO IS THIS RODRIGUEZ? well-balanced character--not brilliant, but prudent, reli-. able, and stead~: Father Nieremberg, who knewhim well, describes him as "affable, thoroughly saturated with the charity of Christ, without a trace of bitterness or sadness; a faint, gentle smile on his countenance." He was much given to' prayerful retirement and perhaps for that reason was som. ewhat timid in meeting externs, He was notwhat we call today "a contact man." "I do nol~ know how to dea! or observe the amenities with e~:terr~s, as my duties demand," he wrote humbly to the General. And Father. GonzMez, the Andalusian P~ovincial, mentions in an offi, cial letter the ."timidity of the superior'.' and ',his emba'~- rassed mannerisms," but adds that this difficulty can be remedie~d by having recourse to ~ther Fathers--and he might have added that the suppl3; of such is usually plen-tifui. : Nevertheless, despite this annoying h~indicap, he was a capable superior, demanding an exact account of what was being done and giving orders so precise that "he seemed. thoroughly attentive to each detail withoutany distrac-tion." His decisions once understood and their carrying out assured, he gave himself heart and soul to the spiritual direction of his novices and subjects. Here he was the mast ter perfectly at ease. In an unobtrusive way, he was a man of constant prayer, mortification, and meticulous observance of rule. When h~ was told that his austerities might shorten his life, he made the disconcerting, but very discerning reply, "An unmortified religious man. is already dead." His own religious brethren do not seem to have been too much aware of his more than ordinary sanctity, for when the 3esuits of Madrid were officially proposing to a certain prelate of the Rota the beatification of Rodriguez' fellow-townsman and contemporary, Father Luis de la Puente, the great author-° 187 AUGUSTINE KLAAS "." Review [or Religious ity on prayer, the prelate exclaimed: "Good! but why not make the same recommendation for the saintly Father Alphonsus Rodriguez ?" His Book At what period of l~is life did Father Rodriguez write his Practice of Perfection and Christian Virtues? The bulk of it was written and delivered as exhortations during the thirteen years he was master of novices at Montilla. 'At the bidding of superiors, he arranged the material and improved it during his stay at Cordova, and finally published the first edition in 1609 and the second in 1611 at Seville. ~During the last year of his life, though suffering greatly -from his infirmities, he revised the whole work for a third edition. :. When he was informed on th~ Feast of the Puri-fication, 1616, that the printing of it was completed, he folded his hands and said. cheerfully, "Now thou dost dis- .miss thy servant, O Lord, according to thy word in peace" .(Luke 2:29). Two weeks later he was dead. The book has gone through more than fifty editions in Spanish, and has been translated in.to at least twenty lan-guages, including Arabian, Tamil, and Chinese. Among the French translations we find one made by the Jansenists in 1673, in which the.y secretly inserted their erroneous doc-trines on grace. ¯ The first English version was ¯published between 1697 and~ 1699, the translator being none other than Sir John Warner, Baronet, of Parham in S{affolk, otherwise known as Father John Clare, S.J. He is an interesting pe.rsonage. With his young wife he was converted to the true faith and both decided to become religious. She became Sister Clare of the Poor Clares of Gravelines; he.became a Jesuit. They made their solemn profession on the same day, August 15, 1667. Subsequently he became procurator, and later 188 Ma~l, 1944 WHO IS THIS RODR~GUEZ? provincial of the English Pro;cince, but spent most of his life as master of novices and spiritual father at the English novitiate at Warren, Belgium. It was there towards ~he end of his life that he made his translation through the medium of the French version of Abb~ Regnier des Marais,. and saw it through the nearby press of St. Omers. Father Joseph. Rickaby, S.J., the most recent English translator, made some use of it, for he notes in.his preface: "it has cost the present translator a world of toil and trouble. In my veneration for the quaint old seventeenth century version, still read amongst~ us, I endeavored to base my work upon that, instead of doing what I was ultimately forced to do, translating straight from the" Spanish." Practice of Perfection .and Christian Virtues is prima-. rily and .almost exclusively an ascetical, not a mystical work. To criticize it unfavorably, as some have done in recent years; for not discussing mystical prayer at length is unfair. Such was not the purpose of the book. Its author's principal aim was the training of young religious; accordingly, being a man of prudence and common sense, and a go6d pedagogue, too, Rodriguez adapted his teaching on higher prayer to the limited capacity of his disciples, who were mostly beginners in the spiritual life. He is not "anti-mystical.''~ The work deals not so much with the theory of asceti-dism as with its practice. The author.says that he.put the. word Practice in the title because "things are treated in it ih such a .way as may render their practice, very easy." Nor is the subject-matter discussed comprehensively in all its details: "I have laid before" you, as clearly and briefly as I was able, such things as are more essential and more corn- 2To cite but one eminent authority: Father Herbert Thnrston writes in The Month (Vol. 154~ p. 425) : "There can be no question that Father Rodriguez recognized and extolled the higher prayer." Cf. Rodriguez, Practice Vol. 1, pp. 254, 255, 262. 189 AUGUSTINEKLAAS " Revle~v for Religious mort to our profession." However, this practical, limited scope does not on .that account place his spirituality on a low plane. Rodriguez seeks to lead religious.to the highest sanctity by faithfulness to duty in little things, byperfect performance of ordinary adtions, by unremitting purity of intention, by habitual and ever closer conformity to the will of.God. He endeavors to form religious of sustained prayer, m6rtification, apostolic zeal, °and all the virtues; and he points to the loftiest exemplars, Christ and His saints, for "to attain to perfection, one must fix his eyes on what is highest and most excellent." And who will say that he has not succeeded? ¯ The principal sources of Rodriguez' doctrine are Holy Scripture, the Fathers of the Church, and the great spir-i. tual masters of the.past, with a particular pr, edi!ection for those stal~carts, .the religious of the desert. Among the ¯ most frequently .cited authorities are Saint Augustine (271 .times), Saint Bernard (2.5.8 times), Saint Thomas Aquinas (86 times),., and Cassian. ~is. .p.Huries . Ccoasmtilpiaons aitnido nab iosv de ethaer .oa.nrddi n.amrYet~h .0i.dni lcia.t!e:r ahriys~la mnegruita,ge ~hough somewhat .prolix. He has imagination and a ,ki, ndly humor--'.'pepper and¯salt," as one.writer says. For examp!e~ he says that a religious who jumps h, astily a.nd light!y from virtue to x~!rtue is "likd a cat w.~lking on hot coals." I.n addition, all will agree that Rodriguez has an indefinable unctionall his own. " 0fcourse, A!phonsus Rodriguez is. by. no means the perfect author. In his knowledge of things scientifiC, his-torical, and hagiographical, he is a man of his times. He considers certain apocryphal works authentic; too often he copies his sources at second hand; he draws ~considerably on the uiapublished exhortations of his Provincial, Father Gon-zfilez D~ivila, without giving him due credit. A few points 190 Ma~t, 1944 WHO IS THIS RODRIGUEZ? of his doctrine can be legitimately contested and evem impugned. Some of his examples and anecdotes are con-sidered today to be lacking in good taste: many'of, these have been excised in recent editions. But, after all, these. are only minor flaws in an author whose work is a master-piece of spiritual writing, that has successful"ly stood the test of time, and that even.with readers who are more than" ordinarily critical and exacting. It is today the most widely used spiritual textbook .of religious .the world over. A definitive critical edition would indeed be Very Welcome: Many witnesses could be Cited to proire the value and popularity of Rodriguez. Forexample, Father Faber calls the book "an inestimable treasure of the Church." Found-ers and foundresses of religious congregations have been especially lavish in their praises. Our own Mother.Chbrini drew up a list of five books as constituting a sufficient, spir-itual library for her congregation. They are: the Imitation ¯ of Christ, the St~irituat Exercises; the Religious in Solitude Of Father Pinamonti, S.&, the :Bride o[ Christ Of Saifit Alphonsus Liguori, and thePractice of-AlphonsusR0dl!- guez. Saint Alphonsus. Liguori and Saint John. E~dgs. often recommended~ the. Practice. Let Saint Vincent de Paul; the founder of the Lazarists, be our last witness.~, In an instruction to his.religious icongregation dated May: 17, t 658, accompanying the book of Rules he was sendiiig,: he exclaims: "'O Lord, who hast bestowed such blessings~ .on .many books, for example, on the"one we are now re, adihg - at table, so that well-prepared souls migh~ reap .therefrom considerable fruit, in order to free themselves from their faults and go forward in perfection, grant, O Lord,. th) blessing on this our little book . " Father Pierre Coste, the saint's official biographer, says that the book being read at table was none other than the Practice of Per-fection and Christian Virtues by Alphonsus Rodriguez. 