Suchergebnisse

International audience ; During the series of simultaneous terrorist attacks that took place in Paris on Friday 13 November 2015, three Islamic State fighters stormed the Bataclan concert hall which was holding a rock concert. This article analyses the relationship between the symbolic significance of this attack, the Salafist discourse on music, and the importance of chanting in the Islamic State jihadist propaganda. It shows how the use of nasheed "Avance, avance" in the audio statement claiming responsibility for the attacks, ritualises propaganda, legitimises violence, motivates its fighters, and demoralises the enemy. By examining the issue of musical practices and their mobilisation within the Islamic State propaganda dispositif, this text aims to further a better understanding of the ideology of this jihadist organization. ; Lors de la série d'attaques terroristes simultanées qui ont eu lieu à Paris le vendredi 13 novembre 2015, trois combattants de l'État islamique prennent d'assaut la salle de concert du Bataclan où se tenait un concert de rock. Cet article propose une analyse du rapport entre la portée symbolique de cette attaque, le discours salafiste sur la musique et l'importance que l'État islamique donne au chant dans sa propagande djihadiste. Il montre de quelle façon l'utilisation du nasheed « Avance, avance » dans le communiqué audio de revendication des attentats, vise à ritualiser sa propagande, légitimer la violence, encourager ses combattants et démoraliser son ennemi. Par l'examen des enjeux des pratiques musicales au sein du dispositif de propagande de l'État islamique, ce texte se donne pour objectif de contribuer à une meilleure compréhension de la mécanique idéologique mobilisée par cette organisation djihadiste.

International audience ; Greece's relation with the West during the Cold War era has constantly attracted theattention of Greek and international scholarship. In this relationship, continuities andbreaks become evident. The postwar era was marked by the continuation of theagonizing Greek effort to integrate in the West. Thus, there was an effort to bringrelations with the major Western European states (Britain, France, West Germany,Italy) back to a kind of normalcy. This, as could be expected, was a particularlydemanding endeavour, especially regarding the former Axis powers, against whichGreece had fought during the Second World War. The Cold War provided a contextor a medium which facilitated the rebuilding of bilateral contacts. There also were breaks, or at least novelties, pointing to the ascent of a newera of international relations. The US-Greek special relationship, forged during thedifficult years of the Greek civil war but also burdened by the memories of USpenetration in Greek policy-making in 1947-52, was a salient novel element. Greece'sparticipation in NATO was an unprecedented event:this was the first time that thecountry allied formally with the major powers of the West. Last but not least,Athens's ambition to participate in supranational European integration resulted in the1961 Association Agreement with the European Economic Community, and openednew roads for Greece's internal development and international relations. This volume presents archival material from the West German, French, Italian,British and US national archives, as well as from the NATO Archives, addressingimportant aspects of this historical phenomenon. This multi-archival research wasundertaken by a large number of scholars, in the context of the Thalis project onGreece and the Cold War, coordinated by the University of Macedonia: KonstantinaE. Botsiou, Dionysios Chourchoulis, Christos Christidis, Evanthis Hatzivassiliou,Vaios Kalogrias, Periklis-Stelios Karavis, Manolis Koumas, Sofia Papastamkou, andIoannis Sakkas. All ...

This paper examines the extent of which START I and New START achieved effective balance of power between the United States and Russia. It addresses the purpose, agreements and the impact of START I and New Start on the effectiveness in accomplishing global balance of power. This paper argues that while the original START I accomplished a global balance of power by equalizing reduction of nuclear arsenals in both countries, but that New START did not accomplish a long-term global balance of power. To best demonstrate this, "New START from Old Beginnings?" covers START I's historical context, examine its actual treaty, assesses the reduction of nuclear arsenals and analyzes the extent of which it was effectively maintained. The same procedure is performed for New START before they are compared. The author provides a set of principles and solutions to guide U.S. nuclear weapon policy.

