Suchergebnisse

From the preface: December 1948 is a remarkable date in the history of human rights law. It was the birth of Human Rights Law. Without exception, human rights belong to every single human being. The eighth secretary General Ban Ki-moon clearly found an adequate description to illustrate the significance of human rights while giving a speech at the 2011 Human Rights Day. Besides the significance of their existence he focused on their constant development and practicable usage which requires all the nations to exercise human rights. His speech can be put in one significant sentence. 'But unless we know them, unless we demand they be respected, and unless we defend our right - and the right of others - to exercise them, they will be just words in a decades-old document.' So this led to a few questions: Now, as we happen to have Human Rights Law in Europe what are the consequences regarding the jurisprudence and the legal practice in general? Further on, what are the judicial consequences in respect of violence against women? How about the acquaintance within European courts especially the European Court of Human Rights Law? Did it remain the same or are remarkable changes and developments observable? Did the development in Europe force 'us' to accommodate the understanding and meaning of what was once essential but in a completely different way? The main focus within this work basis on the case-law of the ECtHR in order to reveal the process, development, changes and reasonings of the Court, specifically in respect of the application of the principles of interpretation. The case analyze will cover general state of affairs, e.g.: environmental issues, gender based circumstances, press related matters, physical and psychological violence in general, etc. Moreover, regarding violence, a few cases in Section Five shall illustrate the judicial approach relating to violence against women in specific; especially, since the latest violent incidents in 2013, for example in India South-America but also in Eastern Europe, revealed that violence against women is a disastrous, unsolved and widespread matter.

States of Emergency are declared against the disorder-ing of state sovereign power by acts of resistance, rebellion and revolt and are characterised by the technologies of control, containment and punishment. Through spatial, archival and visual encounters with emergency landscapes and the geographies of resistance, the essay considers the historic and contemporary operations, provisions, regulations and practices authorised under state-imposed emergencies. It does so in order firstly, to bring attention to the practices authorised through state-imposed emergencies and the currency and saliency of their ongoing effects, and secondly to re-frame the militarised violence of settlement/occupation as an integral part of state-imposed emergencies in which all that is necessary will be done to protect the sovereign state from the resistance of the colonised/occupied and to effect a return to 'order'. Through encounters with the archival record, and the architectures, remnants and territorial arrangements found in post-colonial Kenya and across the multiple geographies of Palestine, the essay draws out seven clusters of state imposed emergency practices and effects. The work grapples with a number of questions: what is it that a declared state of emergency performs for the state? Does a state of emergency enable particular forms of militarised violence? Are there common practices to be found across different modes of state-imposed emergencies? What is the genealogy to the states of emergency across Palestine and Kenya? Does our excavation of the practices of state-imposed emergency shed light on the ways we apprehend state violence in colonial, post-colonial and neo-colonial geographies?

States of Emergency are declared against the disorder-ing of state sovereign power by acts of resistance, rebellion and revolt and are characterised by the technologies of control, containment and punishment. Through spatial, archival and visual encounters with emergency landscapes and the geographies of resistance, the essay considers the historic and contemporary operations, provisions, regulations and practices authorised under state-imposed emergencies. It does so in order firstly, to bring attention to the practices authorised through state-imposed emergencies and the currency and saliency of their ongoing effects, and secondly to re-frame the militarised violence of settlement/occupation as an integral part of state-imposed emergencies in which all that is necessary will be done to protect the sovereign state from the resistance of the colonised/occupied and to effect a return to 'order'. Through encounters with the archival record, and the architectures, remnants and territorial arrangements found in post-colonial Kenya and across the multiple geographies of Palestine, the essay draws out seven clusters of state imposed emergency practices and effects. The work grapples with a number of questions: what is it that a declared state of emergency performs for the state? Does a state of emergency enable particular forms of militarised violence? Are there common practices to be found across different modes of state-imposed emergencies? What is the genealogy to the states of emergency across Palestine and Kenya? Does our excavation of the practices of state-imposed emergency shed light on the ways we apprehend state violence in colonial, post-colonial and neo-colonial geographies?

Socio-political instability is considered as an obstacle for economic and social development of countries. Therefore, Political violence as a feature of socio-political instability is a significant development constraint that generates economic problems, limits public and private investments, and damages the country's infrastructure. This paper offers an explanation for political violence and economic development through an empirical analysis of Colombian departments that includes factors such as social conditions and narcotrafficking. We use multiple datasets to measure political violence and economic development, and we employ panel fixed-effects Driscoll and Kraay regressions and Generalized Method of Moments Estimation (GMM) for a sample of Colombian departments over the period 2000-2014. In the political violence model, we find that the aggregate-level production per capita, education, arrests and health coverage have a negative effect on political violence, whereas GINI, unemployment rate, illegal drugs and displaced population have a positive effect on violence. In the economic development model, political violence, armed actions and corruption have a negative effect on economic development, whereas population, saving, employment, political participation, manufacturing and production have a positive effect on economic development. The findings demonstrate the importance of implementing social policies and strategies against political violence to increase economic growth and development, productivity, political participation and security for the population across Colombia's departments. ; peer-reviewed

AbstractPopulists often demonize outgroups while undermining institutions that protect citizens against the abuse of state power. Under these conditions, how can vulnerable communities protect themselves? We argue that actors coupling a normative commitment to human rights with the local organizational capacity to intervene can systematically reduce victimization. Focusing on the Philippine Catholic Church in the country's ongoing "drug war," we identify five potential mechanisms producing protection. Directly, these actors can raise attention, offer sanctuary, or disrupt enforcement, while indirectly they can shrink vulnerable populations and build local solidarity. We evaluate this argument with a mixed‐method research design. A new dataset of over 2,000 drug war killings throughout Metro Manila shows that neighborhoods with a Catholic parish experience approximately 30% fewer killings than those without. Original interviews with clergy and laity in these parishes support both direct and indirect mechanisms, with strongest evidence for attention raising and building community solidarity.

