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Introduction : the futility of failed states -- 1. Human rights and the "state" -- 2. The making of a hollow state -- 3. Beyond state-centered governance -- 4. Human rights from the outside in : the violence against women and their children act -- 5. Human rights from the inside out : Palawan and non-state environmental governance -- 6. Conclusion : hollow states and human rights.

Forced Marriage brings together leading practitioners and researchers from the disciplines of criminology, sociology and law to provide a compelling alternative perspective to the problem of forced marriage. By locating forced marriage within broader debates on violence against women, social justice and human rights, the authors offer an intersectional perspective that can be used to inform both theory and practice

Anger emanates from hunger and hunger gives birth revolution. The peasants of Assam resorted to the path of violence against the Colonial Government in the close of the 19th century but their attempts met with failure. This paper is an honest attempt through which some of the major factors that precipitated the fiasco of the upheavals of 1893-94 are addressed.

Jorunn Hareid: Kæmpe, til jeg kan ej mere: Magdalene Thoresen: En forfatterbiografi. Scanvik, 2012.Renate Klein: Responding to Intimate Violence Against Women. The Role of Informal Networks. Cambridge University Press, 2012.Jacob Birkler: Helt Uden Grænser. Etik og Seksualitet. Munksgaard, 2012.Katri Kivilaakso, Ann-Sofie Lönngren og Rita Paqvalén (red.): Queera läsningar. Litteraturvetenskap möter queerteori. Rosenlarv förlag, 2012.

This article considers the social problem of violence and the alternative of resolution through cooperation and compassion from the perspective of cognitive neuroscience. Violence is a social problem, the manifestations of which have a biological basis reflected in the development of aggression and the neural mechanisms that regulate it. Cooperation and compassion are two forms of behaviour with similar developmental, cognitive and cerebral regulatory bases to the mechanisms activated in violence, even though they result in radically different forms of behaviour. The article examines violence and compassion as two mechanisms that lead to moral action that depends on whether sociocultural contexts are adverse or favourable to human well‐being. It concludes that the neuro‐cognitive system is a flexible and adaptable mechanism that regulates behaviour directly, according to the sociocultural context in which individuals live. Against that background, the UNESCO Declarations on the culture of peace refer to concepts relating to cognition or the human mind. Cognitive neuroscience therefore provides tools for creating and changing mental concepts that could eventually enable human beings to live together in peace.

End of discrimination against women and girls -- Elimination of all forms of violence against women and girls in the public and private spheres -- Womens' participation and equal opportunities for leadership at decision-making levels in political, economic and public life -- Access to reproductive health and reproductive rights -- Equal rights to economic resources -- Access to ownership and control over land, property, financial services, inheritance and natural resources -- Enhance use of enabling technology, information and communication technology

