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This dissertation concerns the US presidential use of heroic framing in connection with foreign policy. I identify "heroic framing" as speech which describes policies in terms evoking the heroic narrative, either explicitly or implicitly through references to heroic characters. The technique of heroic framing both encourages audiences to view a situation in terms of stark moral absolutes and normalizes casualties and violence as an aspect of these heroic conflicts. This rhetorical technique thereby combines fear appeals with important dimensions of inspiration and reassurance. To develop this concept, I draw primarily on Jungian archetype, social psychology, organizational leadership and feminist international relations theory. My ultimate aim is to see whether the president's heroic framing of foreign policy heightens domestic support of and foreign attention to those policies. Extending Samuel Kernell's theory of "going public" and James Fearon's theory of audience costs, I hypothesize that presidents use heroic framing as a multivocal signal. First, by using heroic framing, presidents seek to increase domestic support for politically contentious policies. Meanwhile, by speaking forcefully about a subject in heroic terms, presidents also cue foreign leaders to the seriousness of their intentions. To test the hypothesis that presidents use heroic framing strategically and do gain greater domestic and foreign attention as a result, I employ a multi-modal research design. I first use a content-analytic and statistical approach to measure the impact of the president's rhetorical choices on the media, on congressional action, and on public opinion polls for every month from 1981 through 2005. I then perform two historical case studies to examine the impact of the president's use of heroic imagery on domestic and foreign response to US foreign policies during 1983 and during the 2001-2004 period. Along the way to testing my main hypotheses, I use the extensive database I created of the presidential use of heroic rhetoric to explore differences in the use of heroic imagery across individual presidents, across policy domains, in response to presidential popularity crises, and in the context of war. Through statistical analysis, I determine that the president's use of heroic imagery does increase domestic attention to foreign policy subjects. Similarly, presidential speech patterns suggest that foreign policy targets would do well to respond to the US president's increased use of heroic framing, since it does generally signal commitment to conflict. These statistical findings of the significance of heroic framing are supported by an examination of the cases of 1983 and 2001-2004. In 1983, Ronald Reagan's use of heroic framing for policy advocacy and for public reassurance was misinterpreted by the USSR as a signal of conflict commitment - a misperception which very nearly led to nuclear war. Meanwhile, in the period 2001-2004 George W. Bush made extensive use of heroic framing to promote the War on Terror and the Iraq War. Through an analysis of opinion polls, I determined that even after the US failed to find weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, Bush's intensive use of this technique led to an increase in domestic support for his Iraq War policy, which provided a critical boost to his 2004 re-election effort.

The history is intended as the first comprehensive examination of the role of Austrian history in the visual arts of the Habsburg monarchy between 1804 and 1918. At its centre are the following three key questions: What status did the general preoccupation with history acquire? What where the favorite historical subjects for artistic representation? What significance did the Habsburgs´own history (almost endlessly "extendible" all the way back to its fictitious mythical beginnings) hold for the issues of the day? Works of art contribute to the creation of traditions in a double sense: a given work simultaneously contains and creates history. A work of art is also a medium for social identification, facilitating communication between the monarch and the people. Investigating the characteristics of the different "reflections on history" in the visual arts in Austria in the 19th century led to the practical necessity of significantly widening the known material basis. It became apparent that previous research was based on a relatively limited range of works (primarily "high art") and failed to relate these works to literary documents from the fiields of historiography or belles-lettres. I believe it is only by expanding the basis in terms of both word and picture documentation that a reliable overview of the different strategies pursued by Habsburg iconography can be gained. Not only did my chosen methodology seem expedient, and indeed almost indispensable for an examination of concrete historical cases, it also reveals that this interlocking approach (furthermore justified by the nature of the material) based on interrelating picture and text media contains the very key to a proper investigation of the historical art of the 19th century. In approaching the central questions, this study begins with an introduction that looks at concepts and methodology and charts the difficult formation of the "Austrian nation" from "Casa d´Austria" to the Habsburg "nation state". The second chapter examines the relevance of the Austrian 18th century in the consciousness of the following century based on the examples of rulers Maria Theresia and Joseph II. This is folloewd almost of necessity by a long section on the ruler iconography of the period Emperor Franz II (I) to Emperor Franz Joseph I. The visual strategies of the Habsburg rulers in the 19th century and the inseparable question of the legitimation of the Austrian Empire in the years after 1848 steer attention back to the quest for "origins" and to the Habsburg "insurance policy" of evoking the figure of founding father Rudolf I. This forms the main focus of the fourth chapter. In this context, the various appeals to the famous progenitor assume the character of an "underpinning" myth (Jan Assmann). The final chapter attempts to provide answers to questions relating to the "flowering" of Austrian historiography in the 19th century relative to historical interpretations in painting. The complex genesis of the celebration of glorious Austrian deeds ist examined on the basis of the concrete example of "military iconography" and the decoration of the "hall of fame" in the "Arsenal" in Vienna.

All of this digging pays off, unearthing a river of aper#231;us and scathing insights that provoke thought. There's a brilliant riff on George Gilder as chief ideologue of the new class struggle, that is, the one that pits Entrepreneurial Man against the resentful world of old money, which conspires through its control of the media, universities, and the liberal foundations to get the poor to join in unholy alliance against the forces of creative destruction. A bon mot captures the fatuousness and empty sentimentality of the new 'people's capitalism': 'all Capra, no CIO.' Just for the sneaky pleasure of it, one wants to thank Frank for ferreting out an ad like this one from Merrill Lynch: 'Corporations like to refer to themselves as `families.' Shouldn't it be the other way around?'; or for bringing to our attention cover stories like the one entitled 'Free Agent Nation' (appearing in Fast Company, the sassiest of these market populist publications), which, topsy turvy, re-imagines the now casualized white-collar salartariat as brash, empowered, in-your-face folk not about to take any guff from their corporate employers. The Street is a boulevard open to all, a veritable 'socialism of the stock exchange.' Generation X, Frank shows us, is sold the privatization of Social Security in the idiom of coolness; investing as the ultimate act of generational rebellion. Frank uses his favorite management Punchinello, Tom Peters, to let us in on just how crazy things can get. In the culminating, 'extremist' phase of market populism, Peters, once the promoter of 'excellence,' has mutated into the Darth Vader of corporate death, a kind of market terrorist, a true believer that 'destruction is cool,' so cool he recommends that management create a new post, a CDO or 'Chief Destruction Officer.' A fair amount of what Frank applauds as genuine economic democracy, that is, the public oversight and regulation of the 'free market,' arose out of what might be crudely characterized as the war between new money and old. The antitrust movement, the 'money trust' investigations of 1913, the Pecora hearings of the early thirties, Louis Brandeis's war on railroad monopolies, New Deal-era securities and banking legislation, the attack on the public utility holding company, Keynesian fiscal policy, even the justly ridiculed Sherman antitrust act (which nonetheless Bill Gates is now compelled to wrestle with) drew inspiration and energy from various sources. But segments of the business community were always prominent among them. Taking the longer view, it is nearly impossible to exaggerate the antiquity and stature of Entrepreneurial Man within the American public imagination. A century and a half before anyone dreamed up market populism, he was there at the birth of the movement for 'free soil, free labor, free men' and other allied struggles for economic democracy. It's hardly necessary to genuflect in gratitude to recognize that the 'business community' frequently fails to act communally, that its multiple fissures generate diverging tendencies, some more and some less friendly to the unrestricted free market.

Die vergangenen Jahrzehnte deuten auf eine intensive Veränderung in den Beschäftigungssystemen. Doch herrscht Unklarheit darüber, wie tiefgreifend sich in Zukunft diese Entwicklung fortsetzen wird. Im aktuellen wissenschaftlichen Diskurs um den Wandel der Arbeitswelt stellen der Niedriglohnsektor, der dritte Sektor und die "neuen Selbständigen" die Bühnen für zukünftige beschäftigungspolitische Strategien dar. Die Arbeitsmärkte von Künstlern und Publizisten bieten in ihrer Vielfältigkeit dabei reichhaltiges Anschauungsmaterial. Viele Künstler und Publizisten arbeiten als ehrenamtliche Mitarbeiter im Kulturbereich, erzielen Einkünfte durch niedrig bezahlte Dienstleistungen oder treten auf den Markt als die "neuen Selbständigen". Dabei bewegen sie sich häufig zwischen Sequenzen von Erwerbs- und Nichterwerbszeiten und arbeiten traditionell unter Arbeitsbedingungen, die nicht dem Normalarbeitsverhältnis entsprechen. Ihre Beschäftigungsverhältnisse und ihr Erwerb beruhen häufig nicht auf unbefristeten Vollzeitarbeitsverhältnissen. Somit vollzieht sich ihre Arbeit oft in einem organisatorischen Umfeld, das weder der lohnabhängigen noch der selbständig unternehmerischen Tätigkeit entspricht. So lautet die Kernfrage des vorliegenden Essays, inwieweit Arbeitsmärkte der Künstler und Publizisten zukunftsweisend für Beschäftigungssysteme sein können und Hinweise auf prinzipielle Veränderungen in anderen Berufs- und Tätigkeitsfeldern geben. Insbesondere die Analyse der in diesem Segment angebotenen Lösungsstrategien für die zunehmenden Unsicherheiten von Beschäftigungsverhältnissen können für eine zukünftige Wissens- und Mediengesellschaft von Bedeutung sein. Die empirische Grundlage dieser Arbeit bildet eine Analyse der Daten des Mikrozensus 1995 in Deutschland. In einer vergleichenden Analyse des Gesamtarbeitsmarktes und der Entwicklung der Künstler- und Publizistenarbeitsmärkte werden strukturelle Veränderungen in der Erwerbsarbeit nachgezeichnet. Dabei werden die Funktionsprinzipien dieser Teilarbeitsmärkte anhand einzelner Merkmale wie beispielsweise der Qualifikations- und Finanzstrukturen, der Lohnmechanismen und Modelle der sozialen Sicherung diskutiert. Abschließend werden die arbeitsmarkt- und beschäftigungspolitischen Instrumente aufgezeigt, die den wachsenden Unsicherheiten und Risiken in den Beschäftigungsverhältnissen begegnen können. Im Gegensatz zur klassischen Vollbeschäftigungsstrategie wird die regulative Idee der Übergangsarbeitsmärkte vorgeschlagen, die Lösungen für die Veränderungen in den Beschäftigungssystemen bereitstellt. ; In recent decades there have been signs of major changes in employment systems, although there is no agreement on the extent and direction of these changes. Current debates are focusing on the potential of the low wage sector, the non-profit-sector and self-employment for future employment strategies. An illustrative example of these developments can be found in the labour markets for artists and journalists. Many artists and journalists work as volunteers in the cultural sector, gain their revenues in the low paid services sector, or enter the market as "new self-employed". Often they move between employment and non-employment under conditions which do not correspond to the "standard employment relationship" (Normalarbeitsverhältnis). Their working conditions and earnings are often not based on permanent full-time jobs. Their work is often characterised by an organisational environment that corresponds neither to classical wage dependency nor to autonomous entrepreneurship. By examining the economic and employment conditions of artists and journalists we can ask: To what extent does their experience represent a model of future employment that can provide insights into substantial changes in the overall employment system? Our analysis of strategies to protect against uncertain working conditions in this segment can indicate important policy lessons for a future information- and media- society. The empirical part of the paper analyses data drawn from the national labour force survey (German Mikrozensus 1995). In comparing the labour markets for artists and journalists in the context of the total labour market, we indicate prospective structural changes in the employment system. The mechanisms of these occupational labour market segments are discussed on the basis of individual characteristics, such as the level of qualification and financial structures, the wage mechanisms as well as models of social security. Finally the paper illustrates how labour market and employment policy can react to increasing uncertainties and risks in employment conditions. In contrast to the standard "full employment" strategy, the paper suggests the regulatory idea of transitional labour markets which suggests policy responses to changes in the employment systems.

Following the trial of the six intellectuals, one of Yugoslavia's best-known writers announced the formation of a committee to defend free thought On 10 November 1984, five days after the trial of the 'Belgrade Six' began, the well-known Yugoslav novelist Dobrica Ćosić announced the setting up of the Committee for the Freedom of Thought and Expression. The Ćosić Committee manifesto was signed by 19 most eminent Serbian men of letters, art and science, including 12 members of the prestigious Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. What is most striking about the signatories is that they cover the whole spectrum of opinion of the Belgrade intelligentsia, from pre-war party veterans (Gojko Nikoliš, Tanasije Mladenović), Marxist philosophers of the Praxis group (Mihailo Marković, Ljubomir Tadić), advocates of pluralistic socialist democracy (Kosta Čavoški), and the so-called 'nationalists' (Matija Bećković, Mića Popović) to public figures who simply want an affirmation of the rule of law in a country which has had more than its fair share of lawlessness, both under the present and previous regimes, not to mention the terrible wartime period when Yugoslavs, possessed by the demon of self-destruction, engaged in a bloody and tragic civil war. Dobrica Ćosić sent the manifesto with a covering letter to the official news agency Tanjug, the radio and television services of the eight Yugoslav republics and provinces, and 30 dailies, weeklies and periodicals. The media responded with a vitriolic campaign against Ćosić and his committee. A Belgrade Radio commentary said the manifesto was 'inspired by a desire to portray the social system in Yugoslavia as a reign of ideological terror, bureaucratic arbitrariness, police persecution — in a word, Stalinism'. Belgrade's Politika Ekspres implied that Ćosić had joined Tito's partisans (he was the political commissar of a partisan unit in Serbia) only because he wanted to be on the winning side. Zagreb's Vjesnik liked this so much that it decided to reprint it, adding its own subheadings (one of them read: 'A Dirty Business'), but Belgrade's Književne Novine deplored this attempt to cast a slur on Ćosić's wartime record. While Književne Novine was the only paper to spring to Ćosić's defence, the hardline Croatian youth weekly Polet was the only one to carry the committee's manifesto and Ćosić's covering letter, though only to attack both Ćosić and Western critics of the current wave of repression in Yugoslavia. Vjesnik took Ćosić to task for visiting Zagreb in order to canvass support for his initiative, publishing its attack under the heading Gedža u Zagrebu (' The [Serbian] Yokel in Zagreb'). Zagreb's Večernji List said: 'The political prompters and ideological fathers of the Belgrade petitioners have now at long last appeared on the stage and presented themselves to the public…. They obviously feel morally obliged to come to the aid of their puppets now standing trial for hostile activity.' NIN wondered whether Yugoslav opposition elements were appealing for an intervention from abroad. We are grateful to the London-based South Slav Journal for the English translation.