Für die meisten Russen findet der Krieg in der Ukraine nur im Fernsehen statt - und dennoch glauben sie, an der Seite der "Guten" einen archetypischen, patriotischen Kampf gegen den Faschismus auszufechten. Das ist der Erfolg einer Geschichtspolitik, die alles Tragische verbannt und Russland zum alleinigen Kämpfer für die Gerechtigkeit stilisiert. (IP)

International audience ; Greece's relation with the West during the Cold War era has constantly attracted theattention of Greek and international scholarship. In this relationship, continuities andbreaks become evident. The postwar era was marked by the continuation of theagonizing Greek effort to integrate in the West. Thus, there was an effort to bringrelations with the major Western European states (Britain, France, West Germany,Italy) back to a kind of normalcy. This, as could be expected, was a particularlydemanding endeavour, especially regarding the former Axis powers, against whichGreece had fought during the Second World War. The Cold War provided a contextor a medium which facilitated the rebuilding of bilateral contacts. There also were breaks, or at least novelties, pointing to the ascent of a newera of international relations. The US-Greek special relationship, forged during thedifficult years of the Greek civil war but also burdened by the memories of USpenetration in Greek policy-making in 1947-52, was a salient novel element. Greece'sparticipation in NATO was an unprecedented event:this was the first time that thecountry allied formally with the major powers of the West. Last but not least,Athens's ambition to participate in supranational European integration resulted in the1961 Association Agreement with the European Economic Community, and openednew roads for Greece's internal development and international relations. This volume presents archival material from the West German, French, Italian,British and US national archives, as well as from the NATO Archives, addressingimportant aspects of this historical phenomenon. This multi-archival research wasundertaken by a large number of scholars, in the context of the Thalis project onGreece and the Cold War, coordinated by the University of Macedonia: KonstantinaE. Botsiou, Dionysios Chourchoulis, Christos Christidis, Evanthis Hatzivassiliou,Vaios Kalogrias, Periklis-Stelios Karavis, Manolis Koumas, Sofia Papastamkou, andIoannis Sakkas. All ...

International audience ; Greece's relation with the West during the Cold War era has constantly attracted theattention of Greek and international scholarship. In this relationship, continuities andbreaks become evident. The postwar era was marked by the continuation of theagonizing Greek effort to integrate in the West. Thus, there was an effort to bringrelations with the major Western European states (Britain, France, West Germany,Italy) back to a kind of normalcy. This, as could be expected, was a particularlydemanding endeavour, especially regarding the former Axis powers, against whichGreece had fought during the Second World War. The Cold War provided a contextor a medium which facilitated the rebuilding of bilateral contacts. There also were breaks, or at least novelties, pointing to the ascent of a newera of international relations. The US-Greek special relationship, forged during thedifficult years of the Greek civil war but also burdened by the memories of USpenetration in Greek policy-making in 1947-52, was a salient novel element. Greece'sparticipation in NATO was an unprecedented event:this was the first time that thecountry allied formally with the major powers of the West. Last but not least,Athens's ambition to participate in supranational European integration resulted in the1961 Association Agreement with the European Economic Community, and openednew roads for Greece's internal development and international relations. This volume presents archival material from the West German, French, Italian,British and US national archives, as well as from the NATO Archives, addressingimportant aspects of this historical phenomenon. This multi-archival research wasundertaken by a large number of scholars, in the context of the Thalis project onGreece and the Cold War, coordinated by the University of Macedonia: KonstantinaE. Botsiou, Dionysios Chourchoulis, Christos Christidis, Evanthis Hatzivassiliou,Vaios Kalogrias, Periklis-Stelios Karavis, Manolis Koumas, Sofia Papastamkou, andIoannis Sakkas. All ...

Climate Change Adaptation (CCA) is a category of thought and action. It clusters every practice that seeks to deal and cope with the territorial consequences of climate change. It is proposed in this work to study the discourse of adaptation to CC and to provide immunity as an alternative approach. The first part of this study investigates how this discourse -here defined as the whole set of statements concerning CCA- is set into a specific order. Because of its heterogeneity, this discourse may initially be characterised as opaque. Yet, the study of its evolution along the one of the scientific journal Global Environmental Change, highlights the emergence, over the 2000's, of the resilience paradigm. This very paradigm reconfigures and sets the CCA discourse into a specific order. From then on, adaptation is no longer understood as the meer adjustment to external climatic stimuli, but as the social group own adaptativity, defined as the capacity to let itself be restructured by any internal or external change. The second part of this study argues in favour of considering immunity as a tacit but nevertheless highly structuring notion within the CCA discourse and within geography and planning theory. Immunity is first approached theoretically by exploring the philosophical anthropology of P. Sloterdijk, that he happened to name general immunology. In order to transfer immunity into geography and planning theory, the sloterdijkian theoretical tools are then discussed and built on with other approaches, including F. Neyrat's and R. Esposito's work. Eventually, studying the case of the Netherlands reveals how immunity is at the heart of the order of some specific milieu. Indeed, this country is a paradigmatic case of a planning tradition that immunises society from its geographical milieu and an example of the implementation of CCA public policy. This thesis puts into perspective two contradictory main principles of the contemporary ordering of the milieus: absolute immunity and adaptativity. It shows how CCA ...