part PART I FEMINIST EPISTEMOLOGY -- chapter 1 Michele J. Burman, Susan A. Batchelor, and Jane A. Brown (2001), 'Researching Girls and Violence: Facing the Dilemmas of Fieldwork', British Journal of Criminology, 41, pp. 443–59. -- chapter 2 Elizabeth Comack (1999), 'Producing Feminist Knowledge: Lessons from Women in Trouble', Theoretical Criminology, 3, pp. 287–306. -- chapter 3 Russell P. Dobash and R. Emerson Dobash (2004), 'Women's Violence to Men in Intimate Relationships: Working on a Puzzle', British Journal of Criminology, 44, pp. 324–49. -- part PART II PATRIARCHY, CRIME AND JUSTICE -- chapter 4 Lisa Maher and Kathleen Daly (1996), 'Women in the Street-Level Drug Economy: Continuity or Change?', Criminology, 34, pp. 465–91. -- chapter 5 Teela Sanders (2004), 'The Risks of Street Prostitution: Punters, Police and Protesters', Urban Studies, 41, pp. 1703–17. -- chapter 6 Elizabeth A. Stanko (2006), 'Theorizing About Violence: Observations from the Economic and Social Research Council's Violence Research Program', Violence Against Women, 12, pp. 543–55. -- part PART III MASCULINITIES AND FEMININITIES -- chapter 7 Karen Joe Laidler and Geoffrey Hunt (2001), 'Accomplishing Femininity among the Girls in the Gang', British Journal of Criminology, 41, pp. 656–78. -- chapter 8 Katherine Irwin and Meda Chesney-Lind (2008), 'Girls' Violence: Beyond Dangerous Masculinity', Sociology Compass, 2, pp. 837–55. -- chapter 9 Mona J.E. Danner and Dianne Cyr Carmody (2001), 'Missing Gender in Cases of Infamous School Violence: Investigating Research and Media Explanation's', Justice Quarterly, 18, pp. 87–114. -- chapter 10 Hoan Bui and Merry Morash (2008), 'Immigration, Masculinity, and Intimate Partner Violence from the Standpoint of Domestic Violence Service Providers and Vietnamese-Origin Women', Feminist Criminology, 3, pp. 191–215. -- part PART IV INTERSECTIONS -- chapter 11 Hillary Potter (2006), 'An Argument for Black Feminist Criminology: Understanding African American Women's Experiences with Intimate Partner Abuse Using an Integrated Approach', Feminist Criminology, 1, pp. 106–24. -- chapter 12 Nikki Jones (2004), ' -- chapter 13 Yasmin Jiwani (2005), 'Walking a Tightrope: The Many Faces of Violence in the Lives of Racialized Immigrant Girls and Young Women', Violence Against Women, 11, pp. 846–75. -- chapter 14 Edna Erez, Madelaine Adelman and Carol Gregory (2009), 'Intersections of Immigration and Domestic Violence: Voices of Battered Immigrant Women', Feminist Criminology, 4, pp. 32–56. -- part PART V FEMINIST ASSESSMENTS OF THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE ENTERPRISE -- chapter 15 John M. Macdonald and Meda Chesney-Lind (2001), 'Gender Bias and Juvenile Justice Revisited: A Multiyear Analysis', Crime and Delinquency, 47, pp. 173–95. -- chapter 16 Emily Gaarder, Nancy Rodriguez and Marjorie S. Zatz (2004), 'Criers, Liars and Manipulators: Probation Officers' Views of Girls', Justice Quarterly, 21, pp. 547–78. -- chapter 17 Kathleen J. Ferraro (2003), 'The Words Change, But the Melody Lingers: The Persistence of Battered Woman Syndrome in Criminal Cases Involving Battered Women', Violence Against Women, 9, pp. 110–29. -- chapter 18 Kelly Hannah-Moffat (1999), 'Moral Agent or Actuarial Subject: Risk and Canadian Women's Imprisonment', Theoretical Criminology, 3, pp. 71–94. -- chapter 19 Jill A. McCorkel (2003), 'Embodied Surveillance and the Gendering of Punishment', Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 32, pp. 41–76. -- chapter 20 Julia Sudbury (2002), 'Celling Black Bodies: Black Women in the Global Prison Industrial Complex', Feminist Review, 70, pp. 57–74. -- part PART VI FEMINIST PERSPECTIVES ON THE LAW AND ON JUSTICE -- chapter 21 Neal S. Websdale (1996), 'Predators: The Social Construction of -- chapter 22 Kathleen Daly and Julie Stubbs (2006), 'Feminist Engagement with Restorative Justice', Theoretical Criminology, 10, pp. 9–28. -- chapter 23 Tristan Anne Borer (2009), 'Gendered War and Gendered Peace: Truth Commissions and Postconflict Gender Violence: Lessons from South Africa', Violence Against Women, 15, pp. 1169–93.