Issue 23.6 of the Review for Religious, 1964. ; Communications Media by Vatican Council II 689 Religious Life by Paul VI 698 Matthew, Chapter 19 by Lucien Legrand, M.E.P. 705 Chastity and Psychosexual Developmen.t by Richard P. Vaughan, S.J. 715 Psychosexual Development in Religious Life by Richard A. McCormick, S.J. 724 Means of Aggiornamento by Brother Philip Harris, O.S.F. 742 Sacraments--Consecrations and Dedications by Clarence R. McAuliffe, S.J. 750 Reflections of a Student-Brother by David A. Fleming, S.M. 761 The Art of Smal! Talk by Sister Rose Alice, S.S.J. 766 Religious Poverty by Paul J. Bernadicou, S.J. 770 Survey of Roman Documents 779 Views, News, Previews 785 Questions and Answers 788 Book Reviews 796 Indices for 1964 811 VOLUIHE 23 Nu~m~.R 6 November 1964 VATICAN COUNCIL II Decree on Communications Media PAUL BISHOP THE SERVANT OF THE SERVANTS OF GOD TOGETHER WITH THE FATHERS OF THE COUNCIL FOR A PERPETUAL RECORD OF THE MATTER 1. Among* the remarkable discoveries of technology which human intelligence especially in modern times has been able to make with the help of God, the Church gives a special welcome and importance to those which are principally concerned with men's minds and which have opened up new ways of easily communicating every kind of news, ideas, and principles. Outstanding among these discoveries are those media (such as the press, movies, radio, television, and the like) which of their nature are able to reach and influence not only individuals but also the masses and the whole of society. For this reason these media can rightfully be called the means of social com-munication. 2. The Church recognizes that these media, if they are rightly used, can be of the greatest service to the hu-man race since they contribute greatly to human recrea-tion and formation and to the spread and strengthening of the kingdom of God. But she also realizes that men can use these media in a way which is contrary to the plan of the Creator and can turn them to their own loss. More-over, she experiences a mother's sorrow at the harm which * The official Latin text of this decree (which begins with the words Inter rairilica) is given in dcta dpostolicae Sedis, v. 56 (1964), pp. 145-57. Paragraph enumeration in the translation is taken from the original text. Vatican Council I1 VOLUME 23, 1964 689 ÷ Vatican Cour~il !1 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS has too often resulted for human society from the wrong use of these media. Therefore, this Council, continuing the watchful care given by popes and bishops to this important matter, judges that it is its duty to deal with the principal ques-tions connected with the media of social communication. It trusts, moreover, that the teaching and directives it proposes will contribute not only to the salvation of the faithful but also to the progress of the entire human community. CHAPTER I 3. Since the Catholic Church was instituted by Christ our Lord to bring salvation to all men and is therefore under an urgent obligation to preach the gospel, she considers it to be a part of her duty to proclaim the good news of salvation by means of these media of social communications and to instruct men about their proper use. The Church, therefore, has a natural right to use and possess every type of these media insofar as they are necessary or useful for Christian education and for the work of saving souls; and it is the duty of the bishops to so train and direct the faithful that by the help of these media they may attain their own salvation and per-fection as well as that of the entire human family. On the other hand, it is the special concern of the laity to imbue these media with that humane and Chris-tian spirit which will make them fully correspond to the high expectations of the human race and to the divine plan. 4. For the right use of these media, it is absolutel~ necessary that those who use them should know the norms of the moral law and should conscientiously apply them to this area of activity. Accordingly, they should consider the matter which is communicated according to the special nature of each medium. Moreover, they must take into account all the conditions and circumstances of the purposes, persons, places, times, and so forth under which communication takes place and which can influence or' even change its morality. Among these elements there is to be included the special way in which each of thesel media works, since this is a force which can be so great that human beings, especially if they are unprepared, can' find it difficult to notice; control, and, if necessary, re-j( ct it. 5. Abbve all, however, it is necessary that all con~ cerned in the matter should form a correct conscien~ with regard'to the use of these media and especially with respect to dertain questions that are keenly discussed in our time. The first of these questions is concerned with what is termed "information"--the gathering and dissemina-tion of news. It is certainly clear that this has become a very useful and for the most part a necessary activity because of the progress of human society and the greater closeness of its members. The speedy and public com-munication of events and ,happenings provides each individual with a fuller and steady knowledge of these matters; in this way all men can contribute effectively to the common good and can assist in the further progress of civil society. Therefore, in human society there is a right to information about matters which, each in its own way, concern individual men or society. The cor-rect exercise of this right, however, requires that what is communicated should always be true and, within the bounds of justice and love, complete. Besides, the way in which it is communicated must be proper and decent; in other words, both in the gathering and divul-gation of news, moral law !and the legitimate rights and dignity of man must bei respected: not all knowl-edge is profitable and "charity builds up character" (1 Cor 8:1). 6. The second question is concerned with the rela-tionship between what are termed the rights of art and the norms of the moral law. ~Since the growing contro-versies in this matter not infrequently originate from false notions about ethics and esth~etics, the Council decrees that all must hold in an absolute way the primacy of the objective moral law which of itself surpasses and properly coordinates all other levels of human affairs, whatever their dignity and including the level of art. Only the moral order attains to man in his entire nature as a ra-tional creature of God called to a supernatural goal; and only it, if it be completely and faithfully observed, leads man to the full possession of perfection and hap-piness. 7. Finally, the narration, description, or representation of evil by means of the media of social communication can genuinely contribute to a profounder knowledge of man; and by means of appropriate dramatic contrast, it can serve to manifest and exalt the greatness of truth and goodness. Nevertheless, in order to prevent harm rather than profit coming from this, the moral law must be obeyed especially in the case of matters which require a reverent treatment or which can easily arouse evil desires in man wounded as he is by original sin. 8. Since at the present time public opinion wields the greatest influence and power on the private and public life of all classes of society, it is necessary that all members of society should fulfill their obligations of justice and love in this area; accordingly, they should + + + Communications Media VOLUME 2;1, 1964 69! Vatican Council I1 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 692 t strive to form and spread correct public opinion by means of these communications media. 9. Special obligations bind all the readers, viewers, and listeners who by their personal and free choice re-ceive the communications made by these media. Correct choice demands that they give their full support to those presentations which are distinguished for their moral, intellectual, and artistic content; moreover, they should avoid those presentations which might be for them a cause or an occasion of spiritual harm or which can lead others into danger through bad example or which hinder good presentations and promote bad ones. This last frequently happens when payment is made to those who employ communications media only for financial returns. To carry out the moral law, those who receive these communications have a duty not to omit finding out in due time the judgments that have been made by those competent in the area; likewise, they must not negle.ct to follow these judgments in accord with the norms of a correct conscience. And in order that they may more easily resist less correct inducements and give their full support to what is good, they should take care to guide and form their consciences by suitable means. 10. Those who receive these communications--espe-cially young people--should take care that they accustom themselves to moderation and self-control in the use of these media. Moreover, they should endeavor to gain a thorough knowledge of what .they see, hear, and read; they should discuss these matters with their teachers and with those expert in the particular field and thus learn to pass a correct judgment on them. Parents should be mindful of their duty to take watchful care that shows, publications, and so forth that are opposed to faith and morality do not enter the home and do not reach their children elsewhere. 11. The principal moral responsibility with regard to the right use of the media of social communication falls on journalists, writers, actors, s~enarists, producers, ex-hibitors, distributors, operators, sellers, critics, and all others who play any part in making and presenting these communications. It is evident and clear that in the, present condition of mankind all of these have serious: responsibilities since they can shape and form men and thereby lead them either to good or to evil. It is the duty of these persons, then, to take care of the financial, political, and artistic aspects of communication without opposing the common good. For the easier achievement of this, it will be worthwhile for them tO join professional associations which enjoin (if necessary~ by means of an accepted code of morality) on their mere+ bers respect for the moral law in the activities and tasks of their craft. Moreover, they should always remember that a great part of their readers and audiences is composed of young people who need writing and entertainment which offers them decent recreation and draws their minds to the higher things of culture. They should also take care that communications in the area of religion should be entrusted to competent and experienced persons and that they should be carried out with due respect. 12. Civil authority has special obligations in this matter by reason of the common good to which these media are ordered. In accord with its role, civil authority has the duty to defend and safeguard that due and just freedom of information which, especially in the case of the press, is a reaI necessity for the progress of today's society; it is likewise its duty to foster religion, culture, and the fine arts; and it should safeguard those who re-ceive the communications so that they can freely enjoy their legitimate rights. Moreover, it is the duty of civil authority to aid those projects which could not otherwise be undertaken even though they ar~ highly beneficial, especially to young people. Finally, this same public authority, since it is legiti-mately concerned with the welfare of its citizens, is bound by the obligation to pass and enforce laws whereby due and vigilant care is taken that serious harm does not come to public morals and to the progress of society by the bad use of these communications media. This watch-ful care in no way restricts the freedom of individuals and of groups, especially if there is a lack o[ adequate precaution on the part of those who are professionals in the field of these communications media. Special care should be taken to safeguard young people from printed matter and performances which may be harmful at their age. CHAPTER II 13. All the members of the Church should make a strenuous, common effort to take immediate steps to put the media of social communications into effective use in the multiple works of the apostolate as circumstances of place and time allow. They should anticipate harmful projects, especially in those regions where moral and religious progress requires a greater amount of zeal. Hence bishops should be quick to carry out their duties in this area which is so closely connected with their ordinary work of preaching. Likewise, the laity who are engaged in the use of these media should concern them-selves with witnessing to Christ, first of all by performing their duties competently and in an apostolic spirit, and 4" 4" 4- Communications Media VOLUME 23, 1964 693 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 69,t then by directly assisting the pastoral activity of the Church to the best of their technical, economic, cultural, and artistic abilities. 14. First of all, a good press should be fostered. To fully imbue readers with a Christian spirit, a truly Catholic press should be begun and promoted. This press--fostered and directed either directly by ecclesiasti-cal authority or by Catholic laymen--should be pub-lished with the manifest purpose of shaping, strengthen-ing, and fostering public opinion that is in harmony with natural law and with Catholic doctrine; it should also publicize and correctly explain events which pertain to the life of the Church. The faithful should be reminded of the need to read and spread the Catholic press in order that a Christian judgment on all events may be formed. Effective encouragement and support should be given to the production and showing of films that genuinely contribute to proper recreation and to culture and art, especially when they are destined for young people. This will be especially achieved by assisting and joining enterprises and projects for the making and distributing of good films, by commending worthwhile films through critical approval and through awards, and by fostering and consociating theatres of Catholics and other men of principle. Similar effective support should be extended to good radio and television programs, especially those that are suitable for the family. Catholic programs should be earnestly fostered, for in them the listeners and viewers are led to participate in the life of the Church and hre imbued with religious truths. Where necessary, care should be taken to inaugurate Catholic stations; but pro-vision must be made that their programs are outstanding by reason of their excellence and effectiveness. Moreover, measures should be taken that the noble and ancient art of the stage, which is now seen everywhere by means of the media of social communication, should tend to the cultural and moral improvement of its audiences. 15. To provide for the needs just enumerated, proper training should be given to priests, religious, and laymen who have the necessary abilities to adapt these media to apostolic purposes. In particular, laymen should be given an artistic, doc-trinal, and moral training. Hence, there should be an increase in schools, departments, and institutes where journalists, writers for films, radio, and television, and other such persons can secure a complete formation im-bued with the Christian spirit especially with regard to the social doctrine of the Church. Actors are also to be trained and educated so that by their art they may contribute to society. Finally, great care must be taken to prepare literary, film, radio, television, and other critics who will be highly skilled in their own fields as well as equipped with the training and inspiration to give judgments in which morality is shown in its proper light. 16. Since the media of social communication involve the participation of audiences of different ages and backgrounds, the proper use of these media requires the proper education and training of these audiences. Ac-cordingly, in Catholic schools of whatever level, in semi-naries, and in apostolic lay groups, support should be given to projects geared to achieve this purpose, especially if they are destined for young people. Such projects should be increased in number and should be directed according to the principles of Christian morality. To facilitate this, Catholic teaching and directives in this matter should be set forth and explained in catechism classes. 17. It is entirely unfitting that the Church's children should permit the word of salvation to be bound and impeded by the technical delays and expenses--great as they are--that are characteristic of these media. Hence, this Council reminds the faithful of their obligation to support and aid Catholic newspapers, magazines, film projects, and radio and television stations, the purpose of all of which is to spread and defend truth and to provide for the Christian instruction of human society. At the same time, this Council invites groups and individuals possessing great influence in financial and technical mat-ters to use their resources and experience to freely give generous support to these media insofar as they contribute to genuine culture and to the apostolate. 18. In order that the multiform apostolate of the Church with regard to communications media be effec-tively strengthened, in every diocese of the world ac-cording to the judgment of the bishops, there should be an annual day during which the faithful are instructed about their duties in this matter, are invited to pray for this cause, and are asked to make an offering to be conscientiously used for the support and development of the projects and undertakings which the Church has begun in this area in accord with the needs of the Catholic world. 19. In the carrying out of his supreme pastoral charge with regard to communications media, the supreme pontiff has available a special section of the Holy See.1 t Moreover, the fathers of the Council, gladly acceding to the re-quest of the Secretariat for the Supervision of Press and Entertain-ment, respectfully request the supreme pontiff to extend the re-sponsibility and competency of this section to all the media of Communications Media ¯ VOLUME 23, 1964 695 CouFnadtilc aI1n REVIEW,FORRELIG[OUS 696~ 20. It will be the responsibility of the bishops to watch over this kind of projects and undertakings in their own dioceses; they should promote such projects and, as far as the public apostolate is concerned, they should regulate them including those under the direction of exempt religious. 21. Since an effective national apostolate requires unity in planning and in resources, this Council de-crees and orders that national offices for press, film, radio, and television be everywhere established and promoted by every means. The special work of these offices will be to take measures that the conscience of the faithful be correctly formed with regard to the use of these media and to foster and direct whatever is done by Catholics in this area. In each country the direction of these offices is to be entrusted to a special committee of bishops or to a single delegated bishop; moreover, laymen who are ex-perts in Catholic doctrine and in these media should have a role in these offices. 22. Moreover, since the effectiveness of these media reaches beyond national boundaries and affects almost every member of the entire human race, the national of-rices begun in this area should cooperate among them-selves on an international level. The offices mentioned in number 21 should work effectively with their corre-sponding international Catholic associations. These in-ternational Catholic associations are legitimately ap-proved only by the Holy See and depend on it. CONCLUSIONS 23. In order that all the principles and norms of this Council with regard to communications media be put into effect, the Council expressly orders that a pas-toral instruction be issued by the section of the Holy See mentioned in number 19 with the help of experts of various countries. 24. Moreover, this Council is confident that its state-ment of directives and norms will be gladly accepted and conscientiously followed by all the members of the Church who accordingly in their use of these media will suffer no harm but, like salt and light, will savor the earth and enlighten the world. Moreover, the Council invites all men of good will, especially those who have charge of these media, to endeavor to use these media only for the good of human society, the fate of which more and more depends on the right use of such media. In this way, as was the case with ancient works of art, so also communication including the press and to include in its membership experts, including laymen, from 'various countries. through these new discoveries the name of the Lord will be glorified according to the saying of the Apostle: "Jesus Christ, yesterday, and today, and the same for-ever" (Heb 13:8). Each and every one of the matters set Iorth ~n this Decree were decided by the lathers o[ the Council. And We, by the apostolic power given Us by ChriJt, together with the venerable fathers, approve in the Holy Spirit, decree, enact, and order to be promulgated what has been decided in this Synod [or the glory o[ God. Given at Rome in St. Peter's on December 4, 1963. 4. 4. 4. Communications Media VOLUME 2.~ 1964 697 PAUL VI Allocution on Religious Life ÷ ÷ Paul VI REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Beloved sons: With* great joy and no small hope We look upon you who are the chosen and authoritative group of venerable and illustrious religious families; it is a matter of de-light to Us to give you Our warmest greetings and to express to you the high opinion We have of you as well as Our gratitude to you. You have come to Rome to hold the general chapters of your respective institutes; although this is a matter that primarily affects your order or congregation, still it also has repercussions on the life of the Church, which derives a great part of her vigor, apostolic zeal, and ardor for holiness from the flourishing condition of re-ligious life. Moreover, you have come to Us not only as devoted and loving sons to offer your homage to the Vicar of Christ but also to request the apostolic blessing on your-selves, your institutes, and the affairs of your chapters from which you rightly trust there will come salutary results such that the religious life will be led more in-tensely and more ardently. Although We would have gladly met each of your groups separately and would have addressed each of them in accord with its own characteristics and needs, still We have chosen to receive all of you at the same ¯ On May 23, 1964, Paul VI gave an allocution to the superiors general and the capitulars general of various religious orders and con-gregations of men. The text of the allocution (entitled Magno gaudio) is given in Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 56 (1964), pp. 565-71. Except for the opening and closing paragraphs (which were translated by a staff member of the REWEW), the translation is by the Very Reverend Godfrey Poage, C.P.; Director, Pontifical Office for Religious Voca-tions; Piazza Pio XII, 3; Rome, Italy. The translation first appeared in the Newsletter of the Pontifical Office for Religious Vocations, n. 13 (September, 1964). time. This We have done in order to give greater weight to this speech made to you in common; We did this all the more readily since on this occasion We wish to set forth matters which pertain to all religious of the entire world. First of all, We wish to note the great importance of religious institutes and assert that their work is wholly necessary for the Church in these days. Admittedly, the doctrine of the universal vocation of all the faithful to holiness of life (regardless of their position or social situ-ation) has been advanced very much in modern times. This is as it should be, for it is based on the fact that all the faithful are consecrated to God by their baptism. Moreover, the very necessities of the times demand that the fervor of Christian life should inflame souls and radi-ate in the world itself. In other words, the needs of the times demand a consecration of the world; and this task pertains preeminently to the laity. All these developments are unfolding under the counsel of Divine Providence, and that is why We rejoice over such salutary undertak-ings. But for this very reason we must be on our guard lest the true notion of religious life, as it has traditionally flourished in the Church, should become obscured. We must beware lest our youth, becoming confused while thinking about their choice of a state of life, should be thereby hindered in some way from having a clear and distinct vision of the special function and immutable importance of the religious state within the Church. Accordingly, it has seemed good to Us to recall now the priceless importance and necessary function of religious life. For this stable way of life, which receives its proper character from profession of the evangelical vows, is a perfect way of living according to the example and teach-ing of Jesus Christ. It is a state of life which keeps in view the constant growth of charity and its eventual fulfill-ment; and it is to be preferred before any other kind of life, before temporal duties, lawful in themselves, no mat-ter how useful they may be. Right now it is of supreme importance for the Church to bear witness socially and publicly. Such witness is pro-claimed by the way of life in religious institutes. And the more it is stressed that the laity must live and propa-gate the Christian life in the world, so much the more must they be given the shining example of those who have in truth renounced the world and have clearly shown that "the kingdom of Christ is not of this world." 1 Thus the profession of the evangelical vows is a super-addition to that consecration which is proper to bap-tism. It is indeed a special consecration which perfects See Jn 18:~6. 4" 4. 4- Religious Li~e VOLUME" 23, 1964 699 Paul REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS the former one, inasmuch as by it the follower of Christ totally commits and dedicates himself to God, thereby making his entire life a service to God alone. Now all this leads to another point, which We wish to stress with paternal solicitude. The vows of religion must be held in the highest esteem and the greatest importance must be placed on their function and practice. Only in this manner will religious be able to lead a life that is becoming and in harmony with the state they have em-braced--- a state they have freely chosen; only in this way will their state of life efficaciously help them progress toward the perfection of charity; and only in this way will the faithful see in them an example of the perfect Chris-tian life and be inspired to follow it. Although living conditions have greatly changed in recent years and the practice of the religious life has neces-sarily been modified, nevertheless the evangelical counsels have not changed and of their very nature retain their full force and cannot in any way be weakened. Accordingly, religious should cultivate obedience with the greatest diligence. This is and must remain a holo-caust of one's own will which is offered to God. A re-ligious makes this sacrifice of self by humble submission to lawful superiors, whose authority, of course, should always be exercised within the limits of charity and with due respect for the dignity of the human person, even though nowadays religious have to undertake many more burdensome offices and carry out their duties more quickly and more willingly. There must also be inculcated a love of poverty, about which there is a great deal of discussion in the Church today. Religious must surp~iss all others by their example of true evangelical poverty. Therefore, they must love that poverty to which they have spontaneously committed themselves. It is not enough for religious to depend merely on the superior's decision with regard to their use of material things. Let religious of their own will be content with the things that are needed for properly ful-filling their way of life, shunning those little extras and luxuries which weaken the religious life. Then besides the poverty proper to the individual religious we must not neglect the corporate poverty which should distin-guish the institute or the whole body of religious. Thus they should avoid excessive ornamentation in their build-ings and elaborate functions, as well as anything else that savors of luxury, always bearing in mind the social con-dition of the people among whom they live. Let them also refrain from excessive concern in gathering funds, but give their attention rather to using what temporal goods Divine Providence will provide for the assistance of their needy brethren, who may live in their own country or in other parts of the world. Finally, religious must preserve chastity as a treasured gem. Everybody knows that in the present condition of human society the practice of perfect chastity is made difficult not only by a depraved moral atmosphere but also by a false teaching which poisons souls by overem-phasis on nature. An awareness of these facts should impel religious to stir up their faith more energetically--that same faith by which we believe the declarations of Christ when He proclaims the supernatural value of chastity that is sought for the sake of the kingdom of heaven. It is this same faith which assures us beyond doubt that, with the help of divine grace, we can preserve unsullied the flower of chastity. To attain this end there should be a more diligent practice of Christian mortification and of custody of the senses. Never under the specious pretext of acquiring wider knowledge or a broader culture should religious read unbecoming books or papers or attend in-decent shows. An exception might perhaps be made if there is a proven need for such studies, but the reasons alleged must be carefully examined by religious superiors. In a world subject to so many impure suggestions the value of the sacred ministry depends in great measure upon the light of chastity which radiates from one conse-crated to God and strong with His strength. It is quite evident that the proper way of living re-ligious life requires discipline. There must be laws and suitable conditions for observing them. Therefore, the principal task of the general chapter is, as time goes on, to keep intact those norms of the religious family which were set up by its founder and lawgiver. Therefore, it is the responsibility of the capitulars to check firmly all those modes of conduct which gradually devitalize the strength of religious discipline; namely, practices which are dangerous to religious life, unnecessary dispensations, and privileges not properly approved. They must likewise gtiard against any relaxation of discipline which is urged not by true necessity but by arrogance of spirit or aversion to obedience or love of worldly things. Moreover, with respect to undertaking new projects or activities they must refrain from taking on those which do not entirely correspond to the principal work of the institute or to the mind of the founder. For religious institutes will flourish and prosper so long as the integral spirit of their founder continues to inspire their rule of life and apostolic works, as well as the actions and lives of their members. Religious commnnities, inasmuch as they resemble liv-ing bodies, rightly desire to experience continual growth. However, this growth of the institute must be based firmly on the more diligent observance of the rules rather ÷ ÷ ÷ Religious Li~e VOLUME 23, 1964 701 ÷ Paul ~EVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS than on the number of members or the making of new laws. Multiplicity of laws is not always accompanied by progress in religious life. It often happens that the more rules there are, the less people pay attention to them. Therefore, let the general chapters always use their right to make laws moderately and prudently. The most important work of the general chapter is the studied accommodation of the rules of the institute to the changed conditions of the times. This, however, must be done in such a way that the proper nature and discipline of the institute are kept intact. Every religious family has its proper function, and it must remain faithful to this role. The fruitfulness of the institute's life is based on this fidelity to its specific purpose, and in this manner an abundance of heavenly graces will never be lacking. Therefore, no renovation of discipline is to be introduced which is incompatible with the nature of the order or congregation and which, in any way, departs from the mind of the founder. Moreover, this renovation of dis-cipline demands that it proceed only from competent authority. Accordingly, until this accommodation of dis-cipline is duly processed and brought into juridic effect, let the religious members not introduce anything new on their own initiative, nor relax the restraints of discipline, nor give way to censorious criticism. Let them act in such a way that they might rather help and more promptly effect this work of renewal by their fidelity and obedience. If the desired renovation takes place in this way, then the letter of the rule will have changed, but the spirit will have remained the same. In bringing about this renewal of religious institutes, the primary concern of the capitulars must always be the spiritual life of the members. Wherefore, to all religious whose duty it is to devote themselves to works of the sacred ministry, We state that We are entirely opposed to anyone espousing that false opinion which claims that primary concern must be given to external works and only secondary attention devoted to the interior life of perfection, as though this were demanded by the spirit of the times anal the needs of the Church. Zealous activity and the cultivation of one's interior life should not bring any harm to each other; indeed, they require the closest union, in order that both may ever proceed with equal pace and progress. Therefore, let zeal for prayer, the beauty of a pure conscience, patience in adversity, active and vibrant charity devoted to the salva-tion of souls, increase in union with fervent works. When these virtues are neglected, not only will apostolic labor lack vigor and fruitfulness, but the spirit also will grad-ually lose fervor. As a consequence, the religious will not be able to avoid for long the dangers which lie hidden in the very performance of the sacred ministry. With respect to that portion of the apostolate which is entrusted to the care of religious, We wish to make some further observations. Religious institutes should sedulously adapt the work proper to their apostolates to modern conditions and circumstances. The younger re-ligious particularly are to be instructed and educated properly in this matter, but in such a way that the apos-tolic zeal with which they are inflamed does not remain circumscribed exclusively by the boundaries of their own group, but rather opens outwardly toward the great spiritual necessities of our times. Nor is this enough. For while being educated along the lines We have indi-cated, they should also cultivate an exquisite sensitivity to their duties by force of which, both in words and deeds, they will constantly show themselves as true ministers of God, distinguished by soundness of doctrine and recom-mended to the people by holiness of life. However, in these matters let not the religious be left solely to their own initiative, since their work must always be subject to the vigilance of superiors, especially if it is a matter of work that has notable relevance to civil life. It is of the greatest concern to Us that the work of the members of religious institutes should go along harmoni-ously with the norms established by the sacred hierarchy. As a matter of fact, the exemption of religious orders is in no conflict whatsoever with the divinely given constitu-tion of the Church, by force of which every priest, par-ticularly in the performance of the sacred ministry, must obey the sacred hierarchy. For the members of these re-ligious institutes are at all times and in all places subject principally to the Roman Pontiff, as to their highest superior.~ For this reason the religious institutes are at the service of the Roman Pontiff in those works which pertain to the welfare of the universal Church. With regard to the exercise of the sacred apostolate in various dioceses religious are under the jurisdiction of bishops, to whom they are bound to give assistance, al-ways without prejudice to the nature of their proper apostolate and the things that are necessary for their re-ligious life. From all this it is quite evident how much the allied and auxiliary ministry of the religious given to the diocesan clergy conduces to the good of the Church, when their united forces result in more vigorous and more effective action. From these brief observations you now know what We consider most important for the growth of religious life in our times. May all these remarks show you with what ~ C. 499, § 1. ÷ ÷ ÷ Religiom Liye VOLUME 23, 19(~4 703 solicitude We view and esteem religious life and what great hope We put in your helpful work. The road which We have pointed out tO you is certainly difficult and ardu-ous. But lift up your souls in hope, for the cause is not ours but that of Jesus Christ. Christ is our strength, our hope, our power. He will be with us always. Continue to diffuse the good odor of Christ as widely as possible by the in-tegrity of your faith, by the holiness of your lithe, by your great zeal for all the virtues. Meanwhile, as We thank you for your obedience, We pray God through the interces-sion of the blessed Virgin Mary, Mother of God, the fos-tering mother of religious virtues, that religious institutes may continue to grow daily and bear ever richer and more salutary fruits. A pledge of these truths will be Our apostolic blessing which We bestow in all charity on each of you, beloved sons, and on all your colleagues. Paul ¥1 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ~04 LUCIEN LEGRAND, M.E.P. Matthew, Chapter. 9, and the Three Vows In Matthew 19 and in Mark 10:1-31, we find in suc-cession the three pericopes on divorce, on the little children, and on the rich young man. They would perfectly illustrate a talk on the three religious vows. In Matthew, the first section ends in a call to virginity (Mt 19:11 f.); the second one extols the spirit of humility and of spiritual childhood which corresponds to the vow of obedience; the third part deals with poverty. Would this application correspond to the thought of the evange-lists? If so, what light would it cast on the value and the significance of the three vows of perfection? Matthew 19 and the Kingdom It is clear that originally the three sections must have circulated independently in the early Christian com-munities. Their grouping belongs to the later stage of the redaction of the written Gospels. The evangelists blocked these three passages together because they found in them a common theme. Now, in the text of Mark, it is difficult to trace any common idea that would con-nect the three sections. Vincent Taylor sees some kind of topical arrangement: "After a story about marriage, it seemed fitting to record an incident regarding chil-dren." 1 Then the episode of the rich man is linked up with the previous two on account of the "Evangelist's interest in the Kingdom and in teaching abbut sacrifice and renunciation." 2 In point of fact, both suggestions are questionable. Taylor must have spoken with his tongue in his cheek when suggesting that the topic of the children follows logically that of marriage; this is better a joke than an argument, for the standpoint under which children are considered has nothing to do with 1 Vincent Taylor, The Gospel according to St. Mark (London: Macmillan, 1955), p. 422. ~ Taylor, St. Mark, p. 422. ÷ ÷ ÷ Lucien Legrand, M.E.P., is professor of Sacred Scripture at St. Peter's Semi-nary; Banga!ore 12, India. VOLUME 23, 1964 7.05 ÷ Lucien Legrand, M.E.P . REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS marriage: they are not mentioned as offspring but as an example of a psychological and spiritual attitude. And as regards the observation that the three pericopes in Mark 10:1-31 are connected by a common interest in the theme of the kingdom, it should be noticed that, though this theme is actually referred to in the second (Mk 10:14 f.) and in the third section (10:23-25), it does not appear in the first part which, in Mark, deals with the question of marriage and divorce, a problem of ethics pertaining to the present world rather than to the king-dom. One has to turn to Matthew to verify entirely the suggestion of Taylor. It is in Matthew rather than in Mark that the three stories are connected by a common interest in the theme of the kingdom (Mt 19:12, 14~ 23 f.). Incidentally, this strengthens the case for a priority of Matthew in this section: the redaction of Matthew explains the present grouping of the pericopes; that of Mark cannot be explained as it stands: the text of Mark represents one more case of summary which in fact was largely a mutilation.