191 Two Hymns t:o Mary Francis N. Korth, S.J. SEVERAL mon.ths a'go a reader of REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS'wrote to the editors for information concerning a hymn beginning with the words, "Te Matrem." As the editors had no definite information to offer, they addressed the question to the other readers (cf. Vol. III, p. 70). In answer to this request a large number of letters w~re received. These letters carried a great deal of interesting information concerning two hymns to Mary, Te Matrem Dei Lau-damus and Te Mariam Laudamus. The present writer has collated the' information and digested it into the following paragraphs. The hymn Te Matrem Dei Laudamus, often referred to as the "Canticum. S. Bonaventurae," adapts the canticle Te Deurn to the praise of Mary. It is usually printed at the end of five psalms in honor of the Blessed Virgin Mary, each of which begins with a different letter of the word "Maria." St. Alphonsus Liguori, busy as he was, frequently said these five psalms. For several centuries after the death " of St. Bonaventure (1274), the great 'Franciscan theologian' 'and Doctor of the Church, the Te Matrern was attributed to him. It is found in the early editions of his Opera Omnia, either as a separate canticle or as part of the" Psalterium Majus B.V.M: It is not found, however, in the latest and most critical edition (the Qu~racchi edi-tion) Of St. Bonaventure's worksY Fr.Gallus Haselbeck, O.F.M.,in his Seraphiscbe Marienrninne remarks in substance that, while St. Bona-venture wrote poetical works, there is no poem on the Blessed Virgi.n that can really be proved to be ~is work. (See also J.H. Sbaralea, 8upplementum et Castigatio ad Scriptores Triurn Ordinurn S. Fran-cisci,' Romae, Editore Nardecchia, 1908, Pars. I, p. 1640 It seems that the Te Matrein Dei Laudamus was composed for the Great Office of the Blessed Virgin. This Office never gained uni-versal "recognition and has not become a part of the' Liturgy of the Church. However, the Te Matrem itself has'been used extensively at various times for p.ublic and private devotion. Venerable Vincent Pallotti, founder of ~the Pious Society of' Missions, propagated it through his books and.used it for May devotions. Several of our corkespondents told us about anothe'r hymn, Te Mariara Laudamus, similar to the Te Matrem. The Te Matrera 192 1944 Two HYMNS TO MARY has 44, 45, and 46 verses respectively in the three available Latin versions (all have the same thoughts with a few divergent verse-arrangements) and 43 verses in the two Engli.~h translations at hand.1 This hymn (the Te Matrem) is an almost literal transposi-tion of the thought of the Te Deum, with the exception of 14 extra vers~s (all beginning with "Tu" in the appended Latin text) inserted in the middle of the canticle. Aside from this inseition, the Te M~trern is a closer parallel'of the Te Deum than is the Te Mariam. The latter, however, with its 30 verses in the Latin (29 in the Eng-lish), comes closer to the length of the T'e Deum. Might this prac-tical identity in length have been the reason for the origin of the Te Mariam? At any rate we are told by one reader .that the Te Mariam is an abridgement of a much longer hymn (the Te Matrem) attributed to 8S. Augustine, ~Ambrose, and-Bonaventure in $chiitz, Su'mma Mariana, IL 310. Father William d. Chaminade,~Founder of the Society of Mary, included the Te Mariam in the Manual of the Servant of Mar~/, a book of prayers and hymns which he corn-- piled for the godalities of the Immaculate Conception at Bordeaux, France. This M~nual was printed in 1820 or earlier. In a copy of the Manual it is stated that Father Chaminade took the Te Mariam from one of the then current. French Antiphonaries. Anotl~er cor-respondent writes that "the Te Mariam is sung in places of pilgrim-age of the B.V.M., at least in some basilicas or places of pilgrimage in France." The Te Mariam is found in the Formular!l of the Society~ of Mary. Separate leaflets are printed at Maryhurst Normal, Kirk-wood, Missouri. At Marynook Novitiate (Society of Mary), Galesville, Wisconsin, "they also have the melody: it is really the . melody of the Te Deum laudamus adapted to the words and phrases of this Marian hymn." A variation of the Te Mariam can be found in The Reign of Jesus through Mary---On True Devotion to the Blessed Virgin according to Blessed Grignion de Montfort, Founder of the Com-pany of Mary. This book, composed in, French by Father G. Denis, S.M.M., was translated into English by'.Father A. Somers, S.M.M., and published in 1926 by Burns, Oates, and Washbourne, ,London, England. To conclude briefl~r: the Te Matrem dates back to the thirteenth 1A version of the Te Matrem under the heading, "CaCti urn Sancti Bonaventurae.". was copied thirty years ago from a Latin bo6k in honor of our Lady; the copyist tells us it has 48 verses. 193. FRANCIS N. KORTH, S,J. Review for Religiot:s century at least;, its authorship is unknown. It is not part of. the liturgy of the Church, but has been used for public and private devo-tions by various groups. A similar but shorter hymn, Te Mariara, has been in use since at least the early part of the nineteenth century. Te Matrem Te Matrem Dei laudamus: Te Mariam Virginem profitemur. Te" aeterni Patris Filiam: omnis terra veneratur. Tibi omnes Angeli et Archangeli: Tibi Throni et Principatus fideliter deserviunt. Tibi omnes Potestates et omnes Virtutes coeli coelorum: et universae Dominationes obediunt. Tibi omnes Chori: Tibi Cherubim et Seraphim exultantes assistu'nt. Tibi .omnis angelica creatura inces-sabili voce proclamant: Sancta, Sancta, Sancta Maria Dei Genitrix, Mater et Virgo. Pleni sunt coeli et terra: maiestatis gloriae fructus ventris tui. Te gloriosus Apo~tolorum chorus: ¯ sui Creatoris Matrem collaudat. T~ beatorum Martyrum coetus cahdi-datus: Christi Genitricem glori-ficat. Te gloriosus Confessorum exercitus: Trinitatis .Templum appellat. Te sanctarum Virginum" chorea amabi- 'lis:. k, irginitatis et humilitatis ex-emplum praedicat. Te tota coelestis curia: Reginam honorat. Te per universum orbem Ecclesia invocando concelebrat: Matrem divinae Maiestatis. Venerandam te veram Regis c6elestis puerperam: sanctam quoque dul-cem et piam. Tu Angelorum Domina: Tu Paradisi Ianua. Tu Scala: regni coelestis et gloriae. Tu Thalamus: Tu Arca pietatis et gratiae. We praise thee, 0 Mother of God: and hail thee, Mary, ever Virgin. The whole world venerates thee: as daughter of the eternal Father. Angels and Archangels, Thrones and Principalities: faithfully serve thee. All Powers and Virtues of heaven: all Dominations obey thee. Before thee all the angelic choirs: the Cherubim and Seraphim wait on thee with exultation. With unceasing voice all angelic crea-tures proclaim thee: Holy, Holy, Holy Mary, Mother of God. Mother and Virgin. The heavens and the earth are full: of the glorious majesty of thy Son. With One voice the" ~lorious choir of Apostles: praises thee as the Mdther . of their Creator. T.he white-robed host of' martyrs: glori-fies thee. as the Mother of Christ. The glorious army of Confessors: names thee the Temple of the Trinity. The lovely company of holy Virgins: prolaims thee as the model of virginity and humility. The entire heavenly court honors thee as Queen. Throughout the entire world ~he Church pays honor by invoking thee: as the Mother of Divine Majesty, Venerating thee as the true "mdther "of ¯ the Heavenl~ King: holy, sweet~ ~ind loving. Thou art the Queen of Angdls: and the Portal of Paradise. Thou art the Guide: to the Heavenly Kingdom and its glory. Thou art the bridal chamber and the covenant of mildness and grace. 194 May, 1944 Two HYMNS TO MARY Tu Vena misericordiae: Tu Sponsa, et Mater¯Regis aeterni. Tu Templum et Sacrarium Spiritus Sancti: totius Beatissimae Trini-tatis nobile. Triclinium. Tu Mediatrix Dei et hominum:. Ama-trix mortalium, coelestis IIlumina- ¯ trix. Thou art the Channel of Mercy:" Spouse and Mother bf the eternal King. Thou art the temple and shrine of the Holy.-Ghost: the tabernacle of the Most Blessed Trinity. Mediatrix between God and man: lovei of mortals, our heavenly enlightener. Tu Agonizatrix pugnantium. Advocata." Thou art the Inspirer of warriors: pauperum: Miseratrix et Refugium peccatorum. Tu Erogatrix munerum: Superatrix ac Terror daemonum, et superborum. Tu.mundi Domina, C6eli Regina: post Deum sola spes~:nostra. Tu Salus Te invocantium, Portus naufragantium: miserorum Sola-tium, pereuntium Refugium. Tu Mater¯omnium Beatorum, Gaudium plenum post Deum: omnium super-norum civium Solatium. Tu Promotrix iustorum, Congrega-trix errantium: Promissio Patriar-charum. Tu Veritas Prophetarum, Praeconium, et Doctrix Apostolorum: Magistra Evangelistarum. Tu Fortitudo Martyrum, Exemplar Confessorum: Honor et Festivitas Virginum. Tu ad liberandum exnlem hominem: Filium Dei suscepisti in uterum. Per Te, expugnato hoste antiquo, sunt apert.a fidelibus gegna c"oelorum. Tu cure Filio tuo iedes: ad d~xter~m Patris. Tu [psum pro nobis roga, Virgo Maria: Quem nos ad iudicandum credimus esse venturum. Te ergo poscinius nobis tuis famulis subveni: qui pretioso sa~nguine Filii tui redempti sumus. Aeterna fac, pia Virgo: cure sanctis tuis nos gloria numerari. S~Ivum fac populum tuum, Domina: ut sirens participes haereditatis Filii tui. E~ rege nos: et custodi nos in aeternum. Per singulos dies: O Pin, Te salutamus. ¯ the advocate of the poor, and the compassionate refuge of sinners~ Almoner of Heaven: conqueror and ter-ror of demons, and of the haughty.-. Queen of Earth and Queen of Heaven: after God, our only hope. Welfare of those who invoke thee: haven of the shipwrecked: solace of the ~retched. refuge of the dying. Thou Mother of all the Blessed, after God their fullest joy: comfort of. all the citizens of Heaven. Thou art the Patroness of the ins_t, thbu gathere.st the wandering: and art the promise of the Patriarch~. Thou art the truth of the Prbphets:" the glory and the teacher of the Apostles and Evangelists. ~ Thou art the strength of Mai~yrs, the exemplar of Confessors: the. honor and joy of Virgins. To frde man from exile, tho6 did~f receive the Son of God in thy~.omb. By thee was co.nquered our enemy of old: and Hea~,en was opened for the faithful. With thy Son thou sitt~st: at the: right hand of~the Father.' Pray for us to Him, O Virgin Mary: ~-: who, we believe, will cgme to. judge us. Wherefore we beg thee to aid us, " " thy. sdrvants who have been re-deemed by thy Son's Preciofis Blood. Help us, gentle Virgin, to be numbered with thy saints in eternal glory. Save thy people, Blessed Lady: that they may partake of the heritage of 'thy Son. Rule us: ~nd p.rotect us for all eternity. Daily we greet ~hee: O 1o~,ing Mother. 