International audience ; Greece's relation with the West during the Cold War era has constantly attracted theattention of Greek and international scholarship. In this relationship, continuities andbreaks become evident. The postwar era was marked by the continuation of theagonizing Greek effort to integrate in the West. Thus, there was an effort to bringrelations with the major Western European states (Britain, France, West Germany,Italy) back to a kind of normalcy. This, as could be expected, was a particularlydemanding endeavour, especially regarding the former Axis powers, against whichGreece had fought during the Second World War. The Cold War provided a contextor a medium which facilitated the rebuilding of bilateral contacts. There also were breaks, or at least novelties, pointing to the ascent of a newera of international relations. The US-Greek special relationship, forged during thedifficult years of the Greek civil war but also burdened by the memories of USpenetration in Greek policy-making in 1947-52, was a salient novel element. Greece'sparticipation in NATO was an unprecedented event:this was the first time that thecountry allied formally with the major powers of the West. Last but not least,Athens's ambition to participate in supranational European integration resulted in the1961 Association Agreement with the European Economic Community, and openednew roads for Greece's internal development and international relations. This volume presents archival material from the West German, French, Italian,British and US national archives, as well as from the NATO Archives, addressingimportant aspects of this historical phenomenon. This multi-archival research wasundertaken by a large number of scholars, in the context of the Thalis project onGreece and the Cold War, coordinated by the University of Macedonia: KonstantinaE. Botsiou, Dionysios Chourchoulis, Christos Christidis, Evanthis Hatzivassiliou,Vaios Kalogrias, Periklis-Stelios Karavis, Manolis Koumas, Sofia Papastamkou, andIoannis Sakkas. All ...

Frieden muss immer wieder neu gelernt werden – und mit den Bedingungen dafür muss sich Friedenspädagogik stets neu beschäftigen. In diesem Band werden aktuelle Argumentationslinien von Gewaltfreiheit und Friedenspädagogik im Horizont der Weltgesellschaft vermessen und so innovative Perspektiven für eine Friedenspädagogik im 21. Jahrhundert aufgezeigt. Das bis heute übergeordnete Ziel einer Pädagogik für Frieden und Gewaltfreiheit ist es, Menschen, Gruppen und Gesellschaften zu befähigen, Konflikte konstruktiv und gewaltfrei austragen zu können. Um dies als realisierbar zu gestalten, braucht es ein stetiges und ständiges Bemühen darum, Frieden immer wieder neu zu lernen und sich mit den Bedingungsfaktoren stets neu zu beschäftigen. Trotz zunehmender Gewalteskalationen weltweit, erscheinen die Debatten um Zukunftsfähigkeit im Horizont eines nachhaltigen Friedens nach wie vor marginalisiert. Auffällig ist, dass in den meisten Debatten zwar auch international gedacht, allerdings dabei im Horizont von Nationalgesellschaften argumentiert wird. Mit der Publikation wird das Ziel verfolgt, bekannte Argumentationslinien von Gewaltfreiheit und Friedenspädagogik im Horizont der Weltgesellschaft zu vermessen und so innovative Perspektiven für eine Friedenspädagogik im 21. Jahrhundert anzubieten. Auffällig ist im vorliegenden Diskurs, erstens dass Gewaltfreiheit und Friedenspädagogik auf unterschiedlichen Ebenen von Gesellschaft in den Blick genommen werden (Mikro-, Meso- und, Makroebene), dass zweitens verschiedene Gewaltformen adressiert werden (personelle, strukturelle und kulturelle Gewalt) und dass Argumentationen der Friedenspädagogik auf verschiedenen Niveaus angelegt sind (theoretisch, konzeptionell, praktisch). Um gesellschaftsimmanente Beschreibungen von Gewaltfreiheit und erzieherische sowie bildnerische Maßnahmen damit assoziierter Friedenspädagogik aufeinander beziehen zu können, werden systematisch auf die Grundüberlegungen Globalen Lernens Bezug genommen und die damit verbundenen Diskurse fruchtbar gemacht. (DIPF/Verlag)