~ Anyway, it is in the redaction of Matthew that the theological line is more clearly brought out. In Matthew, the grouping of the three pericopes was obviously deliberate: the evangelist focused his chapter neatly on the theme of the kingdom and the three pronouncement stories illustrate three ways of living "in view of the kingdom." For Matthew, celibacy, spiritual childhood, and poverty point to the kingdom. But in which sense exactly? How are these three attitudes related to the kingdom? To answer this question, we have now to consider the three pericopes separately; and since they happen to be ~ound in order of decreasing difficulty, we shall proceed back-wards from the third section to the first one; that is, from the clearest to the most enigmatic pronouncement. The Poor and the Kingdom The third part of Matthew 19 begins with the episode of the rich young man who comes to Jesus to ask Him how he can gain eternal life. Jesus first replies by simply 8 The case for a priority of Mt or at least of a proto-Mt has been ably argued by L. Vaganay, Le problOme synoptique (Paris-Tournai: Desclfie, 1954), pp. 51-85. Concerning the present passage, Vaganay shows that the saying on the eunuchs, though missing in both Mk and Lk, belonged to the source common to the three synoptics. Mk and Lk knew it but omitted it for stylistic reasons on account of its strong Se~nitic flavor that would have been unpalatable to Hellenistic audiences (p. 167; see pp. 211, 216). A more elaborate examination of the text may be found in our study on The Biblical Doctrine o] Virginity (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1963), pp. 38-40. recalling the main points of the Torah: "If you wish to enter life, observe the commandments" (v. 17). Then, upon a further question of the man, Jesus opens new prospects: "If you wish to be perfect, go, sell all that you possess." (v. 21). Beyond the ordinary walk of life, there is the possibility of becoming "perfect,'.' of joining the special, group of those who follow Jesus more closely. As it is narrated in Matthew, the episode implies the existence of two categories of disciples: the mass of those who do the essential by fulfilling the Law and the elite of the teleioi, the "perfect" who practice total renuncia-tion. Now, when the other two synoptic Gospels are com-pared with Matthew (Mk 10:17-22; Lk 18:18-23), they show a few slight verbal differences which eventually alter the meaning of the episode appreciably. First they do not speak of the "perfect": according to them, the man is not invited to join a particular group distinct from the others. Secondly, in the beginning of Jesus' reply, they do not have the words: "If you want to have eternal life, ob-serve the commandments." Their text does not suggest that the observance of the Law can lead to eternal life. Indeed, Jesus says according to Mark (v. 21) and Luke (v. 22)--and these words are not to be found in Matthew --"one thing is still lacking" to obtain eternal life: it is total renunciation. The overall picture is therefore quite different in Matthew on the one hand and in the other two synopo tics on the other side. Matthew knows two kinds of disciples: the "perfect" and the others; both, in their own way, can eventually reach eternal life. Mark and Luke on the contrary know two stages through which any disciple must pass: the first stage, that of the obedi-ence to the Law, is rather negative; common with the Old Testament, it represents a necessary but insufficient requirement. Beyond that, the disciple has to reach a higher level, that of utter dispossession of self. This divergence of outlook is confirmed by another detail. In Mark and Luke, the man who comes to Jesus is already a man of a certain age: he can say that he has been following the Law "from his very youth" (Mk 10:20; Lk 18:21). Now, Jesus says, it is time for him to take a further step. In Matthew, on the contrary, (and only in Matthew) the rich man is a young man (v. 20): he is going to make a start in life and it is now, at the outset, that he has to make a choice between two possible states of life. It is clear that Matthew adapts the saying of Jesus to the concrete situation existing in the Chnrch when the + + + Matthew 19 VOLUME 23, 1964 707 4. 4. 4. Lu¢ien Legrand, M.E.P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 7O8 Gospel was written. The text of Mark and Luke is more original. It represents a theme fairly common in the preaching of Jesus: the disciple must be ready to meet all the requirements of his calling (see Mt 10:37-9; 16:24 f. and par.). Matthew gave a particular slant to the idea. He read into the episode his theology on the ful-fillment of the Law, and mostly he brought into the words of Jesus an allusion to the Christian practice of the two states of life. Everybody cannot actually embrace absolute poverty. Private ownership is not unlawful. The ordinary Christians keep the use of their properties and, keeping it, can reach eternal life. It is only the teleioi, the perfect, who apply the words of the Master literally by giving up all their belongings. The word teleios is definitely secondary: it did not belong to the original saying of Jesus but to the organization of the early Church. Echoing either the vocabulary of the mystery cults4 or, perhaps more likely, the terminology of the Hebrew sects,5 it refers to the inner circle of those who have received total initiation and applies to "a life of perfection which may be freely chosen but is not necessary to ordinary Christian life . Thus does Mat-thew cut a distinction between an ordinary state and a state of perfection." 6 Absolute poverty is a requirement of this perfect life. The context that follows develops this point. It is very difficult (v. 23), indeed practically impossible (v. 24), for a rich man to enter the kingdom. By right the king-dom belongs to the poor (see 5:3), and it takes all the almighty power of God to bring a rich man to the atti-tude of spiritual poverty that will enable him to get access to the kingdom (v. 25). The ordinary Christian is still struggling to realize this utter dispossession of self that will bring him into the kingdom. The teleios is he who has already done it. Like the Apostles following Jesus, the perfect hav~ given up everything (v. 27); they ha;ce already entered the kingdom. Poverty is the way of the perfect, the sign that, for some, the kingdom is al-ready a thing of the present. The teleios is no longer fighting to squeeze through the needle's eye: he is an inmate of the kingdom. 4 In general, in the mystery cults, those who are initiated to the mysteries are not called teleioi but teletai or tetelesmenoi. Yet Pythagoras divided his disciples into ndpioi (children) and teleioi. See C. Spicq, L'Epftre aux Hdbreux (Paris: Gabalda, 1953), v. 2, p. 218. ~ See B. Rigaux, "R~vfilation des myst~res et perfection h Qumran et dans le Nouveau Testament," New Testament Studies, v. 4 (1957- 1958), pp. 237-48. n Rigaux, "R(~vfilation des myst~res," p. 248. See also J. Dupont, " 'Soyez parfaits' (Mt. v, 48) 'Soyez misfiricordieux' (Lc. vi, 36)," Sacra pagina (Gembloux: Duculot, 1959), v. 2, p. 153. The Children and the Kingdom The special interest of Jesus towards the children ap-pears several times in the Gospels (Mr 18:1-7 and par.; 18:10; 19:13-5 and par.; 11:25 and par.). This interest is not merely sentimental. The text under study gives the reason of Jesus' predilection towards them: "The Kingdom of God belongs to such as these" (Mr 19:14). Like the poor man, the child is a type: he finds himself spontaneously ready to accept the kingdom. As such, he is an example of what a disciple should be. What is the reason for this? What are the qualities which childhood embodies and which give it a prece-dence in the kingdom? In modern piety the child stands as a symbol of purity yet unsullied by knowledge of evil, or as a promise in its full bloom yet unaffected by the compromises of daily existence. Is it this that Jesus saw in children? It does not seem so. When Jesus sets a child in the midst of the apostles, it is not as a model of purity or of innocence but as a model of humility. Mark (10:15) and Luke (18:17) hint at the point in their parallel passages: one must receive the kingdom with the simplicity of a child. Matthew makes the point still clearer in the previ-ous chapter where he sketches a full doctrine of spiritual childhood. In Matthew 18, the disciples quarrel about their respective rank. To solve the dispute, Jesus pro-poses the example of a child, stressing his humility: "Whoever humbles himself like this child, he is the greatest in the Kingdom of heaven" (v. 4). To have access to the kingdom, the disciple has to humble himself like a child. Indeed, one's rank in the kingdom is determined by his similarity with the child. The hierarchy of the kingdom is a reversed one for it is based on tapein6sis, on lowliness: "Whoever exalts himself will be humbled and whoever humbles himself will be exalted" (Mr 23:12). The humility of a child is the standard according to which real greatness in the kingdom is to be measured. The child is a typical citizen of the kingdom because he is a tapeinos, a lowly and mean thing, not respected and often maltreated and hustled about by the elders.7 The kingdom of heaven belongs to such as these because they represent perfectly the meek to whom the new world goes by right of inheritance (Mr 5:5), the oppressed, the downtrodden who already in the Old Testament made 1This point of view may not be verified in the West where romanticism has made of childhood and of youth positive values which are made much of. It may even go to the extreme of the child being idolized and made into a tyrant. This attitude towards childhood is the consequence of the rehabilitation of childhood done by Christ and the Church. But it is not the spontaneous reaction of man towards children. Outside the West, the child will be loved + + + Matthew 19 VOLUME 23, 1964 709 Luden Legrand, ¯ M.E.P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS up the community of the anawim, the group of the poor whom God chose to be His faithful remnant,s In Matthew 20:26 and following and its parallels, the type of the "servant" is presented in the same terms. The "servant" also is the greatest of all: in the theology of the Gospels, child and servant are practically synony-mous. As the child, the servant embodies the attitude of the "poor in spirit," of the lowly and the humble. Whereas "the rulers of the Gentiles lord it over them" (v. 25), the disciples of Christ must not take such domi-neering airs. Their hierarchy is a hierachy of service. Those who serve best are the highest; and on the top of it stands He who rendered the greatest service to men by giving His life for them (v. 28): Jesus Himself was a servant (Lk 22:27) who did not come'to do His own will but the will of the Father (Mr 26:42 and par.). The dis-ciple must take the same attitude. Because the kingdoms of the world are based on pride and oppression, the kingdom of God must be based on obedience to God and service to men. This was already manifested during the temptation of Jesus in the desert when the new King, meeting the prince of this world, refused to begin His conquering career by an act of disobedience to God. In His baptism also, He appeared as the Servant of the Lord (Mt 3:17-Is 42:1). From that time onwards, obedience and humble subservience to God have become signs of ap-purtenance to the kingdom. It is because this sign appears almost naturally in the children that they can be con-sidered as the perfect image of the true citizen of the kingdom. Obedience turns man into a child and a servant oi~ God: it shows that.one is really a member of the king-dom which was once inaugurated by the act of perfect obedience of the Servant humbling Himself unto death and the death of the cross (see Phil 2:8). Celibacy and the Kingdom If the pericopes on poverty and childhood correspond to .well-known themes of the Gospel, the same cannot be said of the saying on the eunuchs (Mt 19:12) which concludes in Matthew the discussion on divorce at the beginning of chapter 19. We are dealing here with a hapax of thought; and it does 'not make things easier that this lonely saying, expressed in a puzzling manner, is recorded by Matthew only. Who are those voluntary "eunuchs"? The traditional answer is that Jesus means here consecrated celibacy. and petted but not considered as representing-a positive value. Concerning Jesus' outlook on childhood, see W. Grundmann, "Die Ndpioi in der urchristlichen ParanSse," New Testament Studies, v. 5,(1958-1959), pp. 201-5. 8 See A. Gelin, Les pauvres de Yahv~ (Paris: Cerf, 1953), pp. 30-52. Though this interpretation has been recently challenged with a backing of refined scholarship by exegetes of great authority? we think that it remains valid. For the audience of Jesus, the saying could not but refer to Jesus' celibate life; it might even have alluded to an insulting term used by His enemies. For the early Chris-tian readers of the Gospel, the application followed im-mediately to their problems concerning virgins and widows (see 1 Cot 7:8-9). This interpretation also corre-sponds better to the context of Matthew: the attitude of the Christian celibates who remain like eunuchs in view of the kingdom explains the hard requirements of Chris-tian matrimony (vv. 3-10). The best way to understand Jesus' exacting statements is to consider the conduct of some of the disciples who give up marriage altogether. This utmost renouncement shows what is expected from all the disciples. If all are not called to abstain from wedlock, all must have the same basic attitude towards the flesh: inner freedom and readiness to accept the sacrifice required by the Kingdom?° But another problem follows. Why should Jesus advise the disciple to live like a eunuch in view of the kingdom? What is exactly the meaning of this "in view of" (dia in Greek)? What has celibacy to do with the kingdom? Usually commentators find two possible explanations for the phrase "in view of the kingdom of heaven." it They paraphrase it either "in order the better to work for the kingdom of God" or "to enter the kingdom more ~ For J. Blinzler, "'Eisin eunouchoi: Zur Auslegung von Mt 19:12," ZeitschriIt ]fir die neutestamentliche Wissenschalt, v. 48 (1957), pp. 254-270, the logion had no real connection originally with the con-text it has in Mt: it did not belong to a discussion on marriage but to a controversy on Jesus' celibate life. Jesus was criticized £or being unmarried and called eunuch by His adversaries. Borrowing the in-suiting term used by His opponents, Jesus explains the reason o£ His state o~ life. Thus understood, the logion would be an apology rather than an invitation to celibacy. This interpretation loses much of its support i[, as we think, the logion on the eunuchs does origi-nally belong to the context o~ a discussion on marriage. Moreover, even i[ the original meaning o£ the saying would have been such as Blinzler suggests, it would remain that Mt put it in its present context and the problem remains of the meaning the logion took at the level o[ the redaction o[ the Gospel. According to J. Dupont, Mariage et divorce dans l'P.vangile (Bruges: Abbaye de St Andrfi, 1959), the saying reIers to the problem oI the husbands who had to live away from their wives. Their situa-tion can be compared to that o[ the eunuchs; yet they have to ac-cept it "in view o£ the Kingdom." This interpretation misses the reference to Jesus' own celibacy and does not explain the logion in its original form. :*J. Dupont, Mariage et divorce, p. 172, summarizing the inter-pretation o1: T. Zahn, Das Evangellum des Matthiius, pp. 592-5. n See M.-J. Lagrange, L'~vangile selon s. Matthieu (7th ed., Paris: Gabalda, 1948), p. 371. For a survey of the opinions, see J. Dupont, Mariage et divorce, p. 210. ÷ ÷ ÷ Matthew 19 VOLUME 23, 1964 711 4, 4, ÷ Lucien Legrand, M .E.P . REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS easily." The first interpretation does not correspond to the context which says nothing about apostolic activities. The second explanation does correspond to a general line of thought of the Gospels which insist on the neces-sity of giving up everything for the sake of the king-dom (Mr 5:29 f.; 13:44-46). Yet it should be noticed that, at least in Matthew and Mark, "a wife" does not appear in the list of the family affections and possessions one must be ready to forgo to have access to eternal life (Mt 19:29; Mk 10:29).12 There is no trace of catharism in the Gospels: marriage is not an obstacle but a sacred institu-tion established by God Himself and sharing in the goodness of the creation (Mt 19:4-fi). The comparison with the two pericopes that follow suggests another explanation of the phrase "in view of the kingdom." Poverty and spiritual conditions are not extrinsic conditions laid on those who want to enter the kingdom. It is not even accurate to say that they facili-tate access to the kingdom. They are rather the attitudes of those who are already inside: "The kingdom belongs [in the present] to Such as these." They manifest the kingdom in its inner nature. They show it forth as a kingdom of humility and obedience to God, as an eschatological kingdom differing radically from the king-doms of the world based on wealth and might. They are the marks of the new life breaking into the world. The poor and those who are like children testify by their very life that the last times have come and that the eschatological transformation wrought by the Spirit is presently initiated. The voluntary "eunuchs" give the same testimony. Dedicated single life is not a condition to gain access to the kingdom; it is a mark of heavenly citizenship. Through it, those "to whom it has been given" share already in the life of resurrection when "they shall neither marry nor be married but will be like the angels in heaven" (Mt 22:30). The virgins are the full grown citizens of the kingdom. They constitute the retinue of the Lamb, following Him wherever He goes (Apoc 14:4). Such is the meaning of being a eunuch "in view of the kingdom." It means preserving virginity because virginity is a feature of the life in the kingdom. A proper paraphrase would be "in order to be in har-mony with the life of the kingdom." la The Christian celibate has embraced this state of life to anticipate the conditions that will prevail in the kingdom. ~ Lk has added the wife to the list to make up for his omission of the logion on the eunuchs. Following a law of harmonization of the synoptic.s, often verified in the textual criticism of the Gospels, a number of manuscripts have added also "the wife" to the text of Mt and Mk; the Vulgate has added it in Mt but not in Mk. ~8 See Legrand, The Biblical Doctrine o[ Virginity, p. 44. Synthesis: Matthew 19 and the Three Vows of Perfec-tion It would be anachronistic to contend that, when. writ-ing his chapter 19, the evangelist had in view the three vows of perfection and the present pattern of religious life. Yet it can be said that Matthew 19 is the charter of religious life based on the three vows, for it was the in-tention of the evangelist to describe the main aspects of perfect discipleship which the religious institution tries to realize concretely. Matthew 19 describes a state of life proper to those "who want to be perfect." This corresponds to the life of the early Church and already to the situation of the pre-paschal community which Jesus had gathered round Him since, among His followers, there was already an inner core of a few disciples who had a more intimate contact with the Master, a closer association with the main events of His career, and a deeper initiation into the mysteries which He revealed. This "state of perfection" is described in Matthew 19 in reference to the kingdom, that is to say to the eschato-logical renovation promised by the prophets and fulfilled in the coming of the Messiah. It may be remarked that, in Matthew, the nineteenth chapter with its three sec-tions constitutes the introduction ("the narrative sec-tion") to the fifth "livret" of the Gospel, devoted to a description of the imminent coming of the kingdom, a part that will culminate in the eschatological discourse.14 In view of this, the three sections of the chapter could be adequately characterized as the three eschatological attitudes that portend the advent of the kingdom, an-nounce its coming, and realize it proleptically to a large extent. The "perfect" are those in whom eschatology is realized. In the present age, they show forth the condi-tions that will prevail in the age to come. They bear witness to the new principle of life which animates the regenerated world. Virginity shows that the new kingdom does not expand any longer by the fecun-dity of the flesh but by faith and the power of the Spirit. Childhood signifies that the power which is at work in the new order of things is not man's but God's might and the only way to share in it and benefit by its effects consists in humble acceptance of God's will. The poor are those who have sold everything to purchase the precious pearl of the kingdom (see Mt 13:45 f.): they scorn the riches of the world because they have inherited all the wealth of heaven. UAccording to the plan adopted by P. Benoit in the Jerusalem Bible (L'l~vangile selon saint Matthieu [Paris: Cerf, 1953]). Benoit follows L. Vaganay, Le probl~rne synoptique, pp. 57-61. ÷ ÷ ÷ Matthew 19 VOLUME 23, 1964 ,: 713' Therefore virginity is not solitude but fullness of agapd and unconditional gift of self. Poverty is not want but possession of the supreme treasures. Obedience is not servitude but service. In it, man's free will is not obliterated; it reaches its plenitude by being given the dimensions of God's will. Thus are the threevows the paradoxical but perfect picture of real love, richness, and liberty. They set the pattern of the iife to come and attract the world towards it. They do not cut man from the human condition; on the contrary, they represent the pole towards which man's life and even the whole cosmos converge in the new order of things inaugurated by the Resurrection of the Lord. + ÷. + Lu¢ien Legrand, M .E.P . REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 714, RICHARD P. VAUGHAN, S.J. Chastity and Psychosexual Development Psychoanalysis, just as any other theoretical position, has its contributions and limitations. One of its contribu-tions is the theory of psychosexual development, which states that sexuality, like other human processes, follows a consistent pattern of growth. That part of the pattern which refers to mental aspects, such as feelings, emotions, desires, and attitudes, is called psychosexual. It is the contention of psychoanalytic theory that there are definite stages of development which each must experience if adult sexuality is to occur. Psychoanalysis offers a detailed description of each stage. Although authorities question some aspects of the sequence, most will concede that sex follows an evolving process.1 It is not something that suddenly becomes a part of one's experience, let us say at adolescence, as once was thought. It is rather a systematically developing thing, beginning from infancy. The ultimate sexuality of the adult is the outcome of many factors, both developmental and environmental. If these factors have been favorable, the result is a mature, well-balanced person; if unfavor-able, art immature, neurotic person. According to psycho-analytic thought, the ultimate goal of the developmental process is the ability to have satisfying heterosexual rela-tionships. For the religious the vow of chastity closes the door on any future heterosexual experiences. However, he still retains his sexuality. When applied to him, therefore, the analytic theory of psychosexual development poses some special questions. What is the ultimate goal of sexual growth for the religious? Does the vow block the attaining 1 Robert R. Sears, Survey oI Objective Studies oJ Psychoanalytic Concepts (New York: New Social Science Research Council, 1943), passim; and Roland Dalbiez, Psychoanalytical Method and the Doctrine o] Freud (New York: Longmans, Green, 1941), v. 2, pp. 163- 85. Father Richard P. Vaughan, s.J., is professor of psy-chology at the University of San Francisco; San Francisco, Califor-nia 94118. VOLUME 23, 1964 ÷ ÷ R. P. Vaughan, 8.I. REVIEW. FOR RELIGIOUS 716 of the final goal? Are there other possible ultimate goals? What effect does maladjustment at one or other develop-mental stage have upon the practice of chastity? Exaggerated Dualism Much of Christian spirituality has been based upon an exaggerated dualism which overstresses the spiritual to the detriment of the corporeal.2 Man is looked upon as a dichotomized being, composed of body and soul, the ani-mal and the human, the higher nature constantly at work subduing the lower nature. Sex, when viewed in this frame of reference, ceases to be an integral part of the total functioning man. It becomes an isolated process which is essentially animal. It becomes a semi-independent entity with its own energy system and mode of operation. As such, it is often at odds with the higher nature, whose chief function is to control unruly animal impulses. Such a view of sexuality is negative and likens the vow of chas-tity to an additional strong-armed guard who is ever on the alert for the slightest manifestation of sexual stirrings. When Sigmund Freud first introduced his psychoana-lytic theory to a predominantly Christian world, he met with immediate opposition. One of the reasons for this reaction may well have been the prevalent exaggerated dualism of his time. What Freud had done was invert the order of nature. In effect, he had allowed the so-called lower nfiture to take over and relegated the higher nature to an insignificant role. The sexual part of man became all important; the rational, unimportant.3 Actually, such an interpretation is far removed from the true mind of Freud inasmuch as his concept of man was not dualistic. Freud did not accept the Christian notion of body and soul, rational and animal. He saw man as a single, inte-grated, functioning biological unit. It may be true, as many think, that he overplayed the importance of the sex instinct; but he did not regard sex as an isolated process in any way independent of the total operating personality. Unfortunately, Freud used the dualistic terminology of his time, thus creating a wrong impression. However, if one examines his writings more deeply, he soon discovers that Freud went beyond the dualistic view and considered sexuality as an integral part of the total functioning per-son. 4 An exaggerated dualism which glorifies the spiritual to the detriment of the corporeal seriously hinders any -" Louis Bouyer, Introduction to Spirituality, trans. Mary Perkins Ryan (New York: Descl~e, 1961), pp. 143-62. nSigmund Freud, "Three Contributions to the Theory of Sex," Basic Writings oI Sigmund Freud (New York: Modern Library, 1938). ~ Adrian van Kaam, "Sex and Existence," Insight, v. 2, n. 3, p. 5. rapprochement between analytic theory and the Chris-tian concept of perpetual chastity. It is only when sex is considered as a manifestation of the whole person that some of the clinically proven findings of psychoanalysis can help us better understand the meaning of perpetual chastity and the difficulty that it presents to some religious. Sexuality, a Human Function Sexuality in man is not an animal function; it is a human function. It is a manifestation of the whole person. A man can express himself by reasoning to the existence of an infinite God, by creating an original painting, or by engaging in the sex act. All these acts are human. They flow from the same principle whereby that man exists and functions. It is the man who reasons, who paints, and who engages in the sex act. It is not his intellect, his artistic ability, or his sex instinct. Sexuality is intimately con-nected with every aspect of our being. It exerts an in-fluence on our other modes of functioning, such as our thinking or creating; these other functions, in turn, exert an influence on sexuality. A distorted sexuality will, therefore, exert a distorted influence and vice versa. It is precisely at this point that the analytic theory of psycho-sexual development has a contribution to make to the better understanding of Christian chastity. Psychosexual Stages Let us briefly consider the progressive stages of psycho-sexual development as proposed by the contemporary psychoanalytic school. Before beginning, there are two preliminary notions that should be mentioned. First of all, the term "sex" is used in a wide sense. It includes not only the reaction of the reproductive organs and related feelings and emotions but also what we might generally consider the purely sensuous. When viewed in this latter sense, a limited amount of sexual experience in early childhood seems more reasonable. Secondly, no stage is clearly distinct from the next; there is overlapping and merging. During the first year and half of life, the mouth, lips, and tongue are the chief organs of satisfaction. Inasmuch as almost all the other human functions are greatly limited, it should not be surprising that the infant finds such actions as sucking or biting gratifying. This is na-ture's way of guaranteeing the great strides in physio-logical and psychological growth that must be achieved during infancy. Growth depends upon the consumption of food. It should also be noted that this is a time of life when the totality of all one's concern centers on self. There is no such thing as "otherness" in an infant's love; he loves himself totally and completely. Everything out-÷ ÷ ÷ Chastity VOLUME 23, 1964 717 ÷ ÷ ÷ R. P. Vaughan, $.1. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 718 side of himself exists to keep him well fed and comfort-able. Sex at this stage obviously refers to the sensuous experience that comes from sucking, feeling full, warm, and dry. These experiences, however, have some relation-ship to what is generally considered sexual in the more biological sense of the word inasmuch as they involve a certain sensuous pleasure that is preliminary to biological sexuality. Any distortion in growth during this period leaves the individual, in varying degrees, with an inability to realize "otherness" in his love and the confining of love to self. Successful transition through this first stage estab-lishes feelings of security and trust in others, the foun.da-tion for the close relationship of love that should typify the married state. The second stage (the most controversial) covers the next year and a half of life.5 During this period the child must learn to control the processes of bodily elimination. Up to this time he has experienced a certain pleasure in letting the process follow its natural course. Now he is forced to forego this pleasure at the wish of an all-impor-tant parent who buys conformity at the price of love and approval. The result is a struggle within the child who wants both parental love and unhampered elimination. For a time he wavers between conformity and non-con-formity; he often becomes negative, restraining the elimi-nation as long as possible. Toilet training involves the first great demand to control impulse. How this training is accomplished will influence future self-control. If it is handled in a harsh, threatening, punishing manner, a spirit of rebellion and obstinacy is apt to result and per-sist in later life. If the training is accomplished in a re-laxed, understanding, yet firm manner, the child will have a good foundation on which to build the needed control of his future sexual impulses. The important aspect of this stage is the interpersonal relationship be-tween mother and childmthe child's struggle with con-forming or nonconforming in response to the mother's giving or witholding love and approval. According to analytic theory, malformation at this stage can influence later interpersonal relationships--the giving or with-holding of love in dealing with. others. Toward'the close of the third year, the child becomes aware of sex in the physiological sense and directs his attention toward his sex organs. In the process of so doing, he derives a pleasure which analytic thinking looks upon as truly sexual. Here, as in the first stage, there is no "otherness" in his action. He is prompted by pure self-gratification. Sexuality is directed toward the self. According to psychdanalytic thought, it is also during this ~ Dalbiez, Psychoanalytical Method, p. 167. stage that the sexuality of the young child becomes tempo-rarily attached to the parent of the opposite sex. In the normal course of development, the attachment is aban-doned and the child identifies with the parent of his own sex. The boy begins to imitate his father and assume mas-culine patterns of behavior; the girl, to imitate her mother and assume feminine patterns of behavior. If the identifi-cation fails to take place and the boy remains too closely attached to the mother and her feminine interests, the seeds of homosexuality and a neurotic condition may be planted. This period is followed by a time when sexuality plays a relatively minor role. During this stage the child is concerned with the learning of academic and social skills peculiar to the elementary grades. With the advent of adolescence, sexuality becomes very much in evidence once again. Now, however, it begins to be directed toward others. The boy becomes aware of the girl as a girl; the girl, of the boy as a boy. The path during this stage is often rocky. In his frustration, the adolescent may revert to solitary gratification which gives him the illusion that his troubles are forgotten and his tensions released. Moreover, it sometimes happens that he becomes attached to one of his own sex before finally settling on the opposite sex. This latter inclination accounts for the so-called adolescent crush or even some overt homosexu-ality. Maladjustment during this stage can.result in later compulsive masturbation and homosexual tendencies. Heterosexual Orientation The ultimate aim of psychosexual growth is hetero-sexual orientation. In this final stage, the individual is drawn to the full satisfaction of sexual intercourse. His sexual inclinations become definitely attracted to those of the opposite sex. This does not mean, however, that the individual must actually experience the satisfaction of sexual intercourse but simply that his sexual inclina-tions are attracted to such a satisfaction. Since sexuality is an expression of the total self, he may choose to express himself in another way and still be a mature person. The individual who fails to attain this final stage experiences no desire for sexual intercourse. This state is sometimes mistaken for virtue; in reality, it is a form of immaturity. The religious is a person who has given himself entirely to God. His dedication excludesheterosexual experience. Yet if he is a mature person, he appreciates the value of his sex powers. He is fully aware of his attraction to the opposite sex but freely chooses not to give expression to this attraction so as to be able to express more fully his commitment to God. If he is psychologically healthy, he does not deny, distort, or repress his sexuality; he simply + + ÷ Chastity VOLUME 2~1 1964 4. 4. 4, R. P. Vaughan, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 720 chooses another goal, which demands the sacrifice of the fulfillment of his sexual possibilities. Commitme'nt and Sacrifice Every commitment calls for the expression of certain aspects of one's being and the abdication of others,e The dedicated physician is sometimes called upon to sacrifice his attachment to family life; the statesman in foreign service, his attachment to his homeland. In the case of religious, the commitment calls for the sacrifice of sexual experience so as to give one's whole attention to divine things. The vow of chastity implies a positive expression of the self. It does not mean a mere blocking or repressing of the sex powers but rather a fuller reaching out to God through the medium of the higher powers under the guidance of grace. To achieve this goal, abdication of sexuality is the cost. The deeper the commitment to God and His world, the easier should be the practice of the vow--providing immaturity in psychosexual development does not hinder the practice. Sexual Disorders Sex problems are" frequently the result of maladjust-ment at one or other psychosexual stage and the conse-quent failure to develop an integrated personality where all one's powers work together harmoniously. The reli-gious with a sex .problem to some extent still carries the unhealthy feelings and attitudes of infancy, childhood, or adolescence. If his difficulty is serious, chances are that malformation existed at each stage, one compounding the other. Since sexuality influences every other mode of ac-tion, the whole personality is distorted. The religious manifests a lack of harmony in his general functioning. It is for this reason that most psychiatrists hold out little hope of success for the person who announces that he has a masturbation or homosexuality problem and wants the psychiatrist to help him get over it. Psychiatry is not gear~ed to controlling will acts such as masturbation or homosexuality; it is, however, geared to the reconstruc-tion and development of a healthy personality. Its purpose is to promote over-all psychological growth which will allow the individual to utilize his powers and capacities in an ordered, effective manner. The approach is directed toward the development of the whole person. If psychi-atric treatment is to be successful, the religious must be willing to cooperate with this approach and not limit his efforts solely to the various ramifications of the sex prob-lem. van Kaam, "Sex and Existence," p. 6. Compulsive Masturbation Compulsive masturbation is a typical psychological dis-order which stems from a failure to.achieve sexual matu-rity. Fenichel states that masturbation is pathological un-der two circumstances: (1) when it is preferred by an adult to sexual intercourse; (2) when it is done with great frequency.7 Masturbation in the adult signifies an arrest in the normal evolution of the sex powers.8 Instead of turning the attraction out toward others, the individual with this psychological problem turns it in on himself. He reverts to an earlier level of psychosexual development. He fails to realize "otherness" in directing his love. During the turbulent years of adolescence, the insecure youth in his halting struggle to reach sexual maturity often regresses to the earlier developmental stage of self-gratification. Sometimes unaware of the full moral impli-cations (this is especially true in the case of girls), he devel-ops the habit of relieving sexual tension through the practice of masturbation. Frequently it is only after the maturing of sexuality that he is able to overcome the habit fully. A failure to achieve maturity results in a per-sistence of the habit even after adulthood has been reached. Before entering the novitiate, some young men and women are able to overcome the habit by the sheer force of will power, only to have it suddenly return a few years after profession. In many instances, these are reli-gious who never achieved a mature heterosexual orienta-tion. As far as their sexuality is concerned, they are still adolescents. While teen-agers, they felt uncertain and frightened when faced with the normal heterosexual con-tacts of young people such as attending dances and dating. Admission to the religious life closed the door once and for all on the possibility of such relationships. The vow of chastity, then, became a psychological defense instead of a free giving of self and a sacrificing of sexuality to attain a nobler goal. As a consequence, no effort was made to understand the "why" of their sexual feelings and to reorient them toward maturity. After some months or perhaps years in the religious life, they were eventually overpowered by their confused, immature sexual impulses and found themselves unable to cope with these .impulses. Compulsive masturbation is more apt to occur when there is a lack of satisfaction in one's life.9 Thtig thi~ frustrated religious, Who i~ unable to give :himself full~ to his c~lling, is more likely tofall into this' disorder. He may manifest a certain hostility over his in~tbiiity to socceed as 7Otto Fenichel, The Psychoanalytic Theory oI Neurosis (New York: Norton, 1945), p. 76. s Marc Oraison, Man and Wile (London: Longmans, 1959), p. 86. ~ Fenichel, Psychoanalytic Theory, p. 76. + + + Chastity VOLUME 2,~, 1964 721 ÷ ÷ ÷ R. P. Vaughan, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS a religious and subsequently turn to masturbation as a means of gratification. Sometimes the act ceases to be a pleasurable thing and becomes an act of aggression turned in on the self out of hatred for the self. Since compulsive masturbation is a pathological symp-tom, the cure should be directed not toward the symptom but toward the reconstruction of the disordered person-ality. What is needed is the reordering of the total person. Rarely does it happen that compulsive masturbation is the only neurotic symptom. Homosexuality Homosexuality. is another pathological condition that in some instances appears to spring from distorted psycho-sexual development. During early adolescence, sexuality is somewhat adrift. It is only with full maturity that the individual becomes definitely heterosexually oriented. In the process of achieving this final goal, it is not unusual for the youth to become sexually attached to one of his own sex. Even in mature adulthood, a modicum of the attraction remains.10 In some, however, the homosexual attraction prevails, with the individual either having no attraction for the opposite sex or a nearly equal attraction for both sexes,n For centuries spiritual writers have been aware of the dangers of homosexual tendencies in the religious life. Much of the writing on the "particular friendship" gives every indication that such a relationship is a preliminary step to homosexuality. Since most retain, in varying degrees, some homosexual tendencies, it should not be surprising that spiritual authorities express con-cern. When sexual powers are deprived of their normal object, they tend to seek a second best. Lest too much emphasis be placed on this danger, there is a need to un-derstand clearly the difference between true friendship in the religious life and a "particular friendship"; other-wise charity, the essence of the Christian message, is apt to suffer. The homosexual is basically an immature person. His sexuality remains at the level of the adolescent. It can safely be said that in most instances he manifests a general immaturity, frequently accompanied by a degree of neu-roticism. His turning to his own sex and rejecting the opposite sex may result from a number of different fac-tors: (1) fear of the opposite sex; (2) early sexual experi-ences with a person of one's own sex, particularly an older person; (3) an overidentification with the parent of the opposite sex, "coupled with an unconscious hostility toward this same parent. While the causes of homosexual-lo Fenichel, Psychoanalytic Theory, p. 329. n Fenichel, Psychoanalytic Theory, pp. 328-3 I. ¯ ity are not clearly spelled out, there is sound evidence for some form of maladjustment in psychosexual, develop-merit, le Needless to say, the community aspect of religious life militates against the homosexual who enters this life. Unless he can achieve sexual maturity, which implies total psychological maturity, his chances of successfully leading the life are slight. The close contact with attrac-tive members of his own community presents a constant attack on the vow of chastity. It might also be added that under the usual conditions of religious life psychiatric treatment has limited value. In conclusion, it can be said that the well-balanced religious does attain psychosexual maturity. He freely chooses to express himself through a total cotnminnent to God and His world, which calls for a sacrificing of sexual expression. His love for God is no less an expression of the total self than the heterosexual experiences of the married. Immaturity in psychosexual development, how-ever, may seriously hinder the realization of the commit-ment inasmuch as any distortion of personality develop-ment detours one's energies in the direction of abnormal behavior and away from the object of commitment. n Dalbiez, Psychoanalytical Method, pp. 192-214; see also James Vander Veldt and Robert Odenvald, Psychiatry and Catholicism (2nd ed.; New York: McGraw-Hill, 1957), pp. 424-9. ÷ ÷ Chastity VOLUME 23~. 