195 FRANCIS N. KORTH; S.J. . Et laudare Te cupimus: usq.uein aeternum mente et voce. ." Dignare, dulcis Maria: nun et ¯ semper nos sine delicto conservare. Miserere, pia, nobis: miserere nobis. ¯ Fiat misericordia tua magna nobiseum: quia in Te, Virgo Maria, confidi- IllUS. In Te dulcis Maria, speramus: nos defendas in aeternum. Te decet laus, Te decet imperiu~a: Tibi virtus, et gloria in saecula saeeulorum, Amen. Te Mariam Te dilectam Dei Patris Filiam: omnes angeli pr~edicant. Te 'admirabilem Verbi Matrem: credit inferus et contremes¢it. Te Spiritus Sancti Sponsam: piacu-lares flammae invocant. Te omnes Ecclesiae hill: totis praecordiis exultant: MatRm : immensae miserkordiae, Carissimam sanctae Annae: et unicam Filiam, Dilectissimam a Deo: Josephi Sponsam. Tu vena ~eniae: Maria. Tu slngularis: Mater es gratlae. Tu ad redimendum genus humanum: tuum commodasti uterum. Tu, Gabrieli dato consensu: gaudium peperisti universo mundo. Tu, Regina, a dextris Dei stas: Circumdata varietate, 196 Reoiew £or Religious And with mind and tongue we desire: to praise thee forever. Deign, sweet Mary: to preserve us now and forever free from sin. Have mercy on us, O loving Mother: have mercy on us. Let thy mercy "for us be bountiful: for we trust in thee, O Virgin Mary. ¯ In thee. sweet Mary, do we hope: do thou protect us forever. Praise becometh thee: empire befits thee: to thee be power .and glory forever and ever. Amen. We praise, thee, O Mary: ~a£d proclaim thee immaculate. All sinners have recourse to thee: for thou art their refuge: All Christians: and pious associa-tions with their individual mem-bers, devoutly" acclaim thy Concep-tion. Immaculate, Immaculate, Immaculate: O Virgin Mother of God. There is none who would hide himself from the genial warmth of thy char-ity: for thou art the morning rising. All the angels proclaim thee: as the loved Daughter of the Father. Even trembling hell acknowledges thee: as the admirable Mother of the Word. The Purgatorial flames invoke thee: as the Spouse of the Holy Spirit. All children of the Church: magnify thee in the exuberai~ce of their hearts: As Mother of infinite mercy, As the dearest and only daughter: of Holy Ann, As the Spouse of St. Joseph: and most beloved of God. Thou art, O Mary, the channel of mercy. Thou art the all-excelling Mother of grace. For the redemption of the human race: thou didst accede to the designs of God. And by consenting to Ga-briefs word: thou didst beget joy for the whole world. Clothed in varied beauty, thou stand. est as Queen at God's right hand, Te Mariam laudamus: te Immaculatam confitemur. Te reorum patronam: omnes peceatores deprecantur: Tibi omnes christiani: ,et asceticae congregationes: tibi singuli so-dales in Conceptione tua devote proclami~nt : Immaculata0 Immaeulata, Immaculata: O Virgo Theotocos. Nullus est qui se abscondat a calore tuo: aurora consurgens. May, 1944 Mediatrix ut sis: Dei et hominum. Te ergo quaesumus, nobis subveni: q~ii tuam nominatim illibatam Conceptionem solemniter cele-. bramus. Aeterna fac: angelorumbe~,tltate donari. Protege tuos alumnos: et tuere fasciculum haereditatis tune. Et love illos: et fecunda in oper-ibus. virtutum. Tuis solemnibus congregamur: ad benedicendum tibi." Et extollimus Nomen Marine: super omne post Jesu Nomen amabile. Dignare, per purissimam Conceptionem tuam: nos a peccato praeservare. Ostende pro famulis tuis Filio tuo: pectus et ubera tun, Ut ostendat Patri sUO Unigenitus: latus et vulnera. Nulla erit repulsa: ubi talia erunt carttatts mstgnta. Te decet laus, te decet hymnus: tibi jubilus, ih Conceptione tua Immaculata00 Maria. ab universa creatura. Amen. TWO HYMNS TO MARY In order to be the mediatrix of man-kind. We beseech thee, therefore, come to our help: who with special and solemn cult honor the immaculate purity'of thy Conception. Grant that one day: we may be made partakers of angelic bliss. Protect thy children: and preserve thy little Society,. which is thy heritage. And cherish them: and" make them al~ound in the fruits of virtue. On thy festal days we gather round thee: to sing thy praises; And we extol the name of Mary: above every other name, next to the loving name of JeSus." By thy most pure Conception:. deign to preserve us from sin. In behalf of thy children: show thy loving and maternal heart to thy Son, so that in His turn, thy only begotten Son may exhibit: His side and wounds to His Father. There will b~ no refusal: when such pledges of love .are manifest. Hymns of praise and jubilation are due to thee from every creature: owing to thy Immaculate Concep- - tion, O Mary. Amen. NOTE ON THE SOURCES OF THE TE MATREM: The hymn has been found in an old Community Book of the Redemptorists which bears the date 1860, Other sources (Latin or English) that were indicated in the letters sent to us are: The early editions of St. Bonaventure's Opera Omnia. E.g.: 1584 Venetian edition. Tom. II, pp. 316 ft. Paris edition, Tom. XIV, p. 222b. It is also the 1504 Venetian edition and the 1596 Vatican edition. C'f. above, for the recent Quaracchi edition. Mese Di Mag~io Consacrato A Maria 8antissiraa Regina Degli Apostoli Ad Uso Degli Ecclesiastici, Vincenzo Pallotti. " Regain et Testamentum 8.P.N. Francisci. : ollegit Ft. Hilarius ab Antwe'rpia; Tornaci Nerviorum, 1876. lntroductio ad Vitara 8ecapbicara, auctore P. Ft. Gaudentio, O.F.M. Herder, Freiburg, 1'882. Summa Mariana, J. H. Schlitz, Paderborn0 Junfermannschen Buchhandlung; 1908: II, pp. 310-312. Via Franciscana ad Caelestera Hierusalem, auctore P. Pa~lo a Cr. Laschan. Pustet, 1912. Liber Manualis Minoritae, editus iussu A.R.P. Donati' a Welle,. O~F.M.Cap: Typis Soc. S. dohannis Evang., Desclee, 1931, (Continued on next page) 197 [EDITORS' NOTE: We intended to" publish only letters on retreats in the present number. But after th~ Ma~:ch number went to prdss we received tw9 communica-tions on vocation that we thought should be printed. Hence the present number - contains letters on both subjects. We had to condense some of these communica-tions,, and.we still have some for later publication. More letters on retreats will 'be welcome. Kindly make them as brief as your subject-matter allows. Address then~ to: The Editors of.Review for Religio.us, St. Mary'.s College, St. Marys, Kansas.] On Re÷rears Reverend Fathers: May I submit the following thoughts that came to mind as I read your request for letters on retreats: A. Making a retreat: Experience has .convinced me that. one must put aside the ordinary duties of acti~re life. A change of scene is imperative, espe- .cially. fOi, superiors .and administrators. 2." A "closed" retreat is the only setting.suitable for the in'yard silenc~ .and r&oilection imperative for success. ¯ .3. It is not good policy to cover much readingmatter. What is read should be .th.eologicaHy sound, suited to the. individual, and pro*ocakive of. reflection. ., . 4. A wholesome pr.actice in preparation for retreat is tO xey!ew, pgst r~tre~ts and one'~-!i.fe following them, with an aim of making the present exercises really influential in shaping one's course from then 'onwards: " '.: " Bi. Giving r~kre;i~s: ". . .: . 1. A reverent approach.is the ~nly proper one:.a retreat is the work of God; a work that may mean the salvation Of a soul or "t]~ )nakifi'g c~f a saint. " ": " (Note"continued from preceding page) The Mffror of the Bless6d Virgin Mary and The Psalter of our. Lady, by St. Bonaventure. Trans. by Sister Mary Emmanuel, O.S.B. B. Herder Book Co., St. Louis, 1932. Pp. 294-297. The Catholic Apostolate, published by the Pallotine Fathers, Milwaukee, Wis-consin, Vol. XI, p. 113. (Eng. trans, by the Rev. Jos. Baier.) Deuotion in Honor o~ our Blessed Lady; The Fioe Psalms: pamphlet issued by Tile .International Catholic Truth Society, 405-407 Bergen SL, Brooklyn, N. Y. (It is published by permission of the Redemptorist Fathers.) 198 . :.: . COMMUNIGATION$. ,. 2.The retreat master would .d0. well to avo!d.ipeaking,0f. himself. ¯ , 3. Conferences should be kepton a i~igh plane: deeply and supernaturally spiritual. They should be delivered with simplicity and sinceritg. . - .:. .:. ¯ ,. 4. Retreat m~isters would d0.well to avoid.the .use.of."We." '.'We know," "We realize," "We must," "Yet, we often," and.so forth. Retreatants like to accept the conferences .as coming from God, and the retreat master's identifying himself with the retreatants tends to frustrate their efforts. 5.-Novelties or novel themes should not be used to make an impress.ion, or to convince that the retreat master is "different," or the retreat "different." Sometimes this is done to the" neglec~"of important fundamentals, for'example~hell, obedience,' silence:' " 6. Truths that are old and obvious must be reconsidered in every retreat; and time-worn advice must be repeate.d. ~ . 7.Fresh. presentation is necessary-to draw and maintain interest and attention. .- ~: .:,.~ ¯ " .' APriest : " ~'~! R~)~rend' Father~ i . : '" ' ":""" " .MY .be.st retie~s begin" after"~h~y ~iie"~ohipl~ted. ' Fout'raeiia6rab]~: retreats of mY r~ligi6u~ life: ~i~e' 6nes whi~h,s~and ou for ~me.tl-iing in~'' :rather than ":taking~o~ei~hing .outi" Th~ 'ba~ed on 6ur H61y Rule. " Thh.iekieat 'ifiasker hgd"~en't" for~a coibY,) th~N~iice M~s~ress t61d us, and"made thd Spiritual Effeici~d~ ai3"pl~i dfi:edtiy to our daily; ll; ~s.' Thi'Hbl~;' Rfile became a living:, under.h~s direction. ~ . ' . . ' ' '"" ";~'::':' Anbther father showed ia his conference on the Sacrament of- Penance how very often nuns forget to confess envy:and jealou.sy,and:, to:make their purpose of.amendm.e.nt cen~gr.about love.of neighbor. It: makes one's faults against charity, show in .true.ligh~t. whe'n:.s,h~. confesses the basic, cause, .e:g. envy.S(ill another father he!d~:f0r.th such high ideals of sanctity that "_Christ the Ideal of: th :M0nl~ Marmion is included in. my privat.e spiritual read~ng at. least. ¯once every year since. ¯ . ':. Last summer we l~ad a retreat based on the most.beautiful medi-tations I have ever heard.- The director acually showed us hove.to 199 CoMMuNICATIONS Review [or Religious meditate. I p~ay for him every"day as h bendfactor because h.e has so helped ~y meditation problem. " : i'didn't like a retreat in which we' meditated on the Passion on Easter Sunday because the Exercises put it at ,that time. I didn't like a retreat in Which every meditation began with the sanie formula. "I ha~e never liked '"hell-fire" retreats. I could nevdr be scared intobeing good. I could be converted through 16ve of G~d. I do not like to be "'read at" during retreat. If the director uses notes" I. like to have him look at his audience, now and then. Finally,. thirty-five to forty-five minutes are long enough for any conference. If a retreat master hasn't converted me in a thirty minute. talk, he never will by talking over an hour. A Sister Reverend .Fathers: ,When I make a retreat, I don't like the retreat master to in(ro-duce "novel" things to the~ extent of getting away from-afiy of the old and fundamental truths. And if the retreat master uses the Exercises of St. Ignatius, I like him to bring in the: additions, annota-tions, and so forth, because I think that these help us to understand the¯Exercises and to make a bitter retreat, Also~ I think the explana-tions of the points ought to be short enough to allow the retreatants to meditate for a while by themselves. And I like to have a few little .stories and examples in the explanations of the points, because these lessen weariness and dryness.' Fifi~lly~since you've asked for sug-gdstions-- I believe that most of us who make. retreats are greatly aided if w,e feel that the retreat, master practises what he preaches: A Brother ~everend .Fathers: ' I am living in an infirmary where permanent invalids and some elderly Sistersare housed. For several yea.rs we have had retreat mas. ters who seemed more concerned about having us comfor'table and sympathized'with 'than about stimulating our spiritual lives. But a recent retreat master 'gave us a retreat for normal religious, who should understand "that suffering is basic, to spiritual growth, and~ who, if they understand their fundamentals, should strive to look upon suffering as a privilege in their spiritual lives and to use prayer 200 May, 1944 COMMUNICATIONS and the Uniting of their pains