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Are politically connected firms more likely to evade taxes? This paper presents evidence suggesting firms owned by President Ben Ali and his family were more prone to evade import tariffs. During Ben Ali's reign, evasion gaps, defined as the difference between the value of exports to Tunisia reported by partner countries and the value of imports reported at Tunisian customs, were correlated with the import share of connected firms. This association was especially strong for goods subject to high tariffs, and driven by underreporting of unit prices, which diminished after the revolution. Consistent with these product-level patterns, unit prices reported by connected firms were lower than those reported by other firms, and declined faster with tariffs than those of other firms. Moreover, privatization to the Ben Ali family was associated with a reduction in reported unit prices, whereas privatization per se was not.

Frederick G. Whelan, a leading scholar of Enlightenment political thought, provides an illuminating and incisive interpretation of key€18th- and 19th-century European political thinkers' accounts and assessments of the societies and political institutes of the non-Western world.

In the article, the authors analyze the formation of the political identity of citizens of Ukraine as a security factor of Ukrainian statehood. It is noted that, in addition to political identity, there are many other identities, that are presented in the form of a matrix, the components of which continuously interact with, complement and influence each other. In terms of methodology, the process of forming political identity is considered from the standpoint of symbolic interactionism, where the emphasis is placed on political interaction. In addition, in order to objectively assess the effectiveness of the formation of political identity and potential negative consequences in the form of a crisis of statehood, the mechanism for transforming a situational identity into a basic political identity is considered from the standpoint of post-structuralism. The study identifies and formulates criteria for constructing this basic type of political identity, the prerequisites for their formation and correlation with the actual political situation in Ukraine. The multitude of approaches to the study of the formation of political identity is complemented by the consideration of various models of its construction. Fragmental, elite and organic models are considered. Particular attention is paid to the leading role of the state in the process of forming political identity, where the key participants are political elites, the media and civil society. To determine how the perception of the degree of influence of each participant affects the process of political identity formation by the population of Ukraine at different periods of time, with its intermittent outbursts of social activity, the method of factor analysis is used. On the basis of the results of the analysis of the constructed triangular diagrams, two patterns are extracted. According to one, an increase in positive perception and integration into the process of socialization of models of the political identity formation proposed by the political elite is observed in society after each surge in mass protests that leads to a regime change. The other pattern is manifested in the revealed tendentiousness of the influence of the media and political elites on the security level of Ukrainian statehood and the growth of tension in society.

There is a relation between pol'al development & intra-regional balance of power within the 3rd world only. 2 of the chief preoccupations of the domestic policies of states are discussed which directly or indirectly affect their external policies, both within their own regions & with respect to the wider world. The idea of regional balances of power in the Afro-Asian-Latin Amer world has regained practical importance following the world movement towards decolonization, & it is likely to retain it in the near future. However, outside interventions, direct or indirect, complicate the application of the conception of intra-regional balance of power to the appropriate regions of Asia, Africa & Latin America. The only way for these regions to maintain their independence is to seek unity of action rather than hasty formations of formal pol'al unions. Modified IPSA.

This book provides an alternative approach to regionalism in neglected parts of the world. Taking stock of several decades of conceptualization, the author provides a political sociology approach of regionalisms fed by recent contributions from the sociology of international relations and public policy analysis. It uses a methodological rather than theoretical framework to bring a new perspective on an emerging field of comparative regionalism. The relational dimensions, the social contexts and characteristics of actors and their practices are key to shed a new light on what is considered in this book as a 'social international phenomenon'. Kevin Parthenay is Lecturer in Political Science at Sciences Po, France. Attached to the Centre for International Research and Studies (CERI) and to the Political Observatory for Latin American and the Caribbean (OPALC), his research focuses on comparative regionalism, Central American democracies and foreign policies.

