Suchergebnisse

This National Europe Centre publication collates the proceedings from a conference held at the Australian National University in December 2000. The purpose of the conference was to allow the Australian diplomatic missions of nine Central and Eastern European nations seeking entry into the European Union to give their case for admission. Although Malta, Turkey, Poland, Hungary, Slovenia, Slovakia, Cyprus, the Czech Republic and Romania are at different stages of preparation for the EU, the object is to gauge their progress on the formal entry criteria. The papers address the countries progress toward meeting these criteria, as well as the obstacles they face. The papers begin with a preview from the Commission. It cites the three core requisites for accession into the EU as a market economy, democratic political institutions and the capacity to abide by the EU's obligations of membership.

The Assembly of Western European Union (WEU) held the second part of its sixth ordinary session in Paris from November 29 to December 2, 1960. The President of the Assembly, Mr. Badini Confalonieri (Italian Liberal), opened the session with a tribute to the late Max Becker, representative of West Germany. He then examined briefly the perils facing Europe due to recent developments throughout the world. He called on the members of WEU to tackle courageously their joint problems, stating that the only way of ensuring the defense and unity of the free world was for the Atlantic Community to operate through representative executive bodies and parliamentary consultation. The President emphasized that the achievements of the European Communities did not imply that other European organizations should be cast aside, but rather that these other organizations should also acquire greater power and authority. The unity of Europe would be achieved only within the framework of a community of nations, Mr. Confalonieri continued, the members of which would submit their individual wishes, in the interest of all, to the decisions of the community's governing bodies. Insofar as positive results toward a true European community had been achieved, the most impressive and exemplary accomplishments had been those of the European Economic Community (EEC), which had brought about nothing less than a revolution in European institutions. In conclusion, the President stressed the importance of the United Kingdom's becoming a co-member, along with the EEC countries, of a genuine community, and he warmly welcomed Mr. Edward Heath, Lord Privy Seal of the United Kingdom, to the Assembly, calling his presence tangible proof of the links that had developed between the WEU Council of Minister and the Assembly.

The paper examines the existence of convergence in the achieved levels of human development among countries of the European Union in the period 1995-2018. The aim of the research is to test the hypothesis, There is convergence in the achieved levels of human development among the integrated countries of the European Union. The Human Development Index is used as a measure of human development. Using regression analysis and coefficient of variation, the existence of band s-convergence is tested in this paper. In addition to the entire European Union, convergence is being tested for a group of developed countries of the European Union, as well as among so-called "New Member States". The obtained results indicate the existence of convergence (both b and s) in the achieved levels of human development in the European Union, where it is more pronounced and stable in the group of "New Member States" compared to the group of developed countries of the European Union. The main contribution of this paper is to increase the number of papers in the field of convergence in terms of human development, given that so far, a small number of papers have explored this topic.

Long-run economic growth represents a precondition for the development of the Western Balkans countries. Continuous investments are required to achieve high rates of economic growth, while investments sources are national savings and foreign investments. The national savings level in the Western Balkans (W.B.) is not sufficient to finance radical changes, so external sources, in particular foreign direct investment (F.D.I.), are necessary for the development, as well as the official development assistance (O.D.A.). In view of the European intentions for the Western Balkans Region and the level of economic relations with the European Union, this paper seeks to explore the European Union (E.U.) investments and W.B. development. Results of the panel analysis and V.A.R. model show a statistically significant relationship between G.D.P. per capita and the length of the road network and E.U. investments. This confirms the significance of these development variables for the inflow of investment from the E.U. Panel analysis, explanatory variables of trade openness and signing of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement with the E.U. did not prove to be significant for E.U. investments inflow. A statistically significant relationship does not exist between the unit labour costs and investments from the E.U. when applying a causality test.

It is increasingly recognised that EU development cooperation policy has failed to meet its stated aims. In this book Arts and Dickson ask the obvious and important question: if the policy doesn't work, why bother with it? The authors assess why EU development policy has become largely ineffective, citing among the external causal factors the liberalisation of trade, and the growing influence of US and international actors such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund upon EU policy. It also considers contributing factors within the EU such as the enlargement of its membership and the resulting shifts in priorities. It is this analysis of internal and external factors affecting the decline of EU development policy that makes this study both innovative and unique. It brings together an impressive range of contributors from different disciplines resulting in a thorough and intelligent assessment of the debate. This study will appeal to advanced level undergraduates and academics of European politics in general, EU integration, development studies, and International Relations.