with the Suffering Savior for their own spiritual growth and for Other souls. If any group of religious needs to be stimulated to take their Courage in both. hands and to be willing to struggle bravely "and to fight valiantly, I believe it is the invalided religious. This recent retreat master, helped us. to do just that. Though I" have had devotion to the Holy Spirit for thirty years, it hadn't occurred to me that this is a particularly sturdy, "as well as liturgical, devotion. The retreat master expl.ained it as such; and he recommended it highly' to our sick--to make of us valiant women in our trials, soldiers of Christ, rather than self-pitying children." It gave me much joy to hear this because in my own eleven years of invalidism and hospitalization I have wondered why so many reli-gious look upon their suffering as a tragedy and an" opportunity for sel~-pity. This doesn't seem to be a normal Outlook, especially if one has any knowledge of the suffering which is borne in the world, even in the loveliest of homes. To conclude: From my knowledge of r.eligious, I believe Sisters like a sound exposition of practial truths, a "rousing up" on prin-ciples, a thorough overhauling of their every-day living--always with a definite solution through prayer and the Sacraments. This may sound like a large order; but I give it relatively and in contr"ast to the retreat in which one is left with volumes of theory or pages 9f mysticism. I have no quarrel with the beautiful mystici~sm of the Church. I love it. But women seem so often to become mysti.fied instead of mystical! Perhaps men do, too; I wouldh't know, but I have always thought that they are more apt to keep two feet on the ground. A Sister On Voca'don Reverend Fathers: In response to your invitation to "talk about vocations," we are eager to take advantage of this opportunity tO say something for the vocation to the contemplative life. ¯ Rev. 3oseph.3. Strauss, C.SS.R., in his communication on The Little Flowe~ Mission Circle, states that vocations need encourage-ment. This is particularly true of vocation.s to the contemplativ~ life. When a girl feels a desire to enter the cloister, she knows she is aiming high. She does not fed any too sure of herself, a.lthough she feels strongly drawn to a life of prayer and penance. Now, if she is 201 COMMUNICATIONS Rboieto t~or Relibious told that such a life is too difficult, that it does not accord with the spirit of our age, that it is useless, that she' could do more for God in" an active Order, she begins to doubt that God wants her in the clois-ter. She does not expect her parents to "feel, enthusiastic over her separating herself from them so completely, but .when she is dis-couraged by confessors, former teachers, religious friends on whose good judgment.she has always relied for guidance, the result often is that she enters an active Order where she does not firidcontentment, and very often leaves after a shorter or longer trial. This observation is the result of our,own personal e_xperience,in interviewing those who desire to enter our Order after ileaving an active one, or members of active communities who desire to make a change. We feel that if all those who have felt a desire to embrace our life had been duly encouraged we would not experience a want of vocations. - Poor Clare lquns Reverend Fathers : The letters in yo.ur REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS concerning rdigious vocations have interested me. I strike my breast on many scores. For example, I have not put religious pamphlets in conspicuous places where young girls seeking information may receive the vitamins to increase or satisfy this hunger. Material about nursing, social work, and teaching is easily obtained, but they see.little about religious life. I hang my head when it comes to bringing up the subject in conver-sation. I wait f6r the girls to question; they wait for the Sister to instruct. The result is that nothing happens. In.'my prayers the petition for more candidates tags at the end of other requests which seem of more immediate importance. Unwillingly and u.nknowingly I m~y have shocked today's youth. They see us at such close range and are quick to criticize any lowering of their ideal. "The world is sO much with us" that it is easy to slip into its mannerisms. Now after accepting my share of the blame, I intend to fortify myself behind a table and say to the regular confessor of°young women, "Father, what about.you?" . You know your weekly peni-tents and afte~ a year or so you know their spiritual progress and desires, their temptations, in the world and their reaction. Some of these girls might be waiting for a suggestion from you that.would bring into being their first thought of a religious vocation for them-selves. 202 Mag, 1944 COMMUNICATIONS Perhaps in today's s.eminary you are instructed not to offer such. suggestions. .If that be the case then stop reading this immediately. I only know that it is because of my confessor I happen to be where I am, and I am extremely grateful for his suggestion of over twenty years ago. His Saturday line was a very long one so he didn't h;ive much time for each indiVidual. Outside of the confessional I didn't speak to him~more than a dozen times, and then only to bid him the time of day as we passedon the str.eet--so the influence came through the confessional. He first advised me to go each week to Confession and his advice was followed. Then one day he surprised me with: "Do you enjoy going out?" "Yes,. Father." "Do you have a good time in a social crowd?" "If I know the crowd." "Do you keep steady compa.ny?" "No, Father." "Will you say a prayer every, day for a special intention?" "Yes, Father.". A few months later he'qubstioned: "Do you know anything about the life of Sisters. "A little, Father." :'Do you think you would like to be one?" "No, Father." "Well, don't let this question, worry you. Say some praye.rs every day thi*t God ¯will let you know His will and that yot~ ~ill have the:strength to follow. I will remember this inten.fion in ~y Masses." ¯ Thus my confessor took 5he initiative and helped me to make: ~he ¯ first few steps toward my "vocation. This seems to me. to be. grand work--one that the regular, confessor can surely do better thhna retreat master or a teacher: In the future I'll .try harder to foster vocations that are so greatly needed but When it comes to bringing up the subject in conversation I think I'll turn to the regular confessor and say, "Father, what about you?" A Sister 203 Book Reviews THE MAN FROM ROCCA SIC;CA. By the Reverend Reginald M. Coffey, O~P. Pp. xi -I- 140. The Bruce Publishing Company, Mil- ¯ waukee, 1944. $1.75. " '~History probably offers no parallel case of a man being so com-pletely identified with wha~ he has Written. St. Thomas very early, poss.ibly even in his own lifetime, became an institution rather than a personality" (pp. 100, 10.1). In a well-conceived attempt to por-tray the human Thomas, the" author of this popularly-written little volume makes use of the legends and scattered data on the saint's life to reconstruct a fair picture of the man behind the Summae. Apart from a number of distra.cting author-to-reader asides and. an occa-sional expression not in the best of taste, the general reader who is l/o.oking for an 'introduction to this thoroughly human .personality will find The Man from Rocca Sicca satisfying fare. Several pages in .the chapters on the "dumb Ox," on Thomas the saint, the man, the preacher live up fully to the high promise of Father Farrell's preface. They stand out considerably above the level of the rest of the book in giving "a humanly touching intro-duction to Brother Thomas." In this day of excellently written biography and of exhaustive research into medieval sources, one looks forward to a definitivd life_ of St. ThomasAthe .religious, the statesman, the teacher and preacher, the champion of truth, the human dynamo, the dominant personality of his time. The'Man from Rocca Sicca suggests the human values that. will warrant special treatment.mL. THRO, S.J. SUBDEAC;ONSHIP: C;ONFERENC;ES ON THE RITE OF' ORDINATION. By the Revere'nd AIoyslus.Biskupek, S.V.D. Pp. xl -t- 301. B. Herder' B6ok Co., St. Louis, 19~44. $2.50. These medita~ion~ are the fruit of twenty years' experience in directing the Ordinandi Retreats at Techny. Father Biskupek quickly realized how rich in lessons for the young cleric was the ordination liturgy, suitable especially to the days preceding the cere, 'mony. Having found nothing in print along these lines, he mod-estly offers his own reflections as "something new in a field that stands in need of more cultivation."~ .204 BOOK R,EVIEWS The idea is splendid~ and worked out with a gentle persuasive-ness that bespeaks the fervor and maturity of its author. An outstanding merit o~ the book is its attractive simplicity. With no display of erudition or subtlety it proposes straightfor-wardly and effectively the clerical virtues which quite obviously link themselves to the sacred text. To some this obviousnes~might appear superficial. We might look for mort of penetration, grandeur, vitality. Two remedies suggest themselves: evidence of wider familiarity with historical and ascetical backgrounds, and a more humanly appealing richness of inspirational stories and actual experiences from the priestly minis-try. "Retreat masters might feel that a psychological analysis of the cleric's obligations is a more suitable framework for 'the daily medi-tations than the random sequence of the ceremonial. But for a daily hour of conference to link the retreat with the ritual looming so bright on the horizon, the comme.ntary is rich in suggestion. ~R. NORTH, S.J. MARYKNOLL MISSION LE'I'rERS: VOLUME II, 1943. Pp. viii ~-k 54. Field Afar Press, New York, 1943. $ .50. Falling bombs! In an instant a life;s work in utter ruins! Amid the terrors of war Maryknoll heroes are saving souls by bringing Christ not only to Chinese, but also to our American service men in China. The Letters give vivid persotial accounts of work ainong the Bhuddists, shopping tours in Kwelin, the strange life at Tibet, mis- "sion schools in war-torn villages. Thi~ second part of this booklet answers the question, "Why send missionaries to.South and Central America?" The descriptions of the sleepy life of the "barracas," the visit of Vice President Wal-lace to the mission in Villa Victoria, the tender devotion of the natives to Mary, the uniq

