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The aim of this study is analyzing the narratives of survivors of thewar in northwestern Bosnia in the 1990s. The focus lies on analyzing interviewees' description of war-time violence and also analyzingdiscursive patterns that contribute in constructing the phenomenon"war violence". Analysis shows that the interpersonal interactions thatcaused the violence continue even after the violent situation is over.Recollections from perpetrators and those subjected to violence of thewar do not exist only as verbal constructions in Bosnia of today.Stories about violent situations live their own lives after the war andcontinue being important to individuals and social life. The crimescommitted in northwestern Bosnia are qualified as genocide accordingto indictments against former Serbian leaders Radovan Karadžić andRatko Mladić. All interviewees in this study experienced and survivedthe war in northwestern Bosnia. These individuals have a present,ongoing relation with these communities: Some live therepermanently, and some spend their summers in northwestern Bosnia.Institutions in the administrative entity Republika Srpska (to whichnorthwestern Bosnia now belong administratively) deny genocide,and this approach to war-time events becomes a central theme infuture, post-war analysis of the phenomena "war violence", and"reconciliation". Therefore, it is very important to analyze the politicalelite's denial of the systematic acts of violence during the war thathave been conveyed by the Hague Tribunal, the Court of Bosnia andHerzegovina onWar Crime, and Bosnian media. The narratives in myempirical material seem to be influenced by (or coherent with) therhetoric mediated in these fora. When informants emphasizeextermination and the systematization of violence during the war, theyproduce and reproduce the image of a mutual struggle on a collectivelevel. The aim of this struggle seems to be that the described acts ofviolence be recognized as genocide.

La Loi sur l'indemnisation des victimes d'actes criminels du Québec indemnise à l'heure actuelle les femmes et les enfants qui sont victimes d'agression sexuelle au sein de la famille. Lorsque la loi a été adoptée en 1972, le législateur québécois ne visait pas ce genre de victime ni ce genre de violence. En analysant la jurisprudence québécoise en ce domaine, l'auteure cherche à mettre en lumière un problème touchant l'application de cette loi, problème découlant de la nature des infractions commises ainsi que des caractéristiques particulières des victimes. Après une courte description du champ d'application de la loi, l'auteure examine les délais de prescription pour réclamer une indemnisation. Il est bien connu que les victimes d'abus sexuels au sein de la famille ne sont pas toujours capables de respecter ce délai de prescription en raison de la nature de la violence impliquée. Pour mieux répondre aux besoins des victimes, l'auteure propose de nouvelles voies d'interprétation et de réforme législatives. L'analyse de l'auteure se fonde sur une approche équitable qui favorise l'accès à la justice pour les victimes d'abus sexuels au sein de la famille tout en assurant la protection de leurs droits fondamentaux.

In the past two decades, military & civilian UN personnel in the field have increasingly fallen victim to criminal & targeted violence. The spectacular terrorist attacks against UN premises & personnel in Baghdad in 2003 & Algiers in 2007 have triggered reforms of the UN security-management system. The United Nations has made efforts to better coordinate the various bodies that form part of the system & to facilitate cooperation between UN agencies & public authorities of host countries. It also contributed to the development of public international law in an attempt to strengthen the legal conditions necessary to hold perpetrators accountable. Noticeable improvements notwithstanding, the efforts have so far failed to assure that the United Nations can effectively live up to its legal & moral responsibility to guarantee the security of its personnel. The organization must therefore intensify its reform efforts & develop a holistic approach that addresses both the symptoms & the root causes of the rising level of violence against UN personnel. Adapted from the source document.

In 2013, Minnesota's Fourth Judicial District was one of four courts in the country selected by the U.S. Department of Justice, Office on Violence Against Women to receive a Family Court Enhancement Project (FCEP) grant, a multiyear demonstration initiative designed to build the capacity of court systems and partner stakeholders to improve child custody decision making in cases involving domestic violence. The FCEP enabled the project sites to explore, implement, and assess new and innovative court and noncourt procedures and practices. This article is an exploration of the outcomes of this project.

A report on a critical survey of the major articles in the first 12 Vol's of the Journal of Conflict Resolution. A control paradigm is used as a conceptual organizing device for highly diverse approaches to soc conflict originating in the soc & behavioral sci' s. 6 phenomenological areas are examined: internat' 1 war, internat' 1 systems, internat' 1 bargaining, nat' 1 decision-making, conflict within & between, & third parties. Alternating sections deal with 6 central & difficult concepts in the study of conflict: violence, power, utility, rationality, consensus, & guilt. A number of gaps are noted in the material: historical treatments of past wars, a sociol of war, & studies of internat' 1 trade in relation to internat' 1 conflict. ' Psychol'- al' & 'rational' models of decision-making have not yet been adequately reconciled. Consensus within soc groupings, both as a condition & as a process, deserves more careful attention because it involves the 'withinness' & 'betweenness' of conflict. Tentative suggestions are made about a number of other aspects of this complex field of study. HA.

Using the survey responses of 522 married men (eighteen to fifty-one years) in Vietnam, we explored how gendered social learning in boyhood and challenges to men's expected status in marriage may increase the risk that men perpetrate intimate partner violence (IPV) against their wives. Over one-third (36.6 percent) of the participants reported having ever perpetrated psychological, physical, or sexual IPV against their current wife. Accounting for other characteristics of men in the sample, witnessing IPV as a boy, being physically maltreated as a boy, and being the same age or younger than one's wife were associated with almost two to three times higher odds of perpetrating any IPV. Men with thirteen to eighteen completed grades of schooling had about half the adjusted odds of ever perpetrating any IPV than men with twelve or fewer completed grades (aOR = 0.56). The determinants of men's perpetration of physical IPV and psychological IPV were, largely, similar. Programs to prevent men's perpetration of IPV should address the parenting practices of boys that legitimize men's aggression and gendered status expectations in marriage, which when challenged, may lead husbands to respond with violence. Engaging men to endorse nonviolent masculinities is an important consideration for future intervention.

This research examined domestic violence services and programs provided in rural and urban Pennsylvania. It identified the potential gaps in services and assessed programs adequacies from the perspective of program leaders. The study examined the needs and characteristics of both agencies and their clients. In addition, barriers to effective delivery of domestic violence services in Pennsylvania was examined.
A Structured questionnaire was used as a primary method of data collection and explored answers for research question on the challenges and opportunities Domestic Violence agencies' leaderships experiences in providing services. Sampling frame included 60 service providers from Pennsylvania, of which 45 agencies serving the survivors of Domestic Violence participated. Funding for this research was provided by a University grant and the partnership with Pennsylvania Coalition Against Domestic Violence provided technical assistance and access to agencies. The agency leaders who agreed to participate were contacted and both in person and telephonic interviews were conducted. The interview lasted for about 45 -60 minutes.
The study found that there is a wide consensus among leaders that transportation and transitional housing services are inadequate in their program service areas while services like crisis hotline, general advocacy and case management are exceptional.
Over 50% of the agencies did not comment on the adequacies of the services such as Job Coaching, Immigrations services, Divorce/Custody representation, and Criminal Court representation.
The results have several policy implications regarding federal and state government programs, specifically considerations to fund transportation, transitional housing and legal advocacy services.

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a serious global public health problem and contributes significantly to high rate of domestic violence. IPV remains the most prevalent form of violence against women (VAW) worldwide; and global estimates of VAW suggest that 35% of all women will experience either IPV or non-partner sexual violence in their lifetime. Hence, this study aimed at assessing the factors influencing disclosure of intimate partner violence among women aged 25-50 years in selected Primary Health Centres, Oyo State. This study is a descriptive research survey design conducted among young and middle age women in selected primary health care centres, Ibadan North-West Local Government Area, Oyo State between August and September, 2021. Sample size was calculated using Leslie Kish formula and the total number of sample used were three hundred and five (305) women. Facilities were selected using multistage sampling technique while the samples were selected using convenient sampling technique. A structured questionnaire on factors influencing intimate partner disclosure with reliability index of 0.75 was used for data collection. Data collected were analysed using descriptive statistics of frequencies, percentages, mean and standard deviation while inferential statistics of chi-square was used to test stated hypotheses at 0.05 level of significance. The findings revealed high prevalence of intimate partner violence among women, majority of women were willing to disclose intimate partner violence with their family, pastors or imam. However, reason for non disclosure were attributed to the fact that they have never experience intimate partners before, intimate partner violence has become normal things among couples, fear of being stigmatized and that disclosing the violence will not change anything. Factors influencing the disclosure of intimate partner violence include dependence on partner for financial support, societal views about intimate partner violence, level of education , years of relationship, presence of children, religious belief, fear of worse outcomes, social support , access to information about intimate partners violence , feeling of embarrassment/shame, taking intimate partners as normal and societal status of partners, were identified as factors influencing intimate partners disclosure among young and middle age women. This study concluded that many young and middle age women experienced intimate partner violence and many of them are willing to disclose it to others. Therefore, awareness about intimate partner violence and the dangers of non-disclosure should be created among women.