This article explores the relative importance of pre-colonial institutional capacity and the effects of periods of peace and stability on long-term development outcomes in Nigeria. We use data on education, health, and public works at a provincial level from a variety of colonial and Nigerian state sources to apply a decade-by-decade analysis of public goods provision in Nigeria from 1900 to 2010. Using a newly constructed measure of pre-colonial institutional capacity our results suggest that colonial-era investments were influenced by pre-colonial conditions and that the pax colonia allowed for a strong path dependency until the second world war. Contrary to other studies, which find evidence of pre-colonial centralization affecting current outcomes. In particular, we find that the post-1945 era saw a break in the pattern developed earlier in the century. Rising regionalism from the 1950s led to violent conflict and military dictatorship and caused decades of unstable and unpredictable patterns of investment which ended only with the reestablishment of democracy in the 1990s. Therefore, a key explanatory variable to understanding patterns of public goods provision seems to be the level of political stability which the Nigerian state experienced at different points during the 20th century. [JEL codes: N00, O1, H4]

Contrary to the commonly held notion that Sufis are generally apolitical, contemporary scholars on Sufism, in general, have reached a consensus that Sufism has always been tinged with political colour. However, this perspective, though dominant, seems to under-appreciate the nuances of Sufism and at the same time denies Sufis' capacity to remain non-partisan whenever they choose to be. Against this backdrop, this article attempts to investigate four Sufi-regimes that have been politically active in contemporary Bangladesh. Analysing their evolution, it explains the stage in their growth when such regimes are likely to remain non-partisan and when they are likely to shed their visibly apolitical stance, take noticeably more political positions and/or form political party. It argues that before taking on an explicitly political character, a typical Sufi-regime usually undergoes at least three identifiable phases – namely, recognition, expansion and stabilisation, and lastly discipline through organisation. According to the analytical model presented here, Sufis in the recognition and expansion phase are unlikely to join politics, while those with a disciplined group of followers and murids can participate in the political process with a minimum level of encouragement from their respective surroundings.
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh (Hum.), Vol. 68(1), 2023, pp. 1-32

This paper is qualitative research of the concept of political integration. It represents case study of the concept of political integration appearing in the theory of neofunctionalism. The research focus could be identified with the concept of political integration, in the perspective of the theory of neofunctionalism. The purpose of this research paper is the cognition of a various types of the concept of political integration and its activating, from the perspectives of neofunctionalism. In the scope of this paper, for the purpose of the research, content analysis method and comparative method are used. Also, a special accent is laid on the terms of integration in a political sense, the term of political integration as a part of this broader one and the concept of spill-over effect. Within the concept of political integration, it could be understood various types of political integration. In parallel, the concept of spill-over effect is examined as concept with a huge role in the theory of neofunctionalism. The synthesis of the two mentioned concepts, the one of political integration and the one of spill-over effect, would answer the question of the activating the process of political integration, and its potential dependence of existing other types of integration in a political sense.

This article is a thought experiment. It constructs ideal types of political representation in the sense of Max Weber. Inspired by Quentin Skinner and others, the aim is to give a rhetorical turn to contemporary debates on representation. The core idea is to claim an 'elective affinity' (Wahlverwandschaft, as Weber says following Goethe) between forms of representation and rhetorical genres of their justification. The four ideal types of political representation are designated as plebiscitary, diplomatic, advocatory, and parliamentary, corresponding to the epideictic, negotiating, forensic, and deliberative genres of rhetoric as the respective ways to plausibly appeal to the audience. I discuss historical approximations of each type of representation and apply the combination of representation and rhetorical genres to the understanding of the European Union's unconventional system of 'separation of powers'. I conclude with supporting parliamentary representation, based on dissensus and debate, with complements from other types. ; peerReviewed

THIS ARTICLE DEALS WITH THE POLITICAL HERITAGE LEFT BY CHOU EN-LAI. HIS ECONOMIC POLICY LINE WAS CHARACTERIZED BY THE BUILDING UP OF A FUNCTIONAL, CAPABLE CADRE ORGANIZATION. IN FOREIGN POLICY, HE INTRODUCED THE THEORY OF THE THREE WORLDS, THE DOCTRINE OF "REVOLUTIONARY COMPROMISES", AND "PING-PONG DIPLOMACY". HE FAVORED A REMAISSANCE IN THE STUDY OF MARXIST SOURCES.