This article explains the integrated implementation of a COVID-19 Feminist Framework (CFF) and biopsychosocial-spiritual perspective (BPSS-P) on the inclusive equitability of social service providers, practitioners, and policy-developers on global platforms. Mechanisms of CFF and BPSS-P entail the process to address/mitigate institutional inequities, mental health issues, violation of human rights, race/sex/gender-based violence, abuse, and trauma amid COVID-19. This discourse is about raising consciousness, collective liberation, wellbeing, and equality for women, children, BIPOC, LGBTQIA+, and gender-diverse people. This article further discusses social workers and mental health practitioners' uniqueness for short-term and long-term support for emotional, cognitive-behavioral, and psychosocial repercussions on the individual and community levels.

Having analysed the differences between the child protection legislation in Lithuania and the United Nations Child Rights Convention, in the paper it has been revealed that Lithuania does not implement the objectives set by the United Nations on banning of corporal punishment. The study has revealed that in the national domestic law Lithuania has not banned corporal punishment by law. The concept of corporal punishment is not defined neither by a framework of child's rights nor by domestic violence laws in Lithuania. Having examined all issues, it is concluded that the corporal punishment is violation of human dignity and the right to bodily integrity and the inviolability, because it contradicts the provisions of European Convention on Human Rights.

The UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights obliges state parties to prohibit any advocacy of religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination or violence. This book traces the origins of this provision and proposes an actus reus for this offence. The question of whether hateful incitement is a prohibition per se or also encapsulates a fundamental 'right to be protected against incitement' is extensively debated. Also addressed is the question of how to judge incitement. Is mens rea required to convict someone of advocating hatred, and if so, for what degree of intent? This analysis also includes the paramount question if and to what extent content and/or context factors ought to be decisive. The author extensively engages with comparative domestic law and compares the workings of the UN Human Rights Committee with those of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and the European Court of Human Rights

The UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights obliges state parties to prohibit any advocacy of religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination or violence. This book traces the origins of this provision and proposes an actus reus for this offence. The question of whether hateful incitement is a prohibition per se or also encapsulates a fundamental 'right to be protected against incitement' is extensively debated. Also addressed is the question of how to judge incitement. Is mens rea required to convict someone of advocating hatred, and if so, for what degree of intent? This analysis also includes the paramount question if and to what extent content and/or context factors ought to be decisive. The author extensively engages with comparative domestic law and compares the workings of the UN Human Rights Committee with those of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and the European Court of Human Rights

"Examining the thematic intersection of law, technology and violence, this book explores cyber attacks against states and current international law on the use of force. The theory of information ethics is used to critique the law's conception of violence and to develop an informational approach as an alternative way to think about cyber attacks. Cyber attacks against states constitute a new form of violence in the information age, and international law on the use of force is limited in its capacity to regulate them. This book draws on Luciano Floridi's theory of information ethics to critique the narrow conception of violence embodied in the law and to develop an alternative way to think about cyber attacks, violence, and the state. The author uses three case studies – the 2007 cyber attacks against Estonia, the Stuxnet incident involving Iran that was discovered in 2010, and the cyber attacks used as part of the Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election – to demonstrate that an informational approach offers a means to reimagine the state as an entity and cyber attacks as a form of violence against it."--

Criticizes two recent works for a lack of objectivity and balance, the authors' failure to put the PLO's use of violence against Israel in context, and their dismissal of Palestinian grievances; reviews "Yasir Arafat: a political biography", by Barry Rubin and Judith Colp Rubin (Oxford University Press, 2003), and "Arafat's war: the man and his battle for Israeli conquest", by Efraim Karsh (Grove Press, 2003); both books indexed in PAIS International, 2003.

"This book provides a theoretical framework for empirically examining the impact of violence on marginalized peoples across the lifespan. With anti-Black racism uniquely impacting Black women and girls who are sexually victimized, a unifying, empirically testable framework with a critical race perspective to examine Black women and girls' experiences of sexual violence is warranted. Dr. Jennifer M. Gómez created cultural betrayal trauma theory (CBTT) to expand the limiting assumption in the dominant theoretical and methodological literature on the impact of violence that traumas, such as rape, are solely interpersonal. In CBTT, Dr. Gómez builds on Black feminist scholarship, ethnic minority trauma psychology, and betrayal trauma theory to provide a theoretical framework for examining the impact of violence on marginalized peoples across the lifespan.The Cultural Betrayal of Black Women and Girls is the first book to use the CBTT research to contribute to academic and national discussions regarding anti-Black racism and sexual abuse. Using CBTT as a foundation, this book incorporates transdisciplinary scholarship on racism, intersectional oppression and intersectionality, sexual abuse against Black women and girls, cultural competency and critical consciousness in therapy, and healing in the community into a single resource for understanding and addressing oppression and sexual abuse on individual, institutional, and societal levels"--

This research examines what ideologies Film Television (FTv) offered during the COVID-19 pandemic and how these ideologies developed in the FTv using framing analysis and a gender perspective approach. Results indicate that there are two hidden ideologies as follows. First, the FTv production house carries a patriarchal ideology by raising themes that discriminate against women through stereotypes against women that appear in the story. Second, the FTv production house carries the ideology of feminism, with themes that position women as superordinate. Women occupy a higher social class than men. Women determine their own lives; even women have power over men. Academically, these findings are expected to add to the theoretical study in the sociology of communication and media research on how the power of knowledge in FTv affects the audience and contributes information, and enriches the development of research on gender relations and violence.