With a whirlwind of dramatic events gripping the world's attention, it can be easy to forget that we are now less than one year away from the 2024 presidential election.Despite their expected focus on domestic issues, candidates will have a lot to answer for this cycle when it comes to foreign policy as the war in Ukraine drags on and U.S.-China relations continue to deteriorate.The Democratic Party has chosen not to hold debates despite growing concerns about President Joe Biden's chances next year. With only a couple of months to go before the primaries start, the Quincy Institute decided that it would be useful to survey Biden's challengers from the left on how they would handle a range of foreign policy issues if elected.The candidates' responses show interesting differences on a range of questions, from a potential Israeli-Saudi normalization deal to the possibility of using military force to fight the cartels in Mexico. The questionnaire went out before the October 7 Hamas attacks against Israel and the subsequent war in Gaza, but we pulled together candidates' reactions to the events where possible.We received responses from Democratic candidate Marianne Williamson as well as independent candidates Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and Cornel West. Biden's campaign declined to participate, so we have aggregated relevant quotes and information about the president's stances where possible. We did the same for Rep. Dean Phillips (D-Minn.), who entered the race in late October and has not responded to our requests. We will update this page if we receive further responses.Biggest challenges to U.S. security; how to avoid war with China; potential negotiations to end the war in Ukraine; U.S. role in Saudi-Israeli normalization; withdrawing troops from Middle East; military force and the Mexican cartels; Israel-Hamas warWhat, in your view, are the three most pressing challenges to U.S. national security?Joe Biden (D)While President Biden has not directly addressed this question, his national security adviser said the following about the White House's 2022 National Security Strategy: "Our strategy proceeds from the premise that the two strategic challenges — geopolitical competition and shared transnational threats — are intertwined. We cannot build the broad coalitions we need to out-compete our rivals, if we sideline the issues that most directly impact the lives of billions of people." He further argued that "this is a decisive decade for shaping the terms of competition, especially with the PRC [China]. This is a decisive decade for getting ahead of the great global challenges — from climate to disease to emerging technology."Marianne Williamson (D)"The three most pressing challenges to U.S. national security are the nuclear threat, climate change, and our inability to go beyond the adversarial positioning in which countries view each other. We are closer to nuclear war than we've been in a long time. We must move towards a nuclear-free world, and we must begin by adopting a no first use policy. Once we adopt this policy, it will be much easier for us to get other nuclear-armed countries to do the same. There is no threat I am more concerned about than climate change. We are living through the last few years where we have a chance to save humanity. We must immediately undergo a just transition from a dirty fossil fueled economy to a clean renewable economy, and create millions of good jobs in the process. The time for incrementalism on climate is over. If we only view other countries through an adversarial lens, in terms of how they can harm or serve our interests, then we cannot deal with these crucial issues that challenge the security of all of us. We must work together with the international community for the common interest so that we can begin to deal with climate change, nuclear weapons, pandemics, and other threats."Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (I)"The most pressing challenges are the ones we have created ourselves. First is the risk of nuclear war, which belligerent and provocative U.S. policy has elevated to levels not seen since the Cold War.The second is the bankrupting of America's wealth, the result of decades of elevated military spending. The trillions spent on armaments could have gone toward building modern infrastructure, feeding and housing people, tackling chronic disease, and nourishing a thriving domestic economy.A third threat to national security is the epidemic of violence in our streets and in our homes. When we wage endless wars abroad, their mirror image afflicts us at home. Realistically, our nation is not threatened by an armed invasion by a foreign power. We have to broaden what we mean by 'national security' to include the things that actually make Americans feel insecure."Cornel West (I)"Climate Change: Climate change is not an endpoint that awaits us in the distant future, it is among us right now and impacting lives across the country and the entire world, especially the most vulnerable and most disadvantaged populations here in the U.S. — Black, Brown, Indigenous, and the poor. According to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), climate change-related damages cost the United States an estimated $165 Billion in 2022, Hurricane Ida, a Category 4 storm that massacred communities in Florida, including the loss of 150 lives, cost taxpayers approximately $112.9 Billion alone. Moreover, NOAA estimates that in the last 40 years, 341 storms exacerbated by climate change have cost the nation more than $2.5 Trillion. To put that into perspective, that's $80 Billion more than the national deficit of approximately $1.7 Trillion, thus far, for Fiscal Year 2023, and 1.5 percent of the national debt that stands at $161.7 trillion and counting. A nation already in massive debt, coupled with the astronomical costs of a growing climate crisis is the direct antithesis of national security. It's undeniable that more calamities associated with the climate crisis, including more powerful weather incidents that induce extreme flooding, extreme heat, and other environmental stressors, are inevitable. These events will have profound impacts on myriad systems and institutions that are necessary to maintain a livable society including, but not limited to, the production of food, access to clean water sources, the quality and availability of housing, transportation, education, and healthcare. The collapse of these systems could reasonably engender massive social unrest that would result in the massive displacement and forced migration of people as we are already witnessing with the United Houma Nation, Pointe-au Chien Indian Tribe, and Biloxi-Chitimacha-Choctaw of present-day Louisiana, who are the first federally recognized climate migrants, whose land is literally sinking due to oil and gas extraction in the Gulf of Mexico, which has rendered their land susceptible to the impacts of climate change. In fact, the United Nations Office of the High Commissions for Refugees has predicted that more than 200 million people, globally, will be forced to relocate due to climate change, including 40% of United Statesians who currently reside in coastal areas. From the atrocities of Hurricane Katrina to the current situation at the United States border with Mexico, we have already witnessed the consequences of climate-related breakdowns of social, economic, and other systems necessary to maintain quality of life and life itself breakdown all coupled with mass migration of innocent people seeking refuge.Increased Militarism: The United States is the single biggest military spender in the world with an annual budget roughly the size of the next seven largest military budgets combined. According to records kept by the National Priorities Project at the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS), in any given year, military spending accounts for over half of the federal government's annual discretionary budget. The U.S. military's bloated budget is utilized to build weapons and warcraft, which are in turn utilized to threaten other nations and demand their cooperation with the perceived U.S. military hegemony or offered to cooperative nations as part of military alliances. In FY 2023 alone, out of a $1.8 trillion federal discretionary budget, $1.1 trillion – or 62 percent – was for militarized programs. On top of war and weapons for the Pentagon, these expenditures include domestic militarism for police departments across the country and mass incarceration, as well as increased detentions and deportation, which represent direct threats to the security of Black, Brown, Indigenous and poor people in the United States. As we are witnessing right now, the current administration is complicit in thousands of civilian deaths by giving Israel military aid at $3.8 billion this year, half of which goes to Israel's missile system. They are now requesting a combined supplemental aid package at $106 billion for Israel along with Ukraine, Taiwan and the Indo-Pacific region, and US immigration enforcement at the US-Mexico southern border. To put this in perspective, combined with the estimated $113 billion in military aid the US has already sent to Ukraine, should the Congress grant President Biden's additional $105 billion package to Ukraine and Israel, this would represent almost 60% of the initially estimated $379 billion in climate change expenditures over 10 years included as part of the so-called Inflation Reduction Act. Further, the $105 billion military aid package to Israel and Ukraine is one hundred times the paltry $1 billion that the US pledged to the Green Climate Fund earlier this year, to fund climate mitigation and adaptation in the formerly colonized countries of Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Pacific. Our friends at IPS also indicate that the U.S. could safely redirect at least $350 billion from the Pentagon's current spending per year and achieve true security by ending wars, reducing our aggressive posture overseas, and reining in military contracts that drain public coffers for private gain - all measures that would actually increase national security, while making resources available for critical domestic needs including, but not limited to, increased access to healthcare, improving the nation's broken education system - including an iniquitous student loan debt crisis, and real action to address the climate crisis. With the largest military in the world, the US is the single largest greenhouse gas emitting institution and consumer of fossil fuels on the entire planet, with a carbon footprint bigger than 140 other countries. The environmental and climate impacts of global militarism and war are staggering. Militarization continues to increase greenhouse gas emissions and pollute and poison land, water and air through weapons production, storage, and use, which is ironic Defense Secretary, Lloyd Austin, himself recently declared, 'There is little about what the Defense Department does to defend the American people that is not affected by climate change. It is a national security issue, and we must treat it as such.'Rising White Supremacy and Nationalism: We have already observed how the interlinked crises of the calamities associated with