Suchergebnisse

1. Introduction -- 2. Religion, secularization and politics : a postmodern conspectus -- 3. Religious fundamentalism and politics -- 4. Religion and politics : what is the impact of September 11? -- 5. Religion and democratization in Africa -- 6. Religion, ethnicity and civil war in Africa : the cases of Uganda and Sudan -- 7. The political and social context of intercivilizational conflict and the possibilities of peace building -- 8. Conflict, conflict resolution and peace building : the role of religion in Mozambique, Nigeria and Cambodia -- 9. Religion and international relations : what are the issues? -- 10. Religion and foreign policy making in the USA, India and Iran : towards a research agenda -- 11. Politics, identity and religious nationalism in Turkey : from Ataturk to the AKP -- 12. Transnational religious actors and international politics -- 13. Transnational religious actors and international order -- 14. Religion and a human rights culture in America -- 15. Al-Qaeda : ideology and action -- 16. Islamic militancy in East-Africa -- 17. Conclusion.

A new interpretation of Evangelical actors' increasing participation in Brazilian political and electoral contests is that elements of Pentecostalism predispose a believer to see the world as the site of an eternal struggle between God and Satan. The belief in demons that have territorial jurisdictions, known as territorial spirits, is one aspect of this theology. The cognitive universe of this belief induces the Evangelical voter to make electoral decisions on the basis of religious premises. It teaches the voter to conceive, without much reflection, the spiritual battle and the electoral game as territorial disputes. Uma nova interpretação para a crescente participação de atores evangélicos nas disputas político-eleitorais do Brasil é que elementos pentecostais predispõem a fazer a leitura do mundo como sendo resultado da disputa desde sempre travada entre Deus e o Diabo. Importante aspecto desta teologia é a crença em demônios dotados de jurisdição territorial, referidos como espíritos territoriais. O universo cognitivo onde prospera esta crença torna o eleitor evangélico propenso a tomar decisões eleitorais a partir de premissas religiosas. Embora nem sempre de modo reflexivo, tal crença leva o fiel a conceber batalha espiritual e jogo eleitoral como disputas por territórios.

This article aims to discuss the issue of the relationship between Islam and politics in the "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama. this study was motivated by "Action to Defend Islam 212". Therefor in this first study, the author wants to give about the study of background the formation of "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama. second, critical review about the relationship between Islam and politics of "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama. the purpose of this problem has been to trying flowin is ini and critiquing "is there the relationship between Islam and politics of "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama ?". Approsch and method in this research use social religion approach is needed and Qualitative method that is the descriptive analysis with library research genre. The result from this research indicates that analysis and critical review about the relationship between Islam and politics of "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama is that be found relationship from side religion and politics, considering that there are a number of factors that indicate "Alumni 212 and Ijtima Ulama contains elements of politics and religion in it. The Defending Islam Action I,II AND III has become a new phenomenon in Islam, especially for the conditions of religious life in Indonesia. Which then this action becomes the background of the formation of the reunion "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama, it is feared indicated incarnated as a religious movement mass, and could potentially be a movement on behalf of Islam as a form of identity politics. Nevertheless need the existence of functional relationship in the relationship between Islam and state (politics), that is about how Islam can perform its functions in the region or community of the state on the one hand. And how the state (politic) can the state can perform its functions as the governing body of the organization of the citizens and its territory is majority Islam on the other hand.

The struggle for political visibility, participation, and leadership of women has been a recurrent issue in all societies, including the most developed democracies. Whereas an appreciable improvement has been recorded in many western countries, Africa still ranks low generally as far as gender inclusivity in political leadership is concerned. Some scholars on Igbo society and culture cling to the popular opinion of blaming this scenario on colonialism. Such scholars usually paint an image of an ideal, precolonial, egalitarian Igbo society where women were more or less accorded more political and leadership space than in the present. In their opinion, reclaiming the past is a sure way to better gender inclusivity in politics. This paper is designed to interrogate critically such images of the past Igbo society. The author approaches the paper with the belief that such romantic view of the past, if not cautiously guided and critically appraised, may well result in nostalgia for a past that never was. The paper aims at hermeneutical-critical reading of women's visibility and/or invisibility in the pre-colonial Igbo political leadership landscape, with the view of presenting a possible link of the present situation with the past, as well as tracing from this a path for the future of women's political visibility, participation, and leadership in Nigeria.
Keywords: Igbo, women, politics, leadership, colonialism