1964 723 RICHARD A. McCORMICK, S.]. Psychosexual Development in Religious Life Richard A. Mc- Cormick, S.J., is professor of moral theology at Bellar-mine School of The-ology; 230 S. Lin-coln Way; North Aurora, Illinois 60542. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Our purpose this morning* is to explore psychosexual development in religious life: its meaning, importance, its manifestations, itg growth, its obstacles. To do this I suggest that we make a twofold division of material in our considerations: (1) psychosexual development in general; (2) psychosexual development in religious life. Psychosexual Development in General The term "psychosexual development" is drawn from modern clinical psychology. It is not a term, therefore, which stems from Christian ascetical literature or from scholastic psychology. In attempting to describe its mean-ing I shall describe its ideal term (psychosexual maturity). Those competent in the area of psychology would be glad, I am sure, to fill in the gaps and deficiencies of my impoverishing description. "Psychosexual maturity" is a certain degree of affective relational possibility.1 It refers to the ability of the in-dividual to enter into "harmonious dialogue with any-thing and anybody, without obscure anxieties, without incoherent aggressiveness, without exclusive posses-siveness, in an increasingly fruitful rhythm of ex-changes . ,, 2 Insofar as it affects social relationships, the first note of this maturity is the ability to deal with others in general as persons rather than as objects. But psychosexual maturity says more than the capabil- * This paper was delivered as part of a seminar on psychological development and the religious life held at Catholic University of America, June 11-22, 1964. a Marc Oraison, Illusion and Anxiety (New York: Macmillan, 1963), p. 24. ~ Oraison, Illusion and Anxiety, p. 24. ity of relating to others as persons. It deals specifically with a relational possibility to the opposite sex, and as such it describes a quality of one's growth as a male or female. This maturity has been further described as an instinctive-emotional growth which "tends to a polariza-tion of the sexual drive in an intersubjective relation where the synthesis of each partner is achieved--even on the genital level--in the actual relation with 'the other regarded as a person." 3 In simpler terms I take this to mean relating sexually to another of the opposite sex as a person rather than as an object. Relating sexually should not be understood narrowly, in a merely genital sense, but in the wider sense of an overall instinctive-emotional attitude. Whatever the final commitment of the person involved, "what is important is that he achieve an interior psychological experience of his situation in relation to woman as a person. The same is true, of course, for woman in relation to man."~ "Relation to woman (or man) as a person." What does this mean? And what is the distinct character of this instinctive-emotional relationship? Relating to someone as a person means that my entire attitude and conduct reflects his total reality and dignity--a reality and dignity founded in the fact that he is a unique individual meant to be a blueprint of no one save God in whose image and likeness he was created; possessed of an immortal soul; an intellect capable of his own original thoughts; a will capable of and responsible for his own decisions, desires, purposes; emotions capable of enthusiasms, of joy and sorrow of a unique kind; of a destiny which is so magnifi-cent that it is describable only in terms of God Himself. Relating to another as a person is perhaps best under-stood by its opposite, relating to him as an obfect or means--as a thing, somthing from 'which I want to get something, to be used, manipulated, fit into a scheme, adjusted, subordinated, and twisted to a purpose. Human sexuality itself provides us with the distinctive character of this relationship to another person. Analysis of human sexuality, both in its wide and genital sense, reveals that it has two inner senses or meanings. It is, of course, fundamentally procreative. It is also essentially expressive of the deep love which brings a man and woman together to share their lives and work out their destiny by mutual complementarity. One thing is clear, then, when human sexuality is studied carefully, as Planque notes: "That the sexual function has no meaning except as related to others, and related to others in the 4- 4- P xychosexua! Developmeng s Oraison, Illusion and Anxiety, p. 109. 40raison, Illusion and Anxiety, p. 109. VOLUME 23, 1964 R. A. McCormick, sd. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS form of an offering." ~ There are two propositions here: first, the essential relativity or other-centeredness of sexuality; secondly, the character of an offering. Because of this basic other-centeredness of human sexuality, the-ology and psychology are at one in asserting that these goals will be achieved only through altruism of personal-ity. The distinctive character of this relation to another as person is, then, that of emotional altruism, of an offering, a self-donation, an oblation. It is to be noted again that the maturity in question does not refer to an actual mode of relational life. It says ability, possibility, capability., of an oblative rela-tionship, of a relationship of self-donation. In describing this capability of self-donation, modem psychology refers to a "healthy relationship to the opposite sex." This opposite sex aspect should not be misleading. It does not imply sexual expression or the married state. It states a condition or status of personality development. It says that the person is of such an overall maturity that a healthy sexual relationship is possible and that it can (even genitally) begin to serve the purposes of love. By contrast it says that if a person does not achieve the personality growth where a relationship with the opposite sex can be a sharing "and its typical expression a self-giving, the whole personality has failed to mature and this will affect the ability to love anyone in anyway. The emphasis falls on the ability to love. Thus Maturity consists.in the possibility of chastity or con-tinence-- provided the subject wills it--for love's sake. It is moreover quite conceivable that this maturity will permit., a celibacy oriented toward a different mode of relationM life and love of persons--social service or religious consecration in a positive possibility of chastity.° Such a maturity is said to be psychosexual. What does this mean? Generally it means that the achievement is the result of total personality development--not just, for example, of physical growth or intellec'tual endow-ment. It says both that it is the result of the harmonious growth of all personality factors (emotional, instinctive, physical, spiritual, and so forth) and that its manifesta-tions occur at all levels of the personality. More specifi-cally it is called "sexual" for at least several reasons. First of all, there is the importance attributed to the sexual instinct in this development by modern clinical psychology. Secondly, the relational possibility referred to earlier will always be stamped by the sex of the per-sons involved. Thirdly, the term is, quite naturally, generally described in terms of the man-woman relation- Daniel Planque, The Theology o[ Sex in Marriage (Notre Dame: Fides, 1962), p. 90. Oraison, Illusion and Anxiety, p. 112. ship leading to and found in marriage. Finally one of the characteristic expressions of emotional infantilism is sexual irresponsibility; hence psychosexual immaturity both gives rise to this type of thing and is in some sense the result of it. We have described in general the term or fulfillment which is called psychosexual maturity. Our concern is more immediately with psychosexual "development." This implies that this term or achievement is the result of a process of growth. Here we note two things. First of all, by describing the term we do not imply that it is a static state or that it is ever fully achieved. We should rather understand that this term is an ideal and that growth toward it continues through life. Secondly, in general this growth process is conceived by modern psychology as one beginning in the tenderest years and extending into adulthood to be continued by the very self-donation which it increasingly makes possible. More concretely, it can be said that "the child begins from a normally narcissistic position, evolves toward an object relation and should achieve a subject relation in which the other is experienced as another subject."7 In other words, the process is the gradual socialization of the sex instinct, its gradual evolution to the point where it serves the altruistic purposes of human love. This growth process is defined in terms of challenges to be met, obstacles to be overcome. The phenomenon is very complex and at some points disputed and unclear. The following summary foreshortens this complexity but it will have to do. In phase with the different stages of maturation there occur certain rhythmic oscillations of social interest. Thus, at first, the infant naturally makes no distinction between boys and girls. It is socially asexual or simply non-sexual. The child of two or three is bi-sexual, recognizing gradually that there is a difference between boys and girls, but taking no account of this in its social relations with other children. With the approach of the latency period the child withdraws to the shelter of its own sex; not exclusively, not pathologically, but simply as a natural process to allow the next phase of development to occur with the least possible turmoil. This is the stage at which the young boy of six will look on another young boy of six who plays with girls as a "sissy," and the girl of six on her companion who plays with boys as a "tomboy"--or whatever happens to be the familiar term of the peer-group. Soon, having made some progress through the latency pe-riod, the child feels emotionally strong enough to emerge from his own sex-group once more. Thus boys and girls of seven or eight or nine play happily together, recognizing that they are different but without segregation on this basis (other bases, yes: incompetence at the game, tell-taleism, breach of rule etc.). This is a hi-sexual or heterosexual phase. (The phase of de-fensive withdrawal into the shelter of one's own sex is called ~ Oraison, Illusion and Anxiety, p. 106. ÷ ÷ 4. Psychosexual Development VOLUME 2.~, 1964 ÷ ÷ ÷ R. A. McCormick, $.1. REVIEW' FOR RELIGIOUS a homosexual phase, but the term must be carefully used in this psychological sense so as to differentiate it sharply from its more usual connotation of sexual perversion. The defensive with- :trawal in question here is certainly not a perversion.) From this heterosexual phase, the child passes, with the onset of psy-chological puberty (a year or two earlier than physiological puberty) or the pre-pubertal phase referred to in our second paragraph, into a new homosexual phase (again, let us repeat that this means a withdrawal into the shelter of one's own sexual peers). It is easy to see that this withdrawal has an im-portant biological and psychological function: it enables the growing organism to take the great leap into sexual matur-ity without the disturbing stimuli of the other sex, or at any rate with these minimized. When the conscious mind of the growing child has learned, however inadequately, to come to grips with its new'found sexuality, the adolescent is then ready to enter the bi-sexual society once again. ~Thus, towards the middle of adolescence, one finds once again the child emerging from the defensive positions of its own sex, and heterosexual interests and play activities are sought once again,s In explaining this process some experts put more em-phasis on the psychological interiorization of sense and emotional experiences going on within the child from the moment of birth; others put less on such a structuralizing of early experience. At any rate, it is true to say that practically all specialists accept a growth process through several crises and e_xplain this process as leading ideally to the possibility of interpersonal relationships. It is this total development which I shall understand as "psycho-sexual development." To highlight the general importance of this develop-ment, let me try to locate it in a somewhat larger (than clinical psychology) context, the context of Christian living. The great commandment, in a sense the only commandment, is the love of God and of neighbor for God's sake. All other Christian duties are simply specifi-cations of this command. But not only is this a command; God's commands are affirmations about ourselves. In telling us that the great commandment is love of God and neighbor, Christ was actually telling us what is good for us and what we are. He was saying that our own comple-tion and fulfillment is to be found here, hence that ulti-mately our eternal h~ppiness depends on love and is love. If one is to find his life, he must lose it--in the divest-ment of self which is love. This love we call charity to highlight its supernatural origin, efficiency, object, and purpose. It is easy to conclude that just as love is the essential ideal of any state of life, so ability to love is the essential disposition, that which one should bring to it and that in which one grows through it. Every state of life is an apprenticeship in love. ¯ SE. F. O'Doherty, Religion and Personality Problems (New York: Alba, 1964), pp. 224-6. - " - " ¯ - The terms, so to speak, of our love are God and our neighbor. This is clear. But the relationship between the two is not always that clear. When we are commanded to love God and our neighbor, it is easy to imagine the two as distinct. In an obvious sense they are distinct. Yet in a very real sense they are not. St. John wrote: "If any man says I love God and hates his brother, he is a liar. For he who loves not his brother, whom he sees, how can he love God whom he does not see?" (1 Jn 4:20-1). The obvious identity here suggests the Mystical Body. Our love of neighbor is our love of God because, in a real if mysterious sense, our neighbor is God, is of His Body. Also "the good our love wants to do Him can be done only for our neighbor and it is in others that God de-mands to be recognized and loved."a What is astounding here is the correspondence between this theological reality and what I might call a psycho-logical reality. The theological reality refers to the union of God and man wherein love of man is transformed into and becomes love of God. The psychological reality refers to what we might call the dependence of our love of God on rove of men--in terms of dispositions. Oraison wrote: "In order that dialogue with God be possible, there must be an existential dialogue among men. Created love opens up the heart, primes it for divine love." ~0 What I think he is saying is that we learn to love God by learning to love men and that only by loving men can we grow in those dispositions which are basic to love of God. Con-versely, the failure to love another and others, which is ordinarily traceable to an arrested development, to an infantilism of self-enclosure, will also prohibit growth in love of God. The two loves just cannot be separated, neither onto-logically nor psychologically. If one does not love man he is de facto not loving God, St. John tells us. If one cannot love men, he will very likely be unable to love God, psychology suggests. And this is the enormous im-portance of psychosexual maturity. But if these two loves cannot be separated, they must be clearly distinguished. I mean that one may never assert that Christ's message can be reduced to the realities of clinical psychology, that grace and emotional maturity are synonymous, that the supernatural love of God is psychological maturity. Far from it. Loving God is not chiefly our doing. "The love of God has been poured into bur hearts by the Holy Spirit whom we have received" (Rum 5:5). It is simply to' assert the profound oneness and continuity of the *Vincent Rochford, "Who Is My Neighbor?" The Way, v. 4 (1964), p. 116. lo Oraison, Illusion and Anxiety, p. 43. + + + Psychosemml Development VOLUME 23, 1964 ÷ ÷ ÷ R. A. McCormick, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS human personality, a thing we should expect if we grasp even partially the fact that man was created (and not only elevated) in the image and likeness of God. It is to assert that, while the two are not the same, the subject (man) is one and hence psychosexual immaturity can be a terrible obstacle to love of God.11 For the more we know of God, the more we know that He is relation, that His very being is "being-in-and-for-another." As man comes to know more about himself through clinical psychology, it should not be surprising that his Godlikeness becomes more obvious, that he sees he is made for relational life, and that everything in his makeup (including instincts and emotions) conspires to relational possibility or, as undeveloped, hinders it. And once we know that our eternal existence will be love of God, it should not be surprising that preparation for this life should be growth in the dispositions which are so important relationally and that these dispositions reach to the depths of our being. What I am trying to say most inadequately is that we will only learn to love, hence to love God, by loving our neighbor. Now we love as human beings, divinized through grace it is true, but still as human beings--not as disincarnate spirits. That means that our love is a matter of the spiritual, the intellectual, the emotional, the physical. Thus the other-centeredness which defines all (but or-dered self) love is a matter of total personality orienta-tion and development. In other words, the personal re-lational possibility of love is founded and depends on my maturity as a male or a female. Whenever we love, we love as man or as woman. Now being a complete male or female is precisely de-pendent upon a successful negotiation of the growth process which we have mentioned. It is that which condi-tions to some extent my ability to seek and respond to any other as a person. If I am emotionally immature, I will be affectively turned in on self, closed off to others, never able to transcend my own self-interest. Summarily, then, since this growth process has a great deal to do with my being a healthy male or female, and since being a healthy male or female conditions my capacity to relate personally (hence lovingly) to others, and since charity ~s to some extent this relation supernaturalized, it is clear that fulfillment of the great commandment involves some very human underpinnings, that it is tied closely to the dynamic drama of growth upon which clinical psychology has raised the curtain. We should expect this, for we are one. Assuredly grace can accomplish miracles See Robert G. Gassert, S.J., and Bernard H. Hall, M.D., Psy-chiatry and Religious Faith (New York: Viking, 1964), pp. 49-50. (thank God) and is probably forced to work overtime with most of us. But as a general rule, arrested psychosexual growth is a very poor foundation upon which to attempt to structure a supernatural life at whose heart is a rela-tional thing: charity. Psychosexual Development in Religious. Li[e Let us recall again that psychosexual maturity is affec-tive maturity, affective relational possibility. It is obvious that growth in supernatural virtue is a result of many factors: grace, prayer, sacraments, sound ideas, direction, self-abnegation, emotional maturity, and so on. When we speak of psychosexual maturity, we are not talking about this overall maturity or growth, that is, iri super-natural virtue. We are talking about one element or aspect in it and that a very natural, even clinical one: affective relational possibility. This is an instinctive-emotional cast or posture. It should be clear that it is, therefore, not something I can will into existence, grind into existence through repetition of unselfish acts, play into existence, flog into existence through penance, propa-gandize into existence through conferences. We are simply not talking about this type of thing, the type of thing which can be produced by a simple flexing of ascetical muscles. It is, then, very important to distinguish psychosexual maturity (and its development) from supernatural virtue (and its development). If I miss the difference I will either simply naturalize virtue or go to the other extreme and try to build a supernatural life without a sound sub-structure. This would be to dehumanize supernatural living, hence eventually to destroy it.12 The importance of psychosexual development in re-ligious life could scarcely be overemphasized. It has been said that if the married Iayman remains in the world to serve and save it, the religious stands apart from it to do the same thing. Religious life is, then, an attempt to respond to the call of love of God and neighbor in a very direct way. It is the direct love of service to others. And just as the Word redeemed the whole man, so the religious extends this redemptive action through time to the whole man. Anything else would be inhuman. "Our own sal-vation depends on loving as Christ loves. He cares for the whole man; and so must we if we are to love as He loves." a3 Religious life is, briefly, growing in love of Christ by donating oneself to the total needs of Christ's own. Loving the whole man means loving men as human beings, and therefore even affectively. The greatest hu- See O'Doherty, Religion and Personality Problems, p. 56. Rochford, "Who Is My Neighbor?" p. 117. + Psychosexual Dcoelopment VOLUME 23, 1964 ,4. 4. 4. IL A. McCormick, Sd. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS man need is to be loved. For unloved, I remain unloving, withdrawn, self-encased. But when 1 am loved in a full human way, selfhood, personal identity, a feeling of security, a sense of worth and dignity is conferred upon me--the very things which enable me to respond to others as persons, to love them. Thus it is clear that be-cause my greatest fulfillment is the other-centeredness of love (and charity), my greatest human need is for that which creates this possibility; that is, love from others, their acceptance of me as a person. Similarly my greatest gift to them is my self-donation to them because this is also their greatest need. Modern psychology, in uncover-ing the growth process which leads to the ability of self-donation in interpersonal relationships, has not only described a capacity; it has at once described a need. And in doing this it has painted in bold colors the practical content of any act of charity toward men. (As you can see, my perspective is a bit larger than that of mere psychology. It is that of Christian fulfillment.) Clearly, then, religious life which is love of Christ in His children, demands psychosexual maturity, oblative ability, affective self-donation. Without this maturity I risk just doing things for others without really loving them totally in the process. If this is religious life, it will produce dried-up hearts, sometimes hard hearts incapable of loving even God. For we must love as human under pain of not loving at all. The problem, then, which confronts us is: how is one to grow in this affective relational possibility? How can religious life promote such growth? Let me put it more concretely. Imagine, for example, an old religious of instinctively fine virtue, mellowness, and charm. We all know such wonderful people. In spite of lovable ec-centricities (they remain individuals, after all), what stands out so often is their sensitivity of feeling for others, their delicacy and eagerness in responding to the needs of others. They are genuinely spontaneous and happy in serving others; it is apparently easy for them and a source of genuine delight. Briefly, they are at home and adjusted in their deep other-orientation, even emotionally so. Our problem: how did they get this way? Barry McLaughlin, S.J.,14 has suggested that to promote such growth certain fundamental attitudes must be culti-vated: the attitudes of presence, availability, empathy, generosity, and fidelity. By cultivating these the religious presents himself to others; he decentralizes his person-ality from self and goes out to others, is free for them; he identifies with others' sorrows, ambitions, joys and be- ~' Barry McLaughlin, S.J., Nature, Grace and Religious Develop-ment (Westminster: Newman, 1964), p. 80 ft. stows himself by forgiveness and kindness. True enough. But practically how can we cultivate these attitudes? Do we not cultivate things which issue in attitudes? What i now propose is merely tentative. Regard it as a basis for discussion and enlightened disagreement. I suggest we approach the matter analogously through marriage. By seeing growth in marriage, perhaps we can isolate those elements which contribute to psychosexual development and then locate them in religious life. Love of God and neighbor is as much a commandment for and affirmation about the married as about anyone else. The ultimate vocational purpose of marriage in the Christian scheme coincides, in this sense, with the vocational purpose of any other state of life. When two people commit their lives and personalities to each other to forge a corporate "we," they undertake a sharing enterprise whose success and happiness is assured only to the extent that one's life is aimed at giving happiness to the other. One achieves fulfillment by undertaking the fulfillment of the other. "Marriage will be for a man a means of development precisely to the extent that, in full possession of their own personalities, the spouses will make a gift of self to each other and to their chil-dren." 15 But even this sharing and fulfillment must be seen in the Christian scheme as a schooling for something greater, an apprenticeship for fulfillment of the great commandment. As Frank Wessling writes: All of us, married or not, will save our lives by learning to love as fully as possible. If I am ever going to learn to love, I shall have to learn it in my marriage by loving my wife first of all. In that love I have got to see and appreciate variety and degrees, so that when I turn outward to the world and other persons, I am able to love variety and the degrees of goodt,ess I see there,ae By learning to love their own, they learn to slough of[ self-interest and open themselves to love of God and neighbor. Most people do not bring full maturity to marriage. As a Catholic husband wrote me recently: "Few people probably enter marriage adequately prepared for such totality of commitment--but it is a goal to be worked for." Most people have to learn to love, to appreciate the sacrifices essential to it. It is extremely difficult to hdmit practically that love really demands a sacrifice of self for the other. Generally, in fact, if a man and woman are not forced by some external pressure in the beginning to sacrifice themselves, they probably will do a less than a" Planque, Theology of Sex in Marriage, p. 94. lOFrank Wessling, "Is It Immature Loving?" America, v. 110 (January-June, 1964), p. 595. + + ÷ Psychosexual Development VOLUME 23, 1964 R. A. McCormick, Sd. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 734 adequate job of sacrificing, hence loving, on their own. Often enough the "pressure" which shatters the romantic illusions and demands very personal payments, personal preferences of others to self, is the child. It is almost providential that just as the couple is beginning to get used to, perhaps even a bit tired of, each other, attention is drawn away from themselves in a way which ultimately forges even a closer two-in-oneness. There is need to prefer others to self. They begin, slowly at first, to ap-preciate sacrifices and to perceive their meaning. As time goes along, they begin to choose them more frequently, even get accustomed to them. 0ther-concern becomes increasingly if unnoticeably (to them) a part of their life and outlook. Their thinking changes subtly over the years. The "we" dominates their planning and thinking. All the while ~their affective liIe has taken on .increasingly the color and tone of other-centeredness. Even their intimate sexual life becomes more more tender, consider-ate, partner-oriented---hence more mature. This process is a lifetime work, but what has been going on here? Clearly there has been growth. The affec-tions have been gradually drained of selfishness. The two have grown closer to each other as persons. The rhythm of their life has taken on a mutuality and reciprocity at all levels. They are identifying themselves as married, as one. But how? What is responsible for this growth? Many things, of course: prayer, graces of the sacrament of matrimony, reception of the sacraments, intimacy, flare-ups, forgiveness, little kindnesses, and so on. For the growth is total. But in so far as this growth is psycho-sexual or instinctive-emotional, I believe I see three elements which stand out at this stage: (1) the existence of an affective relationship toward each other, very im-perfect at the beginning, deeply colored by self-interest; (2) sacrificial acts which gradually purify the affective relationship, center it more pronouncedly on others; (3) at first under pressure, but then more freely chosen. Hence greater auto-determination and responsibility. Therefore this growth is attributable not just to an affective relationship and notosimply to sacrificial acts, but to such acts, resulting increasingly from free choice, within the context of such a relationship. This combina-tion has led imperceptibly to growth in relational possi-bility. Now try to apply this conclusion to religious life. What I wish to suggest is that we must find and promote these three elements in religious life if we are to foster continu-ing psychosexual growth in it. As for sacrificial acts, I think we need say very little. They are built into religious and community living. The second element, increased auto-determination, needs much attention. For religious life, especially early religious life, by training groupwise to a "foreign ascetical ideal" risks produ~:ing conforming automata--especially if we reflect on the early and immature age of entrance into religious life. The sooner the acts and practices of religious life can convert from "pressures" into freely chosen acts, the better. This means one thing to me: early communication of responsibility. I propose that we religious have been seriously defec-tive in this regard. Perhaps we have thought of "educat-ing to religious or community life" in rather external, even military terms. This can lead to identification of responsibility with mere external performance. Certainly the virtues essential to religious life make definite mini-mal external demands. In this sense there mnst be some external uniformity if religious life is to escape the chaotic and it obedience, to cite but one example, is to be identifiable as a distinct virtue. However, the matter of emphasis is important here. An approach to religious living, expecially in what we might call its "external" aspects, demands responsibility; ~or the various external tasks of religious life are simply practical demands, options, suggestions, or extensions of this or that virtue. Virtue implies choice, voluntariety. We should expect, therefore, that the more voluntariety there is, the greater will be the perfection of, for example, the virtue of obedience, the virtue of poverty, and so on. Hence if we are intent on training to virtue (and not simply to external performance) we will be concerned above all with practices which stimulate a more responsi-ble response. More specifically, poverty can be practiced just as well and as exactly by allowing the young religious to retain a certain amount of travel money as by making him ask for it on each occasion. Indeed, one would think that responsible poverty would be more likely produced precisely by such a practice. For it tends more to make dependent use of money a matter of choice, hence more responsible. Poverty is not simply "not having material things available." It is above all dependent use of mate-rial things. Its virtuous practice means that this depend-ence is voluntarily embraced for love of Christ. Of course there will be violations and abuses. But this is the price one must pay if there is to be growth in virtue. There are many areas in which we might profitably rethink our communication of responsibility in religious life: the daily order (for example, time of retiring, time o~ meditation), travel (for example, use of cars), studies, use of money, dealing with externs, adjustments to service of others, and so on. When we over-concentrate on the materiality involved 4- 4- 4- Psychosexual Development VOLUME 23~ 1964 " + ÷ ÷ R. A. McCormick, $.I. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ?36 (for example, performance of an assigned task), we tend to equate this with virtue, hence with responsibility. This emptieg the notion of responsibility as well as that of virtue with terribly unfortunate effects. Thus it is not uncommon in religious life to find responsibility identi-fied with control of the mop room. Clearly responsibility means more than this. It means just what it says: re-sponsibility in the planning process and in the process of execution. Furthermore, a unilateral approach (over-emphasis on the external) to virtue means that other aspects of the virtue are overlooked. For example, if one's entire emphasis where obedience is concerned falls on "doing what you are told," the virtue is robbed of its true richness. We miss the superior's duty to govern prudently, hence to make the fullest possible consulta-tive use of the subject's prudence. We miss the correlative and sometimes onerous task of subjects of making their reflections available to their superiors--always of course with the interior preparedness to submit wholeheartedly, even eagerly, when the superior's will is final and defini-tive. Finally, if unilateral overemphasis on a single as-pect of a virtue narrows the horizons of this virtue, it necessarily unprepares the subject for later and more difficult tests in this virtue. How many adult failures in religious obedience, poverty, charity can be traced to early failures in the communication of responsibility in the educative process? The analogue to the affective relationship in married life is friendship in religious life. I propose, therefore, that psychosexual development in religious life will be pro-moted by stimulating (1) the sacrificial acts so numerously present and available in religious life; (2) undertaken with increasing responsibility in early religious life; (3) within a context of human friendships. All are essential. For if there is no growth without freely elected sacrifice, there is no affective growth without an affective relation-ship. If I am right in this analysis, one sees immediately the enormous importance of friendship in religious life. For the attitudes which issue from it are "the marks of the charity of the religious man whose task it is to bear witness to the modern world of the possibility of love." 1~ Ifa religious grows in these attitudes, "he will learn the attitudes basic to Christian love. Subsequently he must seek to give his love for every man he meets the character and depth, of his love of a friend.'us I see the problem, then, of psychosexual development in religious life as depending heavily on the existence of friendship. My final remarks will concentrate on this 17 McLaughlin, Nature, Grace and Religious Developlnent, p. 83. is McLaughlin, Nature, Grace and Religious Development, p. 83. point. Affective relationships are going to exist in re-ligious life. We are made that way. It is important that they be sound; that is, that they be true human love. Hence, from this point of view, perhaps our best.practical contribution to psychosexual development is straight thinking about friendships in religious life and incorpo-ration of this thinking into our ascetical ideals. I strongly recommend a recent article by Felix Cardegna, S.J., from which I draw heavily and verbatim in the following paragraphs.19 Marriage is self-giving, self-surrender of the whole per-son symbolized by and attested to by physical surrender. Like marriage consecrated virginity is first and foremost a surrender, a surrender of my whole person, concretely represented and signed by my body. Out of love I lay my sexual secret, so to speak, my capacity for creative sexual love in all its richness in the hands of Christ. Just as corporal possession indicates the totality and exclusivity of marriage, so virginal renunciation spells the exclusivity and totality of one's self-donation to Christ. Consecrated virginity does involve, then, renunciation. But it is important to define exactly what the virgin renounces. There are, as Father Cardegna notes, four components: (1) the pleasure which accompanies the deliberate exercise of the sexual faculties; (2) the affec-rive development brought about by conjugal love; (3) children, the fruit of married love; (4) the affective de-velopment brought about by parental love. These are profound human values and run deep in the human personality. Only when I realize how deeply personal and mysterious and good is the surrender (and self-recovery) of marriage can I begin to see how deeply mysterious, beautiful, and positive is the virginal surrender and conse-quent renunciation. The sublimity of the religious' of-fering is spelled out precisely in the value of the thing offered. But does consecrated virginity renounce human love? By no means. Human love is more extensive than sexual love. Human love is in its essence not sexual but personal, a love between persons. Love's transcendence of self through self-donation does not necessarily involve physi-cal donation of self in sexual union, as we have seen. Indeed it is only when conjugal love can learn to forego intercourse at times that it reveals its truly mature char-acter-- a fact too often overlooked by the recent (and I would add "youthful") and almost hypnotic obsession with sexual intercourse. Because virginity does not re-nounce human love, it should not be presented as so ~o Felix Cardegna, S.J., "Chastity and Human Affectivity," REVIEW FOR RELmlOUS, V. 23 (1964), pp. 309-15. + + 4- Psychosexual D~oelo~m~ent VOLUME 23, 1964 737 R, A. McCormick, S.I. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS "total" that there is nothing left for anyone else. This would lead to a glowering withdrawal from the human scene. Rather because the surrender is virginal, there is much left for everyone else--and that much is human love. While the virgin renounces married love and its nuances, he does not renounce the love that is human friendship. Indeed it is impossible to imagine a human person as involved in any kind o

Studies of youth subcultures have been carried out for decades from various theoretical perspectives (including functionalism, social ecology, neo‐Marxism, deviance and labeling, cultural studies, sports and leisure studies) as well as from various methodological standpoints (e.g., deductive and inductive approaches, insider and outsider perspectives, ethnographic, historical comparative, and semiotics). The sociological study of youth subcultures thus offers a wide range of opportunities to bring together an interesting topic for young people and theoretical or methodological pedagogies.Suggested booksThe significance of youth‐subcultural studies is evident in the plethora of current books on the topic. Here, I provide a brief summary of some recent books, as well as a few classics that should not be overlooked.Cohen, Stanley 2002 [1972]. Folk Devils and Moral Panics (3rd edn). London, UK: Routledge.This study of the infamous mods and rockers clashes in Britain in the mid‐1960s focuses attention on the media's role in construction youth subcultures as deviant social phenomena. Its significance lies not only in its analysis of how the British media created a moral panic by stereotyping, exaggerating, and mishandling representations of youth, but also in its more general insight into the social construction of social categories such as 'youth', 'subculture', and 'deviance'. Readers of the third edition will benefit from Cohen's introductions to the second and third editions (both printed in the third edition), which give an updated analysis of the two concepts he originally proposed in his title (i.e., folk devil and moral panic).Gelder, Ken (ed.) 2005. The Subcultures Reader (2nd edn). London, UK: Routledge.This book represents the single most comprehensive collection of original research in youth‐subcultural studies. The edited volume has 48 chapters divided into 8 thematic sections, each with its own introductory chapter (in addition to the 48), and covers a broad range of theoretical and empirical research.Greenberg, Arielle (ed.) 2007. Youth Subcultures: Exploring Underground America. New York, NY: Pearson Longman.Unlike some books on youth cultures or subcultures that develop theory at the expense of readability and engagement, Greenberg's edited volume is very friendly to less experienced social science readers. The contributed chapters are written both by professional scholars and undergraduate students. Greenberg has sought to avoid jargon‐ and reference‐laden research and succeeded in developing a book that undergraduates, especially those who are not taking an entire course on youth subcultures, will find most useful.Haenfler, Ross 2006. Straight Edge: Hardcore Punk, Clean‐Living Youth, and Social Change. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.In recent years, there have been several thorough ethnographic studies of youth subcultures. Along with Paul Hodkinson's study of goths and Lauraine Leblanc's study of female punks, Haenfler's book offers keen sociological insight into the contemporary culture of straight edge. His book frames the subculture in terms of its nonmaterial culture, its status as an agent of social change, and its masculine and feminine dimensions. It is well written and serves as a tool for engaging students on notions of gender and social change, especially.Hall, Stuart and Tony Jefferson (eds) 1998 [1975]. Resistance through Rituals: Youth Subcultures in Post‐War Britain. London, UK: Routledge.This is the classic edited text from the Center for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) at the University of Birmingham, UK, which established youth‐subcultural studies as a subdiscipline of both cultural studies and sociology. The editors offer a significant theoretical expose on the links between critical theory and youth subcultures. The subsequent empirical and theoretical chapters further express their collective stance, which although it has come under serious criticism over the years, is still a must‐read for students of youth subcultures. Most of work relates directly to British youth subcultures of the 1950s to the 1970s and, therefore, may seem quite foreign to younger American readers. Teachers relying on this book may need to do some homework of their own to get up to speed on the substantive issues covered.Hebdige, Dick 1979. Subculture: The Meaning of Style. London, UK: Routledge.This book is considered by many scholars to be the quintessence of British subcultural studies. Hebdige takes a rather nonsociological view of subcultures in the book, emphasizing a humanist semiotic approach instead. Many scholars have criticized the book as unnecessarily dense and devoid of the voices of subcultural participants, yet the author's insights into the cultural significance of style still make it a very significant text.Hodkinson, Paul and Wolfgang Deicke (eds) 2007. Youth Cultures: Scenes, Subcultures, and Tribes. London, UK: Routledge.This edited collection is based on a 2003 conference in which youth culture scholars discussed the relative utility of the subculture concept in the face of pressure from competing concepts such as scenes and neotribes. The book consists of a rather eclectic set of chapters that tackle both theoretical and substantive issues. While its weakness is perhaps its lack of coherence, this is balanced by its wide coverage of contemporary issues, including gender, race/ethnicity, commodification, and new media.Huq, Rupa 2006. Beyond Subculture: Pop, Youth and Identity in a Postcolonial World. London, UK: Routledge.Focusing on music cultures at the turn of the millennium, Hug offers a solid synthetic analysis of subcultural studies in the UK during the latter half of the twentieth century. She then moves through a series of case studies on various music genres – including bhangra, rave/club, hip‐hop/rap, and grunge – as she attempts to articulate how the cultures that consume such music have moved beyond the 'subculture' label.Leblanc, Lauraine 2001. Pretty in Punk: Girls' Gender Resistance in a Boys' Subculture. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.While many books look at core cultural dimensions of particular youth subcultures, Leblanc dedicates her book to young women's participation. Focusing on punk, she investigates the historical structures of the subculture that result in the marginalization of women, how female participants construct the significance of punk in their lives, and how they deal with males both within and outside subcultural contexts.Muggleton, David 2000. Inside Subculture: The Postmodern Meaning of Style. Oxford, UK: Berg.Playing off the name of Dick Hebdige's famous book, this monograph offers a very different reading of youth‐subcultural participation than classic CCCS texts. Muggleton takes an empirical rather than semiotic approach, using interviews and fieldnotes from his study of young people in Britain who dress in alternative fashions. His work offers new insights into the relations between youth culture, fashion, and identity.Muggleton, David and Rupert Weinzierl 2003. The Post‐Subcultures Reader. Oxford, UK: Berg.This edited volume focuses on recent work by scholars working, for the most part, from a postmodern perspective. Rather than seeing subcultures as class‐based, ideologically pinned or static, the authors collectively explore the more fluid and negotiated terrain upon with contemporary Western youths live. The book would be best used for a graduate course, as much of the writing is relatively sophisticated.Thornton, Sarah 1996. Club Cultures: Music, Media and Subcultural Capital. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan.Starting with Pierre Bourdieu's theory of cultural capital, Thornton moves into the world of rave/club culture to study how subcultural participants articulate their own form of status, power, and identity. Another significant dimension of the book is her articulation of the role various media (from mass to micro to niche) play in subcultural worlds.Films and videosAs discussed by Leblanc (1998), films provide opportunities for students to practice casting a sociological eye on the world around them. While Leblanc's focus was on teaching ethnography, her substantive interests in youth and youth subcultures provide a useful discussion for teachers interested in teaching a course on youth subcultures. Over the years, I have used many films and videos, both in whole and part, either to emphasize a particular sociological concept, to provide documentary evidence of particular subcultural styles, practices, and worldviews, or to facilitate relatively safe student engagement with a topic that many of them might shy away from in a face‐to‐face context. In the following list, I will make reference to particular parts of my syllabus (further below) where the film/video might be most useful.Between Resistance and CommunityThis is an independently made documentary film by Joe Caroll and Ben Holtman (2002) about the Long Island, New York DIY (do‐it‐yourself) hardcore scene. The documentary provides an in‐depth look at the scene through the eyes of its members. It is full of raw footage of hardcore music shows and interviews with scene participants and offers a coherent standpoint analysis of the concepts of resistance and community (thus living up to its title). I typically use parts of the film in connection with the concept of resistance, as well as societal responses/reaction and identity/authenticity.Merchants of CoolFrontline's documentary of the relationship between cultural production and consumption emphasizes not only mainstream fashion, but specifically how cultural industries take advantage of young people that live on the cutting edge of style through basic marketing tools. The video is available online (http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/cool/view/) and is broken down into six parts. I sometime show parts 1–3 and 6 during a single class in order to have time for discussion. The video is relevant to discussions of style, consumption/culture industries, authenticity, and media.Paradise Lost: The Child Murders at Robin Hood HillsThis is a lengthy documentary film about the so‐called West Memphis Three: three young men who were convicted of torturing and murdering three boys in West Memphis, Arkansas, in 1993. The case surrounding the murders and trials remains highly contested, and to this day there are serious doubts by many as to the guilt of the accused. As the documentary shows, the West Memphis Three were heavy metal fans, one of whom dabbled in the Wiccan religion. While the film is too long for most classes, I used two sections of the film to highlight (i) the 'dominant' Christian culture of West Memphis and (ii) the attempts by prosecutors to create a strong tie between the defendants' appearance and style on one hand and Satanism on the other. The film offers students insight into the harsh reality of labeling, moral panic, and societal response (there is also a follow‐up documentary entitled Paradise Lost 2: Revelations).QuadropheniaA film produced during the 1970s by the British rock band The Who, Quadrophenia looks back at the mod and rocker subcultures of the mid‐1960s through the eyes of a mod. The film is best viewed in Section 2 of my course syllabus, while students are reading about the Birmingham tradition (in the USA especially, since many students have never heard of mods and rockers). Mods are cited repeatedly in the CCCS literature; thus, the film gives students something more tangible to engage. The film is particularly good and facilitating student engagement with certain subcultural concepts learned in Sections 1 and 2, including frame of reference, strain, homology, bricolage, and 'magical' solutions.The SourceThis documentary looks at the Beat culture. I use sections of the film to highlight the dominant American culture of the 1950s and how individuals who felt marginalized or otherwise nonnormative moved to big cities in search of other people who were similar. The film works well with a discussion of Albert Cohen's theory of subcultural strain.The WarriorsHaving attended a formal gathering of all the gangs in New York, a local gang called the Warriors are wrongly accused of assassinating a would‐be gang lord and are forced to fight their way back home to Coney Island. The film is full of stereotypical images of subcultural style and deviant behavior. This film fits in well with a review of the Chicago School, in particular a deviance or criminological approach to youth subcultures. The film offers insight into class, gender, strain, and the urban environment.Other film titles and the subcultures to which they relate include:

A Clockwork Orange – abstract representation of subcultural deviance
Afro Punk – punk subculture and race
American Hardcore – punk and hardcore music subculture
Another State of Mind – early hardcore punk scene, highlights music
Boyz in the Hood –marginalized black culture that produced hip‐hop and rap music
Dogtown and Z‐Boys – skateboarding
Dreadheads: Portrait of a Subculture – new age travelers, deadheads
Heavy: The Story of Metal – heavy metal
Metal: A Headbanger's Journey – extreme metal culture, including death metal and black metal
Punk: The Early Years – history of punk
Red Light Go – Bike messengers
Romper Stomper– racist skinheads
Sid and Nancy– punk, focusing on The Sex Pistols
SLC Punk– punk
Surburbia– interesting mix of disaffected youth, mainly punk with skinheads and goths as well
This is England– looks at the intersection of racist and non‐racist skinhead culture in the UK

http://www.youtube.com contains a vast collection of subculture‐related material. I troll the site every few months looking for new resources to use in the classroom.Sample syllabus outlineCourse descriptionYouth as a social phenomenon arose largely as a cultural derivative of the industrial revolution in Europe and the USA and is now global. In the twentieth century particularly, youth became an object of sociological, cultural, and psychological analyses. The concept of 'subculture' has been used with various degrees of success to analyze youths' individual and collective behaviors. This course surveys some of the many strands of youth‐subcultural theory during the twentieth century. It begins with early sociological work from the University of Chicago, followed by an overview of the cultural studies approach from the University of Birmingham, UK. It then moves on to examples of contemporary subcultural theory and research, focusing on a number of discrete sociological concepts and youth‐subcultural groups.Purpose and objectivesThe purpose of the course is to try and arrive at some consensus as to the worth of 'subculture' as an analytic concept as well as the various concepts that drive subcultural studies. The objectives of the course are: to familiarize students with various strands of subcultural theory in sociology and cultural studies; to review a variety of historical and contemporary youth subcultures as well as the concepts and methods used to study them; and to improve students' understanding of how and why youth subcultures emerge, exist, and change.1 Section 1: Introduction to youth‐subculture studiesHoward Becker 1986. Culture: A Sociological ViewSarah Thornton 1997. General Introduction to The Subcultures Reader, 1st edn.Ken Gelder 2005. Introduction: The Field of Subculture Studies* Section 2: American subculture studiesKen Gelder 2005. Introduction to Part One: The Chicago School and Urban Ethnography* Subculture as deviance Paul Cressey 1932. The Life‐Cycle of the Taxi‐Dancer* Subculture as strain Robert Merton 1938. Social Structure and AnomieAlbert Cohen 1955. A General Theory of Subcultures* The ethnographic study of subcultures Howard Becker 1963. The Culture of a Deviant Group*Ned Polsky 1967. Research Method, Morality, and Criminology*Paul Hodkinson 2005. 'Insider Research' in the Study of Youth Cultures Section 3: British subculture studiesKen Gelder, 2005. Introduction to Part Two: The Birmingham Tradition and Cultural Studies* Marxism and class Phil Cohen 1972. Subcultural Conflict and Working‐Class Community*John Clarke et al. 1975. Subcultures, Cultures and Class* The semiotic study of resistance Tony Jefferson 1975. Cultural Responses of the TedsDick Hebdige 1979. Subculture: The Meaning of Style* Section 4: Subsequent theoretical strands Criticisms and Revisions Gary Fine and Sherryl Kleinman 1979. Rethinking Subculture: An Interactionist AnalysisStanley Cohen 1980. Symbols of Trouble* New directions Andy Bennett 1999. Subcultures or Neo‐Tribes?Rupert Weinzierl and David Muggleton 2003. What Is Post‐Subculture Studies?David Hesmondhalgh 2005. Subcultures, Scenes or Tribes? None of the Above Section 5: Analytic topics Style Ken Gelder 2005. Introduction on Part Five: Style, Fashion, Signature*Dick Hebdige 1983. Posing ... Threats, Striking ... Poses*Jeffrey Kidder 2004. Style and Action: A Decoding of Bike Messenger Symbols Resistance Paul Willis 1977. Culture, Institution, Differentiation*Kathleen Lowney 1995. Teenage Satanism as Oppositional Youth SubcultureKristin Schilt 2003. I'll Resist You with Every Inch and Every Breath Space and media Ken Gelder 2005. Introduction to Part Four: Territories, Space, Otherness*Peter Marsh et al. 1978. Life on the Terraces*Iain Borden 2001. Performing the City* Societal responses and reaction Jill Rosenbaum and Lorraine Prinsky 1991. The Presumption of InfluenceClaire Wallace and Raimund Alt 2001. Youth Cultures under Authoritarian Regimes Identity and authenticity Kembrew McLeod 1999. Authenticity Within Hip‐Hop and Other Cultures Threatened with AssimilationJ. Patrick Williams 2006. Authentic Identity, Straightedge Subculture, Music and the InternetMurray Healy 1996. Real Men, Phallicism, and Fascism* Consumption and play Jock Young 1971. The Subterranean World of Play*J. Patrick Williams 2006. Consumption and Authenticity in the Collectible Strategy Games SubcultureSharon Kinsella 2000. Amateur Manga Subculture and the Otaku Incident*Assignments and projects1. Portfolio project: The portfolio project facilitates students' interaction with the theories and concepts being learned in the classroom.Over the course of the semester, you will be responsible for collecting and summarizing information about one subculture of your choice. I will expect you to analyze the information you collect in a sociological manner, but we will practice this throughout the semester so that you should continually improve your analytic skills. During the second week of the semester, I will divide the class into several groups and each group will choose a particular youth subculture to study (e.g. punk, riot grrrl, goth, hardcore, hip‐hop, skateboarding, graffiti, gaming). You will negotiate with other students to decide collectively what subculture you will study. Individually, you will be responsible for collecting and analyzing information about your topic as it pertains to theories and concepts being covered in class. To do this, you will first need to identify subcultural objects for analysis. These may include (i) a definition of the subculture you are studying, (ii) a song and/or music lyrics, (iii) a research article (historical, sociological, cultural, etc.), (iv) an Internet discussion forum, (v) an event at a local hangout, bar, or club, (vi) a zine, blog, or other publication, (vii) cartoon, album cover, or other art, (viii) journalistic account of a subcultural event, (viiii) a pop culture item (e.g. clip from television, magazine article), or (x) a video (e.g. YouTube) or documentary. Second, you will need to follow the course outline and use a specific theory or concept (e.g. hegemony, societal response, style, resistance, homology, identity, media, diffusion, class, gender) to analyze each item. By the end of the semester, your portfolio should consist of a minimum of 10 items that deal with your assigned subculture. Plan on collecting one item per week beginning in week 4. During week 3, I will show you some examples to get you started as well as bring in a completed portfolio from a previous student. You should not use the same type of subcultural object more than twice, nor should you use the same theory or concept more than twice. The purpose, as stated above, is to have you collect and analyze the information over time rather than collect everything in a mad rush during the last week. Every other week you will give a 2‐ to 3‐minute summary of your most recent portfolio entry.2. Group portfolio presentations: The group presentation requires that students combine many different portfolio entries together and develop a coherent, analytically informed presentation of a specific youth subculture.At the end of the semester, your group will give a 15‐ to 20‐minute multimedia presentation of whatever subculture you have been studying by combining the information collected in individual portfolios.3. Film assignment: The film assignment facilitates the development of the sociological imagination when consuming popular cultural treatments of youth subcultures. I reserve the university auditorium to give the students a fuller cinematic experience. Use the list of films and videos above and the course outline to decide what to show and when to show it.
We will watch one film outside of class during the semester, entitled (name of film). In case you are unable to attend the film viewing, you may rent or buy the film from a number of different sources. Make plans as soon as possible to be available to watch the film. Watching it at home is your prerogative, but watching it with other students will enable you to participate in discussion afterward. After viewing the film, you will write a (x)‐page paper addressing specific questions that I will provide before the film begins (as one example, I often show Quadrophenia and ask that four specific questions be answered in their papers: (i) What aspects of the actors' lives are informed by CCCS theory? What aspects are informed by Chicago School theories? Link your answers to specific readings or citations when appropriate. (ii) How important is 'conspicuous consumption' for mods in the film? Be sure to give multiple examples of consumption as you answer the question. How does consumption relate to our discussion of style? (iii) In what way is the ending of the film 'magical', in the CCCS sense of the term? (iv) How do the concepts of hegemony, bricolage, or homology play out in the film? Pick one of them to discuss and use a detailed example).
Note

1 
In the sample outline below, I list only the readings I might assign to an upper‐level undergraduate course during one semester. See my main article in Sociology Compass 1(2) for a much more detailed discussion of articles and chapters that might be used in each section. An asterisk (*) marks readings from Ken Gelder's The Subcultures Reader (2nd edn), listed above.ReferenceLeblanc, Lauraine
1998.
Teaching Sociology
26: 62–68.

Dogajanje v času komunistične revolucije bistveno vpliva tako na stanje kot tudi na razumevanje sodobne slovenske družbene situacije. V disertaciji avtorica v luči idejnega nasprotja med krščanstvom in komunizmom ter na podlagi konflikta, ki se je obenem razvil v obdobju revolucije, razišče vzroke in podlage za omenjeni vpliv. Avtorica v delu pokaže na temeljno povezanost sodobnega položaja in komunistične revolucije na Slovenskem. Kot pojmovni okvir ter orodje za razumevanje izbere Girardovo mimetično teorijo in teorijo o grešnem kozlu. Girard namreč kulturo opisuje kot mimetični cikel, kjer posameznik posnema drugega (tako se začne že v samem otroštvu, ko otrok posnema starše in s tem postane družbeno bitje). Posnemanje je gonilo vsake družbe. Poleg tega pa posnemanje lahko omogoči tudi uničenje družbe, kulture. Girard vpelje grešnega kozla kot razrešitev konflikta, kjer imata dva subjekta enako željo in se skupaj obrneta proti grešnemu kozlu, ki zanju predstavlja vzrok mimetične krize, in je njegovo žrtvovanje pogoj za ponovno vzpostavitev družbenega reda in socialne varnosti. Ta teo-retični okvir omogoča tudi raziskovanje preteklih družbenih konfliktov, posebej pa tudi njihovih posledic v sodobnosti, vključno z vidiki spravnih procesov ter tranzicijske pra-vičnosti. Zato ga avtorica plodno uporabi pri omenjenem raziskovanju. Kot dve nasprotujoči idejni podlagi avtorica predstavi krščanstvo in komunizem, ki sta že v svojem idejnem temelju diametralno nasprotni, posebej pa ju prikaže preko Girar-dove teorije. Krščanstvo s krističnim pojmovanjem osebne svobode izstopi iz cikličnosti mehanizma grešnega kozla, komunizem pa prav nasprotno temelji na mimetičnosti. Žrt-vena znamenja v Girardovem pojmovanju, ki opravičijo umor grešnega kozla, temeljijo na dejstvih, ki postanejo sprejemljiva za umor, ne glede na (ne)resničnost le-teh. Implementacija Girardove teorije na slovensko situacijo zajema dva ključna vidika. Prvi vidik je žrtvovanje nasprotnikov komunistične revolucije z žrtvenimi znamenji kolabo-racije, nemirov … Omenjeno žrtvovanje omogoči vzpostavitev totalitarnega komunisti-čnega režima v kraljevini Jugoslaviji in s tem tudi na Slovenskem. Komunizem kot tota-litarni režim ne dopušča alternative, človeka uniformira in osami. Obenem vzpostavi totalni nadzor in teror. Krščanstvo po drugi strani človeka opolnomoči z bogopodobnos-tjo in s tem edinstvenostjo, nedotakljivostjo, nezamenljivostjo ter svobodo. Drugi vidik pa zadeva dejstvo, da konflikt iz časa komunistične revolucije še vedno ni razrešen ter je vladavina prava in vzpostavitev demokratične družbe še vedno nedokon-čan projekt. Kljub demokratični državni ureditvi in propadu komunizma kot dolgoroč-nega družbenopolitičnega in ekonomskega sistema avtorica poudari dva izziva sodobne družbe na Slovenskem. Prvi je prisotnost komunistične ideologije v razmišljanju in delovanju posameznikov, drugi izziv pa je nezadostna uveljavitev tranzicijske pravično-sti. Omenjeni vidiki analize temeljijo najprej že v samem idejnem nasprotju in zasnovi tako komunizma kakor tudi krščanstva. Krščanstvo in komunizem sta v svojem temelju različna. Poseben poudarek je na vidikih dojemanja človeka kot svobodnega in razumskega bitja v obeh idejnih okvirih. Komunizem s komunistično revolucijo nastopi proti človeku, proti človekovemu dostojanstvu in proti človekovi svobodi in s tem krščanstvo postavi v obrambno držo. S tem pa tudi Cerkev, ki je kot ene vidnejših institucij komunistična revolucija ni prevzela in obvladovala, postane braniteljica človekovega življenja in človekovih pravic, obenem pa je postavljena nasproti komunistični revoluciji. Krščanstvo in tudi Cerkev se posluži različnih načinov obrambe in upora, ki niso vselej povsem skladni s krščanskim naukom. Metode obrambe so bile: krščanska drža v odnosu do vojne, do sočloveka, do okupatorja in do revolucionarnih sil, fizična obramba, sodelovanje tako z okupacijskimi kakor tudi revolucionarnimi silami, kulturna, medijska in politična udejstvovanja. Kljub temu je revolucionarno nasilje eskaliralo predvsem v zadnjih letih druge svetovne vojne in prvih letih po revoluciji. Situacije, v katere so bili postavljeni posamezniki na Slovenskem, niso bile enoznačne ali enostavne. Ni šlo zgolj za izbiro med revolucionarno ali protirevolucionarno stranjo, temveč so bile okoliščine zaradi okupacijskih sil bolj zapletene. Ljudem je grozilo neodobravanje, preganjanje ali nasilje z vseh strani. Komunistična partija je monopolizirala odpor proti okupacijskim silam. Že zametki kakršnekoli druge neodvisne organizacije upora so bili lahko kaznovani. Nemalo kristjanov je z namenom domoljubnosti ali nezmožnosti izognitve mobilizaciji postalo del osvobodilnega gibanja, ne glede na ideološko podlago gibanja ali organizacije, ki je gibanje organizirala. Cerkev kljub temu ni bila preveč zaželen partner v uporu, o čemer priča tudi Kardeljevo navodilo: "Duhovne v četah vse postreljajte" (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109). Ne zgolj navodilo, tudi načrtno degradiranje duhovnikov z zaporom, priporom, deportacijami in usmrtitvami so priča odnosu komunistične partije do cerkvenih dostojanstvenikov. Revolucionarno nasilje je pustilo neslutene posledice ne zgolj v tedanjem obdobju, temveč tudi za sedanji čas, pri čemer pri avtoričinem raziskovanju teh posledic pomembno vlogo igrajo tudi osebne zgodbe, odgovornost na osebni ter družbeni ravni in medgeneracijski prenos travm, ki onemogočajo pravo tranzicijo iz totalitarnega v demokratični sistem. Tranzicija in tranzicijska pravičnost je torej mehanizem, ki si prizadeva v polnosti izpeljati tranzicijo na osebni in družbeni ravni ter vzpostaviti zaupanje v državne institucije, delovanje državnih struktur. Situacija na Slovenskem sicer nakazuje na nekatere pozitivne učinke tranzicijske pravičnosti, kot sta denacionalizacija in odprtje arhivov. Še vedno pa umanjka uveljavitev pravičnosti na osebni ravni, pri čemer so pomemben vidik spravni procesi ter prekinitev medgeneracijskega prenosa travm. Podobno kot na osebni ravni umanjka pravičnost v javni sferi, na primer pluralizacija medijskega prostora, urejene gospodarske pobude, dialog med različnimi družbenimi skupinami, vključno z vstopanjem verskih skupnosti v javno razpravo, vzpostavljanjem zaupanja v državne institucije ipd. Pogled na komunistično revolucijo na Slovenskem skozi prizmo Girardovega grešnega kozla ponudi edinstven okvir, ki poveže razumevanje komunistične revolucije in komu-nističnega sistema s sodobnim položajem slovenske družbe. Po eni strani Girardov mehanizem grešnega kozla lahko razumemo kot dopolnjenega v komunistični revoluciji, po drugi strani pa mehanizem stremi k dopolnitvi v smislu celovite uveljavitve tran-zicijske pravičnosti. ; The events during the communist revolution significantly influence the state and understanding of the contemporary Slovenian social situation. In the dissertation, in the light of the ideological contradiction between Christianity and Communism, and on the basis of the conflict that developed during the revolution, the author explores the causes and grounds for this influence. In this work the author shows the fundamental connection between the contemporary situation and the communist revolution in Slovenia. She chooses Girard's mimetic theory and scapegoat as a conceptual framework and tool for understanding. Girard describes culture as a mimetic cycle, where the individual imitates the other (this starts from the very childhood, when the child imitates his parents and thus becomes a social being). Imitation is the driving force of every company. In addition, imitation can also become a destruction of society, culture. Girard therefore implements the scapegoat as a conflict resolution where the two entities share the same desire and together turn against the scapegoat, which causes them a mimetic crisis and its sacrifice is a condition for restoring social order and social security. This general theoretical framework also makes it possible – to explore past social conflicts, and in particular their consequences in the present, including aspects of reconciliation processes and transitional justice. Therefore, the author fruitfully uses it in the mentioned research. The author embraces Christianity and communism as two opposing ideological bases, which are already diametrically opposed in their conceptual bases, and are especially illuminated by Girard's theory. Christianity, with its cristian notion of personal freedom, stands out from the cyclical nature of the scapegoat, but communism is, on the contrary, based on mimeticism. Victims of character in Girard's conception that justify the murder of a scapegoat are based on facts that become acceptable for murder, regardless of the (un) reality of them. The implementation of Girard's theory on the Slovenian situation thus encompasses two key aspects. The first aspect is the sacrifice of the opponents of the communist revolution with the sacrificial signs of collaboration, riots, … This sacrifice makes it possible to establish a totalitarian communist regime in Yugoslavia, and thus in Slovenia. Communism, as a totalitarian regime, does not allow an alternative, it uniforms and isolates man. At the same time, it establishes total control and terror. Christianity, on the other hand, empowers man with uniqueness, inviolability, irreplaceability and freedom. Another aspect concerns the fact that the conflict from the communist revolution has still not been resolved, and that the rule of law and the establishment of a democratic society are still, in the eyes of many Slovenians, an unfinished project. Despite the democratic state system and the collapse of communism as a long-term socio-political and economic system, the author emphasizes two challenges of contemporary society in Slovenia. The first is the presence of communist ideology in the thinking and action of individuals, and the second challenge is the insufficient implementation of transitional justice. The aforementioned aspects of the analysis are based first of all on the very conceptual contradiction and conception of both communism and Christianity. Christianity and communism are fundamentally different. Particular emphasis is placed on aspects of the perception of man as a free and rational being in both conceptual frameworks. Communism, by communist revolution, stands against man, against human dignity and against human freedom, thereby placing Christianity in a defensive posture. In doing so, the Church, which as one of the most prominent institutions has not been taken over and controlled by the Communist Revolution, becomes a defender of human life and human rights, while at the same time it stands against the Communist Revolution. Christianity, as well as the Church, uses various methods of defense and rebellion that are not always completely in line with Christian teaching. The methods of defense were the Christian stance in relation to war, to fellow human beings, to the occupier and to the revolutionary forces, physical defense, cooperation with both occupation and revolutionary forces, cultural, media and political activities. Nevertheless, revolutionary violence escalated, especially in the last years of World War II and the first years after the revolution. The situations in which individuals in Slovenia were placed were not straightforward or straightforward. It was not merely a choice between a revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary party, but the circumstances were more complex rather than straightforward because of the occupying forces. People were threatened with disapproval, persecution or violence from all sides. The Communist Party monopolized resistance to the occupation forces. The rudiments of any other, independent organization of resistance could have been punished. Quite a few Christians, for the sake of patriotism or inability to evade mobilization, became part of the liberation movement, regardless of the ideological basis of the movement or the organization that organized the movement. The church was not, however, a much-desired partner in the resistance, as evidenced by Kardelj's instruction: "Shoot the priests in the troops." (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109) Not only the instruction, but also the deliberate degradation of priests through imprisonment, detention, deportation and execution, are witnesses to the Communist Party's attitude towards Church dignitaries. Revolutionary violence has left unprecedented consequences not only in that time but also in the present, with the author's exploration of these consequences also playing a significant role in personal stories, personal and social responsibility, and the intergenerational transmission of traumas that they preclude a real transition from a totalitarian to a democratic system. Transition and transitional justice is thus a mechanism that seeks to fully complete the transition on a personal and social level, and to establish trust in state institutions, the functioning of state structures. Although the situation in Slovenia points to some of the positive effects of transitional justice, such as denationalization, the opening of archives, it still lacks the enforcement of justice on a personal level ; for example, with regard to aspects of media pluralization, orderly economic initiatives, dialogue between different social groups, including the entry of religious communities into public debate, building confidence in state institutions, etc. The view of the communist revolution in Slovenia through the prism of Girard the scapegoat offers a unique framework that connects the understanding of the communist revolution and the communist system with the contemporary position of Slovene society. On the one hand, Girard's mechanism of the scapegoat can be understood as supplemented in the communist revolution, and on the other, the mechanism seeks to supplement in the sense of the full implementation of transitional justice.

Esta investigación tiene como objeto de estudio la indumentaria como elemento simbólico de la construcción de imágenes de poder político de la mujer en Argentina.
La relación entre imagen y poder no es algo nuevo. Ya en 1513, Maquiavelo describe en 'El Príncipe' la importancia de la imagen para la legitimación del poder por el soberano. El uso de la indumentaria en la construcción de la imagen como elemento legitimador de poder puede ser observado también en innumerables personajes históricos y mucho se escribió al respecto. El rey francés Luis XIV1 , el famoso "Rey Sol", se hizo conocido por su extremada atención al construir su imagen política. Haciendo uso de instrumentos como la vestimenta, el maquillaje y de accesorios como pelucas y tacones, Luis XIV disfrazó su pequeña estatura y logró formar una imagen altiva, coherente a su ambición de soberanía. (Burke, 2009). Otro ejemplo célebre históricamente del uso político de la indumentaria es el de la reina francesa María Antonieta2 . Conocida actualmente como la reina de la moda, María Antonieta, de origen austríaco, era pariente distante de Luis XIV y así como su ancestro, tuvo en sus vestes y sus excéntricos peinados la herramienta para legitimar su posición como monárquica francesa. Aunque la reina creó un estilo particular e hizo de su personal gusto estético una tendencia para el vestir de la época, irónicamente la indumentaria también le sirvió como objeto de persecución política. Según la escritora Caroline Weber (2008), su placard de ropa fue uno de los estopines que la llevó a tal fin trágico. Acusada de gastar fortunas de los fondos públicos para mantener su imagen, en 1793 como consecuencia de la violenta Revolución Francesa, fue llevada a la guillotina juntamente con su marido e hijos. Aún en la actualidad, su peculiar gusto indumentario sirve de objeto para estudios e investigaciones académicas. (Weber, 2008).
En la sociedad argentina, los personajes Eva Duarte de Perón y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner son fuertes ejemplos de cómo está presente la indumentaria como elemento constructor de imágenes de poder político. Ambas, además de compartir una posición excepcional de poder político en la historia del país, son frecuentemente citadas por sus peculiares gustos por la moda. Sus elecciones estéticas son comúnmente usadas como delatoras de la legitimidad (o ilegitimidad) de esta posición de poder.
Esta investigación analiza cómo esas imágenes de poder político se construyen a partir de la indumentaria, es decir, cómo los elementos estéticos de la apariencia, como las vestimentas, los peinados, el maquillaje, los calzados y los accesorios, constituyen el "cuerpo representación"3 del poder político de los personajes estudiados.
Al considerar ese cuerpo representación no como algo natural, ofrecido biológicamente o como un don divino, sino como consecuencia de un "cuerpo" que se construye a partir de las relaciones sociales, del contexto histórico y cultural, articulado con los capitales simbólicos aprendidos durante la trayectoria de vida, es necesario entender el contexto histórico y cultural tanto de Eva Perón como de Cristina Kirchner y la posición de poder político de ambas.

Eva Duarte de Perón y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner
El 10 de diciembre del 2007, con más del 45% de los votos, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner fue la primera mujer que fue elegida presidenta del país mediante el voto popular4 .
Los cargos femeninos en los organismos públicos del país se deben mucho a las luchas y conquistas de Eva Perón.
Desde finales del siglo XIX, los movimientos feministas en Argentina lucharon por la conquista de los derechos políticos de las mujeres, pero el derecho al voto femenino sólo fue logrado en el primer período del peronismo, a fines de la década de 1940. El 9 de septiembre de 1947, Eva Perón, conocida como Evita, esposa del entonces presidente Juan Domingo Perón, con su empeñada campaña, logró el derecho civil para las mujeres argentinas; ahora podían votar y ser candidatas a cargos gubernamentales. La actuación de Eva en el poder fue un factor fundamental para el cambio de la sociedad argentina, no sólo político, sino también cultural, principalmente en lo relacionado con los derechos femeninos5.
Hay que destacar que Eva Perón nunca fue feminista. Su actuación en el tema del sufragio tenía como meta el apoyo a Perón para llegar a las capas sociales hasta entonces olvidadas de la escena política. Así, la actuación de Evita en cuestiones políticas de Argentina, fue de gran importancia para asegurar no sólo los derechos civiles de las mujeres, sino también insertarlas en la escena social y política, esas capas sociales nunca antes habían tenido participación en acciones del Estado6.
La participación activa de Eva Perón en cuestiones sociales, culturales y políticas la situó como uno de los personajes históricos más importantes del siglo XX. Su actuación era mucho más importante que la de "esposa del presidente", de primera dama. Algo muy distinto del papel "usual" que la mujer asumía en la vida pública hasta ese momento; aunque algunas ya habían tenido una actuación en el mercado de trabajo, la imagen femenina ligada al poder que Eva construyó constituía un hecho inédito en la sociedad latinoamericana7.
Sesenta años después de la muerte de Evita, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner es la presidenta de la Nación. De militante actuante en La Juventud Peronista en la década de 1970 a una carrera política notoria como diputada y senadora, Cristina Kirchner es elegida en 2007 presidenta del país con el más alto índice de votación desde la apertura democrática en 1983. Ambas, Cristina y Evita no sólo comparten una posición excepcional de la mujer en la historia política del país, sino que también las dos tuvieron un éxito extraordinario cuando construyeron su imagen política en una sociedad sin muchas referencias de iguales. En la actualidad, América Latina, con sus treinta y tres países, posee apenas tres mujeres al frente de gobiernos8 .

Eva Perón, Cristina Kirchner y la indumentaria
Los dos personajes estudiados, además de compartir un mismo movimiento político, el peronismo, son frecuentemente referidos con énfasis por sus gustos por la moda.
Eva Perón, sesenta años después de su muerte, sigue presente en un sinfín de exposiciones acerca de su vida y de su "estilo". Hay una cantidad innumerable de material periodístico tanto como de estudios académicos al respecto que buscan explicar cómo la primeradama argentina se comunicaba a través de su apariencia, de su peculiar y reconocido gusto por la moda, en el intento de (re)construir o (re)descubrir el mito a través del simbolismo de la indumentaria.
Refiriéndose a Evita, no todo es elogio en lo relacionado con su imagen. Muchos de sus adversarios políticos resaltaban la discrepancia que existía entre sus discursos en defensa de los menos favorecidos sociales y su exagerado gusto por los artículos de lujo. (Sarlo, 2003). Medio siglo separa a Cristina Kirchner de Eva Perón. El contexto en el que Cristina Kirchner se convirtió en presidenta y construyó su imagen es muy distinto al de la primeradama del peronismo. Pero la atención dada por los medios sobre cómo ella articula su apariencia y su gusto por la moda no se diferencia de la dedicada en su tiempo, o incluso en la actualidad, a Eva Perón.
Así, hay mucho material periodístico en el que el tema es la crítica a Cristina Fernández de Kirchner por la marca de sus vestidos, los excesivos y distintos modelos de zapatos con los que se presenta en público o el gasto que desprende en carteras o joyas. (Castañeda y Veiga ,2012; Vecino, 2011).
Pero, lo que interesa a esta investigación es el peculiar interés de una gran parte de los medios y del ciudadano en general por su gusto, siendo muchas veces descrito como ostentoso y demasiado superfluo, por sus adversarios políticos, o de extremo "buen gusto" por aquellos que la admiran. Lo que se detecta en todas las críticas, elogiosas, exaltadoras o peyorativas sobre la apariencia de los personajes estudiados es el recurrente uso del "gusto" como instrumento denunciador de la legitimidad o ilegitimidad de la posición de poder. Así, como describe Lipovetsky (1989), es verdad que: "(…) desde la Antigüedad, existe una tradición de difamación de la futilidad, de los artificios y del maquillaje" (p. 37). La indumentaria como instrumento representativo de estéticas de una época, de contextos sociales e históricos pasa a recibir juicios de valor, puesto que los elementos estéticos de la apariencia se vuelven instrumentos de auto-expresión, de representación de individualidades9 . Ya en el final del siglo XIX Georg Simmel (2010) señala que "el adorno (…) es parte 'artificial' de la apariencia: se trata de una manipulación de las señales relativas a los vestuarios o a los cosméticos, que apuntan a causar una determinada impresión" (p. 35). Lo cierto es que esta "impresión" suscitada por los personajes estudiados a través de sus indumentarias está a merced de juicios que buscan aprobar o desaprobar la inserción de estas mujeres en su posición de poder. Así, los elementos estéticos de la apariencia, puestos en la "esfera de los gustos" son objetos simbólicos que pueden ser usados como artificios para la aprobación o reproche social, teniendo así un carácter de "juicio" que evidencia lo que verdaderamente está en juego, como las tensiones sociales relativas a los valores morales, religiosos, políticos, culturales y de posición de género.
Para Frédéric Godart (2010) la indumentaria reafirma constantemente la inclusión o no de los individuos en los grupos sociales. En esa misma línea, Pierre Bourdieu (2010) clasifica las elecciones estéticas10, lo que él llama "gustos", como un marcador privilegiado de "clase"11.
Por lo tanto, se puede explicar el gusto peculiar de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner a través de su posición social, su capital cultural y simbólico que fueron construidos a partir de sus historias sociales y de sus trayectorias de vida. El gusto sirve como instrumento de lucha, usado para legitimar o deslegitimar sus posiciones de poder. Un claro ejemplo son las críticas, mucha veces ofensivas acerca de la apariencia de estas mujeres, frecuentemente acusatorias de "no pertenencia" (el consumo de ciertos productos de moda como piezas de alta costura o de grandes casas de diseño consideradas "legítimas" del "buen gusto", por su exclusividad económica (no es para todos) o distintivas ( solamente para quién entiende y conoce), reservadas al consumo de ciertas clases sociales es usado como evidencia de "apropiación" ilegítima de mecanismos simbólicos de distinción). Así, sus indumentarias sirven, en la mayoría de los casos, como evidencia de expresión de lucha de clases, disputas políticas y acusaciones de no pertenencia12.
La investigación sostiene que, además de la cuestión de clase (es decir, el capital cultural y simbólico que es el resultado de la trayectoria social), la indumentaria también evidencia las cuestiones de género. La posición social y de poder tanto de Eva Perón como de Cristina Kirchner son excepcionales, pues no se "encuadran" en los estereotipos sociales, históricos y culturales de posición de género. Ocupar una posición de poder político, que históricamente y culturalmente está asociado al universo masculino, hace que el excesivo gusto por los elementos estéticos de la apariencia, como la indumentaria, asociada a la moda que está socialmente y culturalmente encuadrada en el universo femenino, sea visto, en algunos contextos basados en juicios estereotipados de género, como una inadecuada representación de poder.
"Ella era excepcional, tanto como lo era el escenario del peronismo". Tomando el término de Beatriz Sarlo (2003, p. 70) acerca de la posición excepcional que Eva Perón ocupaba como primera dama. Como una mujer de pasado artístico poco expresivo, de raíces nada aristocráticas y en un contexto donde la posición de género era muy definida, la posición de poder político de Eva Perón, más allá de su ideología, fue, sin dudas, transgresora para la época.
Así, la investigación define a Evita y a Cristina Kirchner de acuerdo con la posición de poder de ambas. Mujeres que, aparte de su condición social de género, supieron construir, de manera "excepcional", sus peculiares trayectorias políticas.
Por lo tanto, "el gusto" de los personajes estudiados debe ser tomado de acuerdo a su lugar excepcional, "el buen" o "el mal gusto" está clasificado y juzgado según la posición social de los individuos, y seguramente sus posiciones estén dentro de la excepción para la mujer en la historia política de América Latina.
Beatriz Sarlo (2003) describe acerca de la posición excepcional de Eva Perón representada en su vestir: "Sus trajes de ceremonia pueden ser excesivos porque su lugar no tiene medida, ni se compara con ningún otro lugar institucional. El exceso queda adherido a un cuerpo donde se ha invertido el poder" (p. 100).
Lo que se detecta es que "el cuerpo construido" de los personajes es objeto de representación material y estética donde "se ha invertido el poder" (Sarlo, 2003). El término "construir" está relacionado con el uso de la indumentaria como elemento simbólico material donde ese poder está representado. La investigación defiende que dicha representación no es algo ofrecido naturalmente como un don, sino como consecuencia de un "cuerpo" que se construye a partir de las relaciones sociales, de los contextos históricos y culturales articulados a los capitales simbólicos13 adquiridos en sus trayectorias de vida.
A partir del cuestionamiento de estos "cuerpos" como representaciones de poder político, capital simbólico y cultural, sus trayectorias sociales y sus posiciones excepcionales, es que la investigación propone pensar la indumentaria como elemento simbólico de representación del poder político de Eva Perón y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Como ya fue dicho anteriormente, los elementos estéticos de la apariencia, como la indumentaria, cumplen un papel simbólico de representación de la disposición social, por eso la investigación cuestiona cuáles son los indicios materiales delatores de las trayectorias sociales y si esas trayectorias sociales condicionan sus "gustos" acerca del vestir, se indaga cuál sería el rol de la excepcionalidad de sus posiciones de poder en la construcción de sus imágenes políticas. Son muchas las preguntas acerca del papel de la indumentaria como tema simbólico de representación del poder político. Pero, a través del análisis no de su significado, sino de su construcción, el objetivo es iluminar las cuestiones que puedan esclarecer cómo esas mujeres articularon sus culturas, sus contextos y sus posiciones excepcionales para lograr una representación estética y concreta de sus trayectorias políticas.

Hipótesis
Como hipótesis se propone que Eva Perón y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner articularon su trayectoria social, su capital simbólico y cultural recurriendo a su posición excepcional como instrumento de transcendencia del lugar de los gustos para construir su imagen a través de la indumentaria, personificando, material y estéticamente, su poder político.

Objetivo general
La investigación tiene como objetivo, a través de la indumentaria tanto de Eva Perón como de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, ampliar la comprensión de cómo ambos personajes articuló su cultura, su contexto social y su posición excepcional para una representación estética y concreta de su poder político.

Objetivos específicos
Como objetivos específicos se plantea investigar cómo la representación estética de poder político de la mujer es construida a través de la indumentaria de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner; analizar cómo los indicios materiales de la trayectoria social presente en las indumentarias de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner están relacionados con la posición excepcional de poder femenino en la construcción de la imagen de poder político; y ampliar la comprensión del papel de los elementos estéticos, es decir, de la indumentaria en la construcción de imágenes políticas de la mujer.

Antecedentes y estado de la cuestión
La indumentaria, como producto de la cultura, lleva inscripta a través de su materia prima, de su modo de producción, de sus colores, estilo, entre otros ítems, las formas de organización y jerarquización de la sociedad en la cual está inserta, funcionando como marcadora privilegiada de la posición social de quien la porta. (Nery, 2007; Saulquin, 2006; Godart, 2010, Bourdieu, 2010).
Beatriz Sarlo en el libro La pasión y la excepción sigue justamente la trayectoria social de Eva Perón y la relación de ésta con la construcción de un "cuerpo excepcional", en el aspecto simbólico de su apariencia, por lo tanto, también de su indumentaria, analiza histórica y filosóficamente cómo la actriz se convierte en la "incorporación" del régimen peronista.
El mismo trayecto a través de la indumentaria se encuentra en El saco de Marx de Peter Stallybrass (2008). La vida de Karl Marx14 y su trayectoria social e intelectual a través de la historia de su saco es narrada a partir de los múltiples empeños de la pieza que no sólo ponían en evidencia los problemas financieros de Marx, sino también determinaban, limitando o posibilitando, su vida social; ya que era su único traje "elegante", e incluso adecuado para el frío de Alemania. El autor también relaciona la formulación de la teoría marxista con "los dolores" y "las memorias" que resultaban de la relación de Marx con el saco. Como indica Stallybrass: "Pensar sobre la ropa, sobre ropas, significa pensar no sólo sobre la memoria, sino también sobre el poder y la posesión". (p. 12).
Muchos investigadores ya estudiaron la relación del poder con la imagen de grandes personajes históricos. Peter Burke (2009) en Fabricación del Rey enfoca, a partir de la historia, las elecciones estéticas del rey Luis XIV para la fabricación de su imagen pública, y Caroline Weber (2007) en Reina de la Moda analiza cómo la reina francesa María Antonieta hacía uso político de la indumentaria. Ambos estudios priorizan un análisis historiográfico del traje y su carácter de memoria.
Volviendo a las mujeres estudiadas, Eva Perón por su distancia temporal posee diferentes enfoques de análisis que pone en primer plano su biografía, su relación con el peronismo y la cuestión de género. Esta última también en relación con la política, con el poder y las representaciones sobre los mitos de su imagen (Zanatta, 2011; Masson, 2004; Lagos, 2006; Carlson, 1988; Sarlo, 2010; Pron, 2007; Rosano, 2005). Debido a su figura "atemporal", parafraseando a Sarlo (2010), su aspecto estético y su fuerte construcción de imagen ligada a la moda, existe un enfoque muy explorado de la indumentaria en materias del área de diseño, siendo la misma, en la mayoría de los casos, un objeto para un análisis semiológico (Sarlo, 2010) o histórico del vestir (Guedes y Teixeira, 2010; Saulquin, 2006).
En el caso de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, los materiales disponibles se focalizan en el estudio de sus estratégicas políticas (Levitsky y Murillo, 2008; Castañeda y Veiga, 2013; Araújo Ribeiro, 2010; Correa da Silva, 2012; Corigliano, 2013) y en libros biográficos (Russo, 2011). Cuando aparecen análisis dirigidos a su apariencia, están restringidos casi mayoritariamente a los registros periodísticos y a las llamadas "revistas femeninas" que priorizan los temas considerados amenos, por lo tanto, estereotipados por su condición de mujer, con lo cual sirven mucho más como instrumento de crítica o de apoyo a su gobierno que como material útil para pensar la materia.
La investigación entiende la indumentaria no como un elemento que "expresa" los poderes políticos de las mujeres estudiadas, ni como un tratado que busca "develar" los mitos construidos en torno a sus imágenes, sino como elemento significante que conforma de manera material, esto es, concretamente, tales