The purpose of this study is to analyse the European Union (EU) economic and development cooperation in Central Asia. EU's economic support to Central Asian countries strengthens its position in this region. Central Asia is a key strategic area for cooperation and the EU seems to have deeper engagement. Moreover, this research highlights the EU's strategic gear up with Central Asian countries from 2007 to till now. Since the EU launched the Central Asia Strategy in 2007, the objective of this policy is to provide development assistance and establish diplomatic channels in the region. The following research questions rely on, why is Central Asia important to the EU and how does it shape relations with Central Asian countries? And this study relies on qualitative analysis that will be used in this research which addresses the main research problems. Further, the study uses the empirical approach to justify answers to the questions and identify the research outcomes.

EU social policies should be complemented by contributing to a harmonious development of society, by reducing structural and regional imbalances, developing a balance between the a localized community and the national society, and improving the living standards of citizens and families of member states (Garrido 2002). Such important social policy principles as freedom and justice are addressed and represented in family laws in the EU regulations introduced during the period of 2000–2016. In this article, we studied the EU's legal solutions in reference to national (Spain) laws on these matters: children and parental responsibility (adoption, child abduction, family benefits) and couples (matrimonial, regimes, prenuptial agreements, provisional measures). This legislation is necessary in the face of the proliferation of families whose members have different nationalities, and even in the mobilization of residences. Cooperation has intensified between national judicial authorities to ensure that legal decisions taken in one EU country are recognized and implemented in any other. This is highly important in civil cases, such as divorce, child custody, maintenance claims, or even bankruptcy and unpaid bills, when the individuals involved live in different countries. The development of family laws is one of the most important factors of family welfare in European countries.

At its meeting on December 12, 1961, the Council of the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) agreed to maintain the European Monetary Agreement in force, although with certain modifications. The chief amendment concerned the maximum period for the utilization of credits granted by the European Fund. In addition, OECD could henceforth decide, in exceptional cases, that a credit granted by the European Fund might be repaid in installments spread over no more than two years.

This paper analyzes the new triangle of relations between the United States, the European Union, and China through the concept of trilateralism from polarity theory. Following this model, we examine the three bilateral relationships of US-China, US–EU, and EU–China that make up this global triangle. Economic relations between the United States and China provide the operational framework for this triangle and should currently be viewed as a cooperative rivalry rather than a traditionally hostile one like that seen in the Cold War. The EU also plays a key role in the triangle due to its strategic autonomy and significance to the other two. We argue that relations in the global US–EU–China triangle can be characterized in terms of cooperation but do not exclude rivalry. These global trilateral relations are marked by flexibility and openness that encourage the development of relations with third countries.

Baltijas valstu dalība ES determinē nepieciešamību pēc reģionālas sadarbības – atsevišķi to lielums, resursu un zināšanu kapacitāte nespēj nodrošināt sekmīgu ES doto izaugsmes iespēju pilnvērtīgu un optimālu (ar to domājot maksimāli plašu un attiecīgajām dalībvalstīm maksimāli efektīvāko iespēju) īstenošanu. Pētījuma mērķis: izpētīt, kāda reģionālā sadarbība Baltijas valstīm būtu ekonomiskajā rakursā vēlamākā, lai nostiprinātu un vairotu Latvijas, Lietuvas, Igaunijas pozīcijas ES. Uzdevumi mērķa sasniegšanai: 1.izpētīt teorētisko pamatojumu reģionālās sadarbības ietekmei uz valstu ekonomisko izaugsmi; 2.veikt Baltijas valstu ekonomiskās reģionālās sadarbības analīzi par periodu pēc PSRS sabrukuma; 3.izpētīt ES ietvaros esošo Beniluksa un Skandināvijas valstu reģionu ekonomiskās sadarbības modeļus; 4.veikt Baltijas valstu un Beniluksa un Skandināvijas valstu reģionu salīdzinājumu, nosakot Baltijas valstu sadarbības vēlamākās perspektīvas. Pētījuma gaitā autore pierādījusi izvirzīto hipotēzi: ciešāka Baltijas valstu reģionālā integrācija nostiprinās un vairos to ekonomisko izaugsmi un potenciālu. ; Baltic states participation in EU determine necessity after regional cooperation – their size, resource and konowledge capabilities spearately can`t ensure successfull and optimal (interpreting it as maximum wide and maximum effective possibilities for every memberstate) implementation of EU given opportunities for their development. Main goal of the research: to explore, what kind of Baltic states cooperation in economic perspective would be most desirable, to strengthen and enhance the Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia position in the EU. Tasks to reach the goal: 1.to explore theoretical background of regional cooperation impact on countries economic development; 2.to analyse economic cooperation of Baltic states after USSR collapse; 3.to explore models of Benelux and Scandinavian region economic cooperation; 4.to compare Baltic states region with Benelux and Scandinavia, setting the best prospects of it`s cooperation. During research author prooved hypothesis: Pētījuma gaitā autore pierādījusi izvirzīto hipotēzi: closer regional integration of the Baltic States will strengthen and increase their economic growth and potential.