This symposium brings together three reflections on Lilla's The Stillborn God to which we are privileged to add Lilla's response. For all our differences, Tessitore, Hancock, and I share one overarching concern. None of us denies that modern political philosophy makes possible decent political regimes respecting human rights, freedom of conscience, and the rule of law. The question is whether in so doing, modern Enlighteners do not misinterpret the "theological-political problem" so as to undermine our capacity to consider the problem again at the moment in which clear thinking and sound policy are most needed. To the extent that Lilla takes sides on behalf of Hobbes's wisdom that keeps political science and political theology separate, the three commentators wonder whether Lilla is himself barred from a political philosophy that would quell the fires of religious fanaticism. Adapted from the source document.

In the first half of the 17th century, three major Buddhist governments that combined a twofold religious and political structure under a Buddhist ruler were established in the Tibetan cultural area (hereafter: Joint Twofold System of Governance).1 In 1625/26,2 Bhutan was united under the rule of a charismatic Tibetan Buddhist master, Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyel (1594– ca. 1651; hereafter: Zhabdrung); Tibet and Sikkim followed, both in 1642 – although with significant differences in their respective institutionalisation. The Bhutanese government as a constitutional monarchy with a Buddhist king is the only one among the three still in existence today. Bhutan's transformation into a modern society along the lines of this Joint Twofold System of Governance under the conditions of non-colonialisation but with crucial and intense encounters of its societal elites with Western and Asian forms of modernity and secularity represents, therefore, a unique case in point.

Post-Soviet Azerbaijan has been moving through a process of Islamic revival for more than two decades. This revival in itself has not been a homogenous process, having its ups and downs, changing dynamics and multi-dimensional characteristics. Radicalization, sectarianism and state-civil society-religious relations are the issues at stake. A recent trend of more control over faith-based activism with ongoing marginalization along sectarian lines is a problem that must be addressed.

International audience ; The Calendar Case (liyu 曆獄) is well known to historians of Chinese astronomy and to historians of the Jesuit mission to China; during the last sixty years, it has attracted increasing attention from both groups. The Jesuit missionary Johann Adam Schall von Bell (1592-1666) was in charge of the affairs of the Astronomical Bureau (Qintianjian 欽天監) from 1644, when Beijing fell to the Manchus. In 1664, under the rule of the four regents who governed in the name of the young Kangxi emperor (b. 1654, r. 1662-1722), Schall was impeached and tried, following accusations made by Yang Guangxian 楊光先 (1597-1669), a literatus who held no official position. Four years later, the emperor had the verdict reversed and appointed another Jesuit, Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688), as official astronomer. The present article provides a review of the secondary literature on this affair, showing how the narratives and analyses given by different authors reflect not only their personal research agendas, but also the wider evolution of historiography in both fields, from missiology to a China-centred history of Christianity in China, and from positivism to multifaceted narratives of controversies in the history of science.

International audience ; The Calendar Case (liyu 曆獄) is well known to historians of Chinese astronomy and to historians of the Jesuit mission to China; during the last sixty years, it has attracted increasing attention from both groups. The Jesuit missionary Johann Adam Schall von Bell (1592-1666) was in charge of the affairs of the Astronomical Bureau (Qintianjian 欽天監) from 1644, when Beijing fell to the Manchus. In 1664, under the rule of the four regents who governed in the name of the young Kangxi emperor (b. 1654, r. 1662-1722), Schall was impeached and tried, following accusations made by Yang Guangxian 楊光先 (1597-1669), a literatus who held no official position. Four years later, the emperor had the verdict reversed and appointed another Jesuit, Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688), as official astronomer. The present article provides a review of the secondary literature on this affair, showing how the narratives and analyses given by different authors reflect not only their personal research agendas, but also the wider evolution of historiography in both fields, from missiology to a China-centred history of Christianity in China, and from positivism to multifaceted narratives of controversies in the history of science.