Abstract
There are no known studies of victim opinions of police responses to domestic violence and abuse (DVA) calls in Greece. This study investigates differences in female and male victim experiences after making a call to the Greek police about DVA. A sample consisting of 104 victims of DVA was recruited from five agencies offering counselling and support. Of this sample, 72% consented to participate and complete a structured questionnaire (N = 75). The study compared 58 female and 17 male victims of similar demographic characteristics. Results showed there was a significant bias towards female victims for the information, help, and advice given, satisfaction with the police interview and arrest but not for children and witnesses, satisfaction with the police report and outcome of the incident. Partial evidence is provided to support the notion that male victims in Greece are discriminated against, as they do not fulfil gender stereotypes expected by police officers.

In post-socialist Slovenia, the #MeToo campaign (#jaztudi), which was started by four public intellectuals in 2018, was rather different to its equivalent in most Western counties. The analysis of the #jaztudi campaign suggests that there are local specifics in the Slovenian material and that the campaign appeared at the peak of the era of neopatriarchy where global inequalities are on the rise. Hundreds of women who testified about sexual harassment and sexual violence were not celebrities and public figures. The men against whom they spoke up were not famous, rich and powerful. They disclosed ordinary, 'small' stories, which were far from spectacular. Women wrote about everyday sexual assaults in childhood, in their teens and in adulthood. The majority of them were not interested in taking legal action against the perpetrators, something which can partially be explained by the contexts of rurality, religious influences and the social norms related to sexual violence towards women that are reproduced in educational, judicial and other social systems. This article provides the social context of the situation facing women in Slovenia and attempts to explain why #MeToo campaigns in different countries are contextual. It shows the importance of locally specific factors that influence women's readiness to speak out and to denounce perpetrators. A number of factors have a great impact on ending sexual violence against women, including the frequency of violence against women; women's economic and social status; the responses of professionals in public institutions to which women could turn for help; as well as awareness on the part of parents, teachers and communities. The implementation of the Istanbul Convention, which Slovenia ratified in 2015, and its internalisation on both the cognitive and emotional levels, constitute an important historical turning point in the fight to end sexual violence.

Since the military coup of July 2013, one of the characteristics of the Egyptian regime has been the lack of clarity on the boundaries of political activism and on what activities it would, or would not, tolerate. Red lines have been shifting frequently, as a plethora of presidential decrees has restricted the public sphere ever more. Furthermore, state institutions and investigating bodies have increasingly abused their powers against civil society representatives. Torture, arbitrary detention and enforced disappearances have become recurrent phenomena. Embattled by State Security, a politicized judiciary and competing ministries, human rights activists are less and less able to fulfil their role as watchdogs. From being merely the witnesses of assaults and human rights violations by the security forces, they have moved on to being their primary targets. Against this backdrop, Germany and its European partners should pressure the Egyptian authorities for compliance with basic civil rights and the rule of law, while aligning their support more closely with the needs of Egyptian NGOs. (author's abstract)

Housekeeping is the smallest community of a society. Household a happy, safe, and secure into everyone's dream. Wholeness and harmony of a household can be impaired if the attitude, behavior, and self-control can not be controlled. Ultimately can occur domestic violence causing insecurity or injustice against people who are within the scope of the household. From the result of the violence, the victim should be restored to rise physical and psychological conditions. Inhibiting factors is a recovery of victims of domestic violence is that most of the victims do not want to restore condition, efforts to resolve it provides socialization, convincing victims of domestic violence to want to restore, to supervise the victims have been recovered. Supporting factors is the facility is being used in the recovery process is adequate, the victim does not charge at all during the recovery process. In conclusion, the service process and the recovery of victims of domestic violence conducted by the relevant institutions have been equally effective and in accordance with the legislation in force. Saran, We suggest to set up a special team to handle the implementation of the recovery of victims of domestic violence.