Between the beginning of the 1960s and the early 1980s, Wine Action Committees in Languedoc regularly claimed for bombings against public buildings and trading companies. The clandestine network formed in this way then loses its visibility, before further violence is brought to its attention from the end of the 1990s. The variations recorded can be linked to the structure of relations between the wine unions and the public authorities from one period to the next. In order to decrypt the logic behind the destruction, two analysis registers are crossed: the focus was on the way in which professional organisations set up the group they proposed to defend and which they declared to be representative; at the same time, attention is paid to the labelling that national and European administrations can offer them on a competitive basis. The statement is based on the results of a survey carried out in the department of Aude. ; International audience ; Between the beginning of the 1960s and the early 1980s, Wine Action Committees in Languedoc regularly claimed for bombings against public buildings and trading companies. The clandestine network formed in this way then loses its visibility, before further violence is brought to its attention from the end of the 1990s. The variations recorded can be linked to the structure of relations between the wine unions and the public authorities from one period to the next. In order to decrypt the logic behind the destruction, two analysis registers are crossed: the focus was on the way in which professional organisations set up the group they proposed to defend and which they declared to be representative; at the same time, attention is paid to the labelling that national and European administrations can offer them on a competitive basis. The statement is based on the results of a survey carried out in the department of Aude. ; Entre le début des années 1960 et le début des années 1980, des Comités d'action viticole défraient la chronique dans le Languedoc en revendiquant ...

This article argues that it is not Buddhism, per se, but rather Buddhist extremism, that is responsible for violence against relevant out-groups. Moreover, it suggests that the causes of Buddhist extremism, rather than being determined solely by textual and scriptural justifications for out-group violence, are rooted instead in the intersection between social psychology and theology, rather than organically arising from the latter, per se. This article unpacks this argument by a deeper exploration of Theravada Buddhist extremism in Sri Lanka. It argues that religious extremism, including its Buddhist variant, is best understood as a fundamentalist belief system that justifies structural violence against relevant out-groups. A total of seven of the core characteristics of the religious extremist are identified and employed to better grasp how Buddhist extremism in Sri Lanka manifests itself on the ground. These are: the fixation with maintaining identity supremacy ; in-group bias ; out-group prejudice ; emphasis on preserving in-group purity via avoidance of commingling with the out-group ; low integrative complexity expressed in binary thinking ; dangerous speech in both soft- and hard-modes ; and finally, the quest for political power, by force if needed. Future research could, inter alia, explore how these seven characteristics also adequately describe other types of religious extremism.

This article argues that it is not Buddhism, per se, but rather Buddhist extremism, that is responsible for violence against relevant out-groups. Moreover, it suggests that the causes of Buddhist extremism, rather than being determined solely by textual and scriptural justifications for out-group violence, are rooted instead in the intersection between social psychology and theology, rather than organically arising from the latter, per se. This article unpacks this argument by a deeper exploration of Theravada Buddhist extremism in Sri Lanka. It argues that religious extremism, including its Buddhist variant, is best understood as a fundamentalist belief system that justifies structural violence against relevant out-groups. A total of seven of the core characteristics of the religious extremist are identified and employed to better grasp how Buddhist extremism in Sri Lanka manifests itself on the ground. These are: the fixation with maintaining identity supremacy; in-group bias; out-group prejudice; emphasis on preserving in-group purity via avoidance of commingling with the out-group; low integrative complexity expressed in binary thinking; dangerous speech in both soft-and hard-modes; and finally, the quest for political power, by force if needed. Future research could, inter alia, explore how these seven characteristics also adequately describe other types of religious extremism. ; Published version

This paper explores the interconnections of Hindutva fascist repertoires in India and quasi-orientalist discourses. History and common sense are re-written through audiovisual communications to appeal to one section of a dangerously split Indian public and a neoliberal-touristic sensibility elsewhere. Enlightenment rhetorics of progress, democracy and technological development are apparently embodied by WhatsApp groups, electronic voting machines and laws to protect cows. Voting—as a marker of democratic citizenship—becomes a masquerade protecting a resurgent far right Hindutva (Hindu fascist) regime under the aegis of Narendra Modi and the BJP. Caste Hinduism's association of cows with deities, and the proscription on meat-eating in certain versions of religious practice, are used as pretexts for unimaginable violence against Muslims, Christians, Dalits, and working class/lower caste Hindus. Violence against those who dissent is rationalised as patriotic. Hindutva's banal and spectacular audiovisual discourse overwhelms public communication. Its consequences are a form of vigilante citizenship that is marked on the bodies of dead victims and of vigilante publics ready to be mobilised either in ethno-cultural violence or its defence and disavowal. Meanwhile, attracted to India as an enormous market, Western governments and corporations have colluded with the Hindutva regime's self-promotion as a bastion of development.