The political map of the world is probably the most common source of information regarding the reality of the political geography of our planet. The message of this information is created and transmitted by cartographers. They have the responsibility to realize an exact, complete and up-to-date message and also to communicate it properly (by graphic representation). The article points the political entities that should appear on the political map of the world: independent states, quasi-states, de jure states, de facto states, free associated states, federacies, dependent territories and international territories and discusses issues related to the use of appropriate symbols for their graphic representation. The paper is an appeal to make a proper political map of the world. The theoretical approach is attached by the author's practical effort: 5 maps including 6 of the de facto states and one de jure state.

In this paper we built a model of political economy to explain the tenure of coaches in Brazilian soccer. According to the model, a club's board of directors maximizes its reputation by choosing the grade of the technical committee. Then, based on data from the Brazilian National Soccer League, we used coaching continuity as a proxy for the grade variable and duration analysis techniques to test the model's propositions. According to the empirical analysis, and in line with the theoretical model, a coach's performance is key to determining his continuity at a club. This model allows us to identify a parameter that gives, literally, the effect of the club's performance upon the supporters' perception about the board's work. This parameter is an important determinant of the stability of a coach in charge of a soccer team. ; In this paper we built a model of political economy to explain the tenure of coaches in Brazilian soccer. According to the model, a club's board of directors maximizes its reputation by choosing the grade of the technical committee. Then, based on data from the Brazilian National Soccer League, we used coaching continuity as a proxy for the grade variable and duration analysis techniques to test the model's propositions. According to the empirical analysis, and in line with the theoretical model, a coach's performance is key to determining his continuity at a club. This model allows us to identify a parameter that gives, literally, the effect of the club's performance upon the supporters' perception about the board's work. This parameter is an important determinant of the stability of a coach in charge of a soccer team.

In this wide-ranging and multidisciplinary volume, leading scholars, activists, journalists, and public figures deliberate about the creative and critical potential of public imagination in an era paradoxically marked by intensifying globalization and resurgent nationalism. Divided into five sections, these essays explore the social, political, and cultural role of imagination and civic engagement, offering cogent, ingenious reflections that stand in stark contrast to the often grim rhetoric of our era. Short and succinct, the essays engage with an interconnected ensemble of themes and issues while also providing insights into the specific geographical and social dynamics of each author's national or regional context. Part 1 introduces the reader to theoretical reflections on imagination and the public sphere;Part 2 illustrates dynamics of public imagination in a diverse set of cultural contexts;Part 3 reflects in various ways on the urgent need for a radically transformed public and civic imagination in the face of worldwide ecological crisis;Part 4 suggests new societal possibilities that are related to spiritual as well as politically revolutionary sources of inspiration;Part 5 explores characteristics of present and potentially emerging global society and the existing transnational framework that could provide resources for a more humane global order.Erudite and thought-provoking, On Public Imagination makes a vital contribution to political thought, and is accessible to activists, students, and scholars alike.

We develop and study a two-period model of political competition with office- and policymotivated candidates, in which (i) changes of policies impose costs on all individuals and (ii) such costs increase with the magnitude of the policy change. We show that there is an optimal positive level of costs of change that minimizes policy polarization and maximizes welfare. One interpretation of this finding is that societies with intermediate levels of conservatism achieve the highest welfare and the lowest polarization levels. We apply our model to the design of optimal re-election hurdles. In particular, we show that raising the vote-share needed for re-election above 50% weakly reduces policy polarization and tends to increase welfare. Furthermore, we identify circumstances where the optimal re-election hurdle is strictly larger than 50%.