International audience ; After the collapse of the Soviet Union, many liberal economists considered that war had become obsolete in democratic and liberal countries, at least on their territory. The history of the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century has reminded us of the continuous existence of power relations that are probably less expressed in armed conflicts, but which develop in the economic, social and political spheres. Economic competitiveness often leads to forms of economic warfare, with its strategies conducted by States as well as by multinational firms that have become very powerful. Economic globalization is in crisis, on the one hand because economic interdependence between states is leading to a return of mercantilist thinking in governmental actions, and on the other hand because social inequalities in the world have increased, particularly with regard to the situation of the super-rich, but also inequalities based on race, gender or territory. The pacifism of the market economy is put to the test and the balance of power between economic and political actors is always present, especially because with the rise of cyber weapons, international insecurity is potentially increasing, in a world where interdependence has once again become a factor of weakness for the world's citizens. A reflection based on the philosophy of "enlightened catastrophism" could reduce some areas of environmental insecurity. ; Après l'effondrement de l'Union soviétique, nombre d'économistes de la pensée libérale considérait que, dans les pays démocratiques et libéraux, la guerre était devenue obsolète, au moins sur leur territoire. L'histoire de la fin du XXe siècle et celle du début du XXIe siècle ont rappelé l'existence continuelle de rapports de forces qui s'expriment sans doute moins dans des conflits armés, mais qui se développent dans les sphères économiques, sociales et politiques. La compétitivité économique conduit souvent à des formes de guerre économiques, avec ses stratégies conduites ...

International audience ; After the collapse of the Soviet Union, many liberal economists considered that war had become obsolete in democratic and liberal countries, at least on their territory. The history of the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century has reminded us of the continuous existence of power relations that are probably less expressed in armed conflicts, but which develop in the economic, social and political spheres. Economic competitiveness often leads to forms of economic warfare, with its strategies conducted by States as well as by multinational firms that have become very powerful. Economic globalization is in crisis, on the one hand because economic interdependence between states is leading to a return of mercantilist thinking in governmental actions, and on the other hand because social inequalities in the world have increased, particularly with regard to the situation of the super-rich, but also inequalities based on race, gender or territory. The pacifism of the market economy is put to the test and the balance of power between economic and political actors is always present, especially because with the rise of cyber weapons, international insecurity is potentially increasing, in a world where interdependence has once again become a factor of weakness for the world's citizens. A reflection based on the philosophy of "enlightened catastrophism" could reduce some areas of environmental insecurity. ; Après l'effondrement de l'Union soviétique, nombre d'économistes de la pensée libérale considérait que, dans les pays démocratiques et libéraux, la guerre était devenue obsolète, au moins sur leur territoire. L'histoire de la fin du XXe siècle et celle du début du XXIe siècle ont rappelé l'existence continuelle de rapports de forces qui s'expriment sans doute moins dans des conflits armés, mais qui se développent dans les sphères économiques, sociales et politiques. La compétitivité économique conduit souvent à des formes de guerre économiques, avec ses stratégies conduites ...

This article examines representations of the female and male bodies in the Acid Survivors Foundation's (ASF) campaign materials and the assumptions of femininity, masculinity, violence and vulnerability underpinning these representations, in relation to the issue campaign strategies.
It finds that women survivors are represented in ASF's campaign materials as victimized, discriminated and vulnerable in every aspect of their life. Women survivors' bodies are represented as defaced, helpless mothers and marked women. Thus women's identity is constructed in the framework
of victimhood and disfigurement, helplessness and motherhood, further normalizing female victimization. Active women involved in life struggle and exercising agency are also represented, but not in the posters the most public campaign material. In contrast, men are presented as actors be it
as perpetrators of violence, as law-enforcement agents or as activists against violence. Thereby, women are mainly represented as objects of violence, and only secondarily as agents, while men are portrayed as subjects be it violent or protective. ASF's materials show how painfully women are
affected by acid throwing. However, lack of gender sensitivity reinforces dominant gender stereotypes, undermining feminist transformative politics and reinforcing patriarchal focus on the body of the women as the body of the disfigured, victimized Other.