climate change, which push those disproportionately impacted further to the margins and thereby increasing the militarization of the southern border, urban areas, and throughout the world to address associated entropy of social systems and infrastructure tends to increase sentiments that beguile far too many U.S. residents to embrace elements of white supremacy ideology, thereby increasing instances of violence and acceptance of authoritarian and fascist paradigms that represent clear and present dangers to national security – no one knows this better than the U.S. Department of Justice. In 2001, Attorney General, Merrick Garland admonished the Senate Appropriations Committee stating, in part, "Domestic violent extremists pose an elevated threat in 2021 and in the FBI's view, the top domestic violent extremist threat we face comes from racially or ethnically motivated violent extremists, specifically those who advocate for the superiority of the white race." This salient issue has the potential to literally tear our nation asunder. A nation this divided is itself a national security risk that can be taken advantage of by nations hostile to the U.S. due to imperialist and interventionist past and present foreign policies of our country and their lasting impacts to [a] marked number of nations across the globe. Dismantling growing white supremacy and nationalism will require a multifaceted and intersectional approach that seeks to deracinate the root causes of this epidemic that prevents the U.S. from living up to its best self while also remaining a seemingly indelible threat. This will require tying requisite economic relief from an oligarchic approach to wealth accumulation and redistribution that exacerbates the white supremacy ideology ensconced in the fabric of this nation in such a way that has been negatively radicalizing poor white folk who may not even realize how the capitalist domination system upheld by the political duopoly extract from them as much as non-white people they are bamboozled to hate and stigmatize. I am confident that my Economic Justice prescriptions that include establishing a federal Universal Basic Income commission, wealth tax on all billionaire holdings and transaction, ending all tax loopholes for the oligarchy, and establishing a national $27 minimum wage, with special considerations for specific geographies where $27/hour would not be a family-sustaining wage, will be key steps in eviscerating the rise of white supremacy and nationalism in our nation that hurts the people perpetrated against as much as the people doing the perpetrating."As president, what would you do to avoid a direct military confrontation with China?Joe Biden (D)Biden has not directly addressed this question since becoming president, but a White House readout from his meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping last year gives a good summary of his administration's stated approach to relations with China. "President Biden explained that the United States will continue to compete vigorously with the PRC, including by investing in sources of strength at home and aligning efforts with allies and partners around the world. He reiterated that this competition should not veer into conflict and underscored that the United States and China must manage the competition responsibly and maintain open lines of communication. The two leaders discussed the importance of developing principles that would advance these goals and tasked their teams to discuss them further. President Biden underscored that the United States and China must work together to address transnational challenges – such as climate change, global macroeconomic stability including debt relief, health security, and global food security – because that is what the international community expects."Marianne Williamson (D)"We absolutely cannot have a direct military confrontation with China, which would be one step away from World War III and nuclear Armageddon. The U.S. must accept that we are in a multipolar world. While I am deeply concerned about China's authoritarianism and serious violations of human rights, I do not think that China is interested in invading the U.S. or in starting a war with us. While we should do what we can through peaceful diplomacy to lessen Chinese human rights violations, we cannot start World War III between two nuclear-armed countries. Our military must stop trying to encircle China in the South China Sea. Instead, we must talk to China and seek peaceful coexistence."Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (I)"We believe that China has no desire for military confrontation. We will therefore ratchet down the tensions and cease the provocations in the South China Sea and elsewhere. We will adopt a posture that does not see China as an 'adversary,' and begin to negotiate arms control treaties in good faith so that both countries can reduce military spending to better the lives of their citizens."Cornel West (I)"We all know where a direct military confrontation with the People's Republic of China (PRC) will lead — irreparable nuclear holocaust that will lead to the loss and alteration of hundreds of millions of innocent lives over a conflict engendered by two so-called superpowers. We need to be honest with the people of the world, the U.S. and PRC are currently in a cold war that must be thawed to save lives and a global economy both hanging in the balance. The first step in thawing the current cold war will require a cessation to the myriad proxy wars that use nations like Ukraine, Taiwan, and numerous global south nations from Africa to Southeast Asia, to Latin America as pawns in an arms and resource extraction race. As president I will cease the saber rattling and chest beating that are doing nothing but instigating the PRC with military war games in waterways of Southeast Asia such as the Sea of Japan, Yellow Sea, East China Sea and others. I am confident this will open pathways for diplomacy that leads to cooperation in lieu of competition with the PRC. I agree with the Quincy Institute's assessment that the current administration's rhetoric of competition with the PRC is a feckless attempt to marginalize and exclude the nation from the global community, which in turn pushes them to form alliances with nations the U.S. also finds itself in a contemporary cold war with including, but not limited to, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Russia. One area where I believe we should especially be cooperating rather than competing with the PRC is the climate crisis. While it's true that the PRC is the largest emitter in the world, the U.S. remains the largest historic emitter despite only representing five percent of the world's population. Planetary survival literally requires less finger pointing at who is most responsible for the climate crisis and more finger pointing towards mutual and cooperative solutions. And rather than compete with the PRC for requisite critical resources to develop the infrastructure for renewable energy and regenerative economies, we must cooperate with them such that we don't render the need to address the climate crisis into a rationalization for casus belli over possession critical resources that will also drag global south nations into proxy wars they want no part of. The PRC, the U.S., and the entire world has a collective interest in protecting lives and the planet from the impacts of climate change. As president, my first step in avoiding a military confrontation with the PRC would be to invite and work with them to be a leading partner in addressing the climate crisis by exchanging ideas, resources, and technologies that can rapidly emancipate both nations from reliance on fossil fuels, which will improve relations, cooperation, and the habitability of the planet at once, while also preventing a military confrontation that will take more lives than the climate crisis."Is it in the U.S. national interest for the president to convene negotiations in an effort to end the war in Ukraine?Joe Biden (D)Biden generally emphasizes that Ukraine should be the driving force behind any peace negotiations and has argued that Russian President Vladimir Putin has not shown signs that he is ready to negotiate. He has, however, helped to convene several international conferences to discuss a diplomatic path forward, one of which reportedly included discussions about concessions that Ukraine may make in exchange for peace. (The administration denied these reports.)Marianne Williamson (D)"Firstly, this question is framed in terms of the 'U.S. national interest,' but I think it's time we start concerning ourselves more with the interests of humanity as a whole than the interests of the American government or American corporations, which is usually what is meant by 'U.S. national interest.'Yes, I think the U.S. should convene negotiations with Russia and Ukraine. Russia's invasion of Ukraine is a despicable crime, and we should support Ukraine and their autonomy. However, we need to do what we can to bring about a just but realistic peace. It seems extremely unlikely that either side in this conflict will have a complete victory over the other anytime soon, so if we don't want to let this draw out for two decades like our war in Afghanistan, then we should press for negotiations. I think that the withdrawn letter by progressive Congress members from last year that urged negotiations was a good and reasonable letter, and they should not have buckled to pressure and withdrawn it."Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (I)"Yes. Current U.S. strategic thinking is that the war serves the national interest by weakening Russia. That thinking is faulty on two counts. First, it is not weakening Russia. Second, a weak and unstable Russia would make us much less secure, not more secure. The United States and the world will be best served when Russia knows that we are not out to destroy her."Cornel West (I)"The conflict between Ukraine and Russia is not going to be ameliorated by military means. With $113 billion of taxpayer dollars already sent to Ukraine leading to no more than an endless war of attrition, as well as poll numbers indicating dithering support for a series of blank checks to continue it, it's clear the people of the United States have had enough. It's not just in the national interest for a diplomatic solution to this conflict, it's the duty of the President of the United States to lead this process with our global partners in Europe, Asia, and Africa. As president, I will give Ukraine no other choice but to enter a diplomatic process as part of my commitment to cease all war funding and weapons to Ukraine and instead invest in peacemaking."If Saudi Arabia agreed to normalize relations with Israel but requested a guarantee from the United States to defend the Kingdom militarily in exchange, would you seek to ratify a treaty making that commitment?Joe Biden (D)President Biden has not directly commented on this proposal, but his administration has led the initiative to negotiate a defense commitment in exchange for normalization.Rep. Dean Phillips (D)Phillips has endorsed the Biden administration's approach. "Never did we imagine it possible in our lifetimes to see the possible normalization of relations between the Saudis and Israelis. It's an extraordinary and historic opportunity not just for these two countries, but for the entire world," he told NPR. "The United States plays a significant role relative to a defense pact with the Saudis equipment and materiel relative to their military and potentially a civilian nuclear program as well. If those things can be met and also meeting some of the needs of the Palestinians, this could be an extraordinary legacy at a time the world surely needs it." Marianne Williamson (D)"No. The U.S. cannot get involved in another war in the Middle East – especially not in order to defend Saudi Arabia, arguably the worst human rights violator in the region. It is time the U.S. stops aiding Saudi Arabia and Israel in their egregious human rights violations."Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (I)"We think the premise of this question to be unlikely. Saudi Arabia is armed to the teeth and has no need of such a guarantee. As it has good relations with most other nations, its [only] plausible national security threat is Iran. However, much of the Sunni-Shiite conflict in the past arose from U.S. geopolitical maneuvering that elevated tensions throughout the region."Cornel West (I)"I wouldn't even qualify this request as a treaty as it would be more of a death sentence for innocent civilians in the region and more service members, too many who have already been lost due to U.S. empire building in the Middle East, mainly to protect oil profits of fossil fuel cartels both domestically and globally. We need less iron domes and a more iron-clad diplomatic process that leads to lasting peace and mutual dignity for all people in the Middle East. To this end, as president I would insist that any normalization of relations between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the State of Israel include immediate steps to liberate Palestinian people from occupation and a wanton cycle of violence that's killing precious Palestinian and Israeli lives alike."As Commander-in-Chief, would you bring home the U.S. troops currently stationed in Iraq and Syria?Joe Biden (D)While Biden has not directly addressed this question, a senior Pentagon official recently said the U.S. "has no intent to withdraw in the near future" from Syria.Marianne Williamson (D)"Yes I would, but in Syria, I would first negotiate an agreement that ensures the Kurds will not be harmed before withdrawing the troops that are protecting them."Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (I)"Yes. Those nations do not want our troops there. I will instigate bold peace initiatives in places where there are still military tensions, in some cases replacing troops with international peacekeepers."Cornel West (I)"As indicated in my Policy Pillars Rooted in a Movement of Truth, Justice, and Love, as president I would immediately embark on a responsible and expeditious closure of global U.S. military bases as part of a larger initiative to cease and desist U.S. empire building and maintenance and slash the bloated military budget, including the disbanding of NATO, such that we can reinvest those funds in myriad social and economic justice programs domestically. As tensions in the Middle East associated with the crisis in Palestine/Israel grow, the U.S. presence is only exacerbating an already incendiary situation while putting brave service people in harm's way for no other reason than to maintain U.S. empire and a military hegemony in a region that needs less bullets and rockets and more diplomacy. To this end, as president, I would bring those troops home immediately, honor them for their service and ensure a Just Transition so that they can use the skills they gained in the military and put them to use for beneficial services to the people of the U.S."If elected, would you request an authorization from Congress to use military force against drug cartels in Mexico?Joe Biden (D)Biden has not commented directly on calls to authorize military force against the cartels, but a National Security Council spokesperson said in April that the administration "is not considering military action in Mexico.""Designating these cartels as foreign terrorist organizations would not grant us any additional authorities that we don't already have," the spokesperson added.Marianne Williamson (D)"No. The U.S. has invaded and militarily intervened in Latin America time after time, and it has only brought violence and misery and fueled the immigration that we now complain about. It is time we reject the imperialist Monroe Doctrine, which declared Latin America our backyard. It is time we respect our neighbors to the south and stop invading their countries."Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (I)"Absolutely not. The Mexicans have the power to overcome the drug cartels themselves. We can aid them by sharing intelligence, by shutting down the illegal weapons trade, by cracking down on money laundering activities of US banks, and by prosecuting the cartels' collaborators in this country."Cornel West (I)"Absolutely not. To be clear, asking the Congress for authorization to use military force in Mexico would essentially be asking Congress to approve a military invasion through a declaration of war against Mexico. The so-called war against drugs in the United States has been and continues to be an abject failure. This 50-year war has been used as a rationalization for crimes against humanity, especially those most marginalized by failed drug policies - Black, Brown, Indigenous and poor people, who have been subjected to a racialized and classist mass incarceration pogrom that has needlessly locked up over 400,000 people for non-violent drug-related crimes between 1980 and 1997 alone. A failed domestic drug war should not be an impetus to start a foreign drug war in the sovereign territory of one of our North American partners. It should instead be an impetus to enact efficacious policies that treat addiction as a national threat to public health. Instead of increasing militarism and launching a foreign war, we should declare war against the lack of access to healthcare and the lack of economic opportunities that contribute to drug use. Reducing and decriminalizing drug use in the United States will directly reduce the amount of drugs that are smuggled across the border, thereby reducing revenues for drug cartels in Mexico. This is less an issue of militarism and more an issue of addiction driven by supply and demand."Reactions to Israel-Hamas warJoe Biden (D)In a speech on Oct. 20, Biden said: "In Israel, we must make sure that they have what they need to protect their people today and always.The security package I'm sending to Congress and asking Congress to do is an unprecedented commitment to Israel's security that will sharpen Israel's qualitative military edge, which we've committed to — the qualitative military edge.We're going to make sure Iron Dome continues to guard the skies over Israel. We're going to make sure other hostile actors in the region know that Israel is stronger than ever and prevent this conflict from spreading.Look, at the same time, [Prime Minister] Netanyahu and I discussed again yesterday the critical need for Israel to operate by the laws of war. That means protecting civilians in combat as best as they can. The people of Gaza urgently need food, water, and medicine."Rep. Dean Phillips (D)In a long tweet, Phillips said, "The destruction of Hamas is necessary, but the military campaign must follow international law and conventions of civilized nations. [...]I support a pause in hostilities and the immediate safe passage of civilians from Gaza into temporary shelters in Egypt and/or Jordan and the largest humanitarian relief effort in world history.I am pro-Israeli and anti the Netanyahu government — and [its] enabling of settlements on Palestinian land. [...]Israel has a right to exist, defend itself, and ensure the terror and butchering of Oct 7 never happens again.Palestinians have a right to a nation of their own, and that begins with a free and fair election for the first time since 2006 in which a choice can be made; peace or war.Israelis must also be afforded the same right to choose peace or war."Marianne Williamson (D)Williamson tweeted: "For Israel to prosecute an all out war on Gaza is already a catastrophe for the people of Gaza. It can easily become a catastrophe for the people of Israel as well. There's no end game there, for them or for the rest of the world, that doesn't multiply the horror. The United States should join an international consortium — Egypt, Jordan and others — in efforts to secure release of the hostages and cessation of the bombing."Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (I)On Oct. 7, Kennedy said the following in a statement: "This ignominious, unprovoked, and barbaric attack on Israel must be met with world condemnation and unequivocal support for the Jewish state's right to self-defense. We must provide Israel with whatever it needs to defend itself — now. As President, I'll make sure that our policy is unambiguous so that the enemies of Israel will think long and hard before attempting aggression of any kind.I applaud the strong statements of support from the Biden White House for Israel in her hour of need. However, the scale of these attacks means it is likely that Israel will need to wage a sustained military campaign to protect its citizens. Statements of support are fine, but we must follow through with unwavering, resolute, and practical action. America must stand by our ally throughout this operation and beyond as it exercises its sovereign right to self-defense."Kennedy later warned against using the attacks and subsequent war as a justification for war with Iran. "It didn't take long for the neocons in Washington to spin the Hamas terror attacks to advance their agenda of war against Iran," he tweeted on Oct. 27. "If President Biden doesn't resist them, they might get their wish."Cornel West (I)














In a recent statement, West said, "US taxpayers want no part in funding the Israeli war machine that is committing genocidal war crimes in Gaza. We need stronger, clearer headed representation like this within our highest levels of government." He has also said, "We want a ceasefire. We want an end of the siege. We want an end of occupation. We want equal rights, equal dignity, and equal access for Palestinians and Jews."

Almost two years since his election, as Obama's popularity continues to sink, many are left wondering what went wrong with his presidency. But before that question can be answered, a more careful consideration of the situation he inherited seems in order: two unwinnable wars, the Guantánamo legal limbo, a badly damaged international reputation and an economic crisis of a magnitude not seen since the Great Depression, during which close to ten million jobs were lost. That was the state of the country when he came to power in 2008. In two years Obama has not solved any of these problems completely, but has made headway in many of them. In the context of a slow and jobless economic recovery, and faced with a vociferous opposition which has turned down every chance at bipartisan cooperation, the question should perhaps then be how Obama's level of support among the population remains this high (43%).The President still has the backing of Democratic voters, but has lost the support of Independents. Even those who would never consider abandoning him are suffering from an "enthusiasm gap" that may affect their turnout in the November 2 mid-term elections. With unemployment still hovering around 9.5% and with little prospect of change in the near future, the disillusionment of the electorate is understandable (43% support Obama today, compared with 60% in early 2009). But it is worth pondering how much of this discontent against the party in power is derived from the failure of policy and how much from the divisive political game played by the opposition.In all fairness to Obama, shrill accusations of socialism and big government were raised against him as soon as he came to power and had to immediately address the banking, mortgage and automobile meltdowns. Acerbic Republican opposition to any measure adopted by the Executive since then, has dominated the political discourse and made it almost impossible for the Administration to present evidence that, without its actions, the economic recovery would have taken even longer. It is hard to prove a negative proposition. Republicans have had a receptive audience in the low, mostly white middle class, many of who have taken to the streets under the Tea Party banner, to fight in one voice both against government "take over" of health care and (incongruously) in defense of Medicare (the government-sponsored health program for senior citizens).There is rich irony in hearing the word "socialist" hurled as the ultimate insult to a President who has bailed out the big financial institutions and the two largest automobile industries without nationalizing them, and who has signed a health care reform bill that does not include the controversial public option, which had been the centerpiece of his planned reform but was deemed too liberal by members of his own party. But reason and logic have no role to play in the polarized political atmosphere that we are experiencing today. Emotion and fear are much more productive in the views of the opposition, to help them re-take the House and perhaps even the Senate in this fall election.Timid Democrats in the House and Senate, afraid to lose their newly acquired seats in states and districts that voted for McCain in the 2008 presidential election are also abandoning the president. A posse of four or five of Senate "Blue Dog" Democrats has helped dilute the health care legislation by removing the public option from the bill, and have taken off the table legislation to curb carbon emissions and promote green energy sources. There are different hypotheses of why Obama has been unable to maintain high support rates in spite of having had important legislative victories (TARP, Stimulus spending package, extension of unemployment benefits, health care and financial reform). Former (Clinton's) Labor Secretary Robert Reich and NY Times columnist and Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman argue that Obama's stimulus was ridiculously small, given the state of the economy in January 2009. They blame the President for not using the majorities in the House and Senate to pass bolder legislation. By compromising, Obama disappointed the liberal wing of his party, but more importantly, lost the Independents at the center, who simultaneously believed the Republican rhetoric about "Big government Socialist take over" but resented Obama's bailout of Wall Street. Contrary to the fear-mongering claims of the deficit hawks about the debt, Krugman points out that "far from fleeing US debt, investors are eagerly buying it, driving interest rates to historic lows". Reich insists that Obama missed an opportunity to push the limits of politics, establish a new framework of redistributive policies and regulations, and become a transformative president. Although this view undoubtedly has some merit, it ignores the brutal backlash against government spending that affected every Democrat in the House and Senate and made them fear for their jobs. A larger stimulus would have faced even stronger opposition from among the party's own ranks and seen some defectors. Obama is a pragmatic leader who governs as best he can, given the huge constraints of the current political context.Jay Cost from Real Politics offers a different explanation: Obama's geographic coalition was never broad enough because he failed to win the hearts and minds of middle and rural America. It is from those sectors that Independents have abandoned support for the administration in droves. In other words, Obama's major constituencies were in the major cities on the two seaboards and from the suburbs, and included Blacks, youth and university educated white professionals. Even in those cases in which they voted for Obama, white rural America, and blue collar workers never were quite convinced that he would fight for them, and the Wall Street bailout confirmed their suspicion. Underlying it all, there is, of course, the prevalent racism that permeates most sectors of American society and emerges in the form of distrust toward the Commander in Chief: Obama has to prove his loyalty to the country in ways not demanded from others. He has to pay the price of being the first Black president.A third hypothesis that is circulating among pundits is that Obama's focus on health care was misplaced, that he should have concentrated all his attention on economic recovery and job creation instead. Indeed, it was during the 2009 summer of discontent that the electorate became irreconcilably divided and that Republican-launched corrosive ads dominated the airwaves, and rumors about death panels and "pulling the plug on grandma" pervaded City Hall meetings. A general distrust of the federal government and of all incumbents inside the DC belt, while nothing new among the American electorate, re-emerged with new virulence.It is in this context that the Tea Party movement cut its teeth and started dominating the headlines. Spurred by the GOP with the intention of mobilizing the population around anti-tax, anti-federal government sentiments, the Tea-partiers launched national campaigns against all incumbents, and in the process became a voice for the profound anger, fear and frustration that the poor state of the economy and the sustained unemployment rate has caused in the population. Pleased at the frenzy stirred up by the movement, Republicans have complacently let it lead the way, exercising no restraint on their wildest propositions (see below) and allowing it to do the work for them as the voice of the opposition. This is already having unwanted consequences, as extremist Tea-party –fielded candidates from outside party ranks are challenging party insiders in gubernatorial as well as Congressional primary races.Like the eponymous rebellion that took place in Boston in 1773, the Tea Party's main philosophical thrust is against taxes, centralization of power and government overreach. Unlike it, it is also anti-immigrant. Because of the prevalent uncertainty about the economy, their discourse resonates with the electorate. To fight the federal government initiatives, they are finding their best institutional allies in the State governments, courts and legislatures. Indeed, judging by the poisonous political environment, the polarization of the electorate, and the state-based challenges to the federal government, at times it seems that only a Lincolnian figure can save America from another civil war.The so- called "States Revolution" is visible in many fronts. Five states have passed legislation against parts of the federal health reform law, and around 20 states are challenging its constitutionality through the court system. Several states legislatures are getting ready to pass laws modeled after the anti-immigration law in Arizona, which was deemed unconstitutional by a district court but has broad support in the population. It will probably end up in the Supreme Court, as challenges and counter-challenges continue. Interestingly, Obama is in fact deporting more undocumented workers than any of his predecessors, but his reform proposal would give a pathway to citizenship to these workers if they have a job, register with the US government, and pay a fine and back taxes. Immigration has been a thorny issue, with allies and foes on both sides of the aisle. After all, it was Ronald Reagan who gave amnesty to all illegal immigrants in 1986, and George Bush's proposal in 2006 was very similar to Obama's. This is hardly a philosophical issue on which the two parties diverge; it is just a populist cause that is being used by Republicans to stoke the flames of right-wing populism and racism prevalent in main sectors of the population.The backlash against undocumented workers is of such magnitude that it has come to encompass all immigrants. It has now taken the unlikely form of a movement to abolish or amend the 14th Amendment, a foundational provision dating from 1868 which grants citizenship to all born in the United States. The changing of the birth right rule is "worth considering" according to House Minority leader John Boehner (R-Ohio) because "it gives an incentive for people to come to the United States illegally to give birth here." This is outrageous pandering by the Republican Party who has always fathomed itself to be the staunchest defender of the Constitution, which they consider a sacred text to be read literally, with minimal interpretation. Such is the spirit of the times. Republican Senators Lindsay Graham and John McCain, the two most important and moderate voices on Immigration Reform have changed their positions (Mc Cain because he is facing a tough primary in his state of Arizona, against, who other, but a Tea Party candidate!) and have both agreed that it is worth a debate. This is not only unprincipled on their part, but also terrible long-term politics, since by taking this stance on immigration they are removing the possibility of regaining the support of the largest growing group of voters, namely the Hispanic or Latino population for years to come.Given the strong anti-incumbent and anti-Washington sentiment prevalent in the population, the results of the mid-term election are hard to predict because some Republicans may lose seats, too. However, the current projections of the Center for Politics at the University of Virginia give the Republicans a net win of 32 seats in the House, 7 seats in the Senate (they would need 10 to become the majority) and 6-7 governor seats. The coming mid-term election is being compared to the 1994 "revolution" led by Newt Gingrich which gave Republicans a majority in both the House and Senate. Just like Obama, Clinton was an "outsider" who was handed the presidency partly thanks to his charisma, but mainly because people were disappointed at George Bush Senior, and did not re-elect him. Clinton made health care reform the centerpiece of his first term but failed to get it through Congress. He did manage to pass a controversial crime bill that included a ban on assault weapons, which the Right traditionally opposes. He also raised taxes. Republicans attacked him with an abrasive campaign in favor of lower taxes, second amendment rights and smaller government, and won. Two years later, however, with a brighter economic outlook and a pledge to balance the budget, Clinton was re-elected.But the parallel should not be exaggerated since there are many differences as well. First, Obama did pass health care reform, and that should count have some weight among his supporters, hopefully enough weight to bring them to the polls November 2. Second, the Republican Party's image was not as tarnished in 1994 as it is today, mainly because they hadn't had a majority in Congress for a long time. A New York Times/CBS News poll this past February found that 57% of those polled has negative views of the Republicans this time. The anger is aimed at Washington as a whole and this may help Democrats. The main concern of Democrats in the House and Senate today is the demographics of mid-term elections: older (over 60) white voters, who are the core group of the Tea Party movement and the most outspoken against Obama and this Congress, are also the most likely to vote in mid-term elections. And the "enthusiasm gap" on the Left may induce many Obama supporters to stay home. On the other hand, the Democratic Party learned the lesson of 1994 and is better prepared for the fight: they have been raising money from early on, setting up voters' registration campaigns and trying to mobilize the same base that brought Obama to power two years ago. They stress his activist legislative agenda and its accomplishments: financial reform, health care, extension of unemployment benefits, an energy bill that came short of cap and trade but will meet some green energy goals. More importantly, they are framing the election as a choice between going back to the policies that got the country into the Great Recession, or moving forward with the new policies of corporate responsibility, accountability and more federal supervision of financial institutions in order to avoid similar crises.However, what is clear is that the anemic state of the economy and the high and sustained unemployment rate make all other tactics irrelevant. Uncertainty rules supreme in the minds of the electorate and with it, a fear of what the future may bring and a lack of confidence in the federal government. The Republican opposition is united and vociferous and its message simple and clear: no more taxes, no more deficits, no more government intervention, close borders to immigrants and focus on private job creation through tax cuts; what the federal government won't do, states will. The President should probably counterattack in kind and engage in this ideological battle, but he is not temperamentally suited for it. He dislikes ideological arguments because he wants to be the President of all Americans, as he pledged during his campaign. The next big decision Obama needs to make is whether to let the Bush tax cuts expire after Labor Day or to extend them for two or three years. He has announced his intention to maintain them for the middle class but to end them for the wealthiest individuals, those in the highest 2% income bracket. It would bring their income tax up from 35% to 39%, not a dramatic raise but one that will be resisted strongly by the opposition. Although Obama has a good argument to make (that the $700 billion dollars thus raised would help him reduce the deficit dramatically), there is fear in Congress Democrats that a two- week debate about tax cuts will help Republicans. In a perversely cynical way, perhaps a Republican win in the congressional elections may not be a bad thing after all, and may yet help Obama: let the Republicans make his case for him, that he himself is reluctant to make. Let them stand the public scrutiny and let the public judge if they can provide better, more novel solutions to job creation, to Afghanistan, to immigration reform. A weak performance by a Republican-dominated 112th Congress, an economy that is bound to recover as it enters its next cycle, and a Palin-Huckabee ticket may still get Obama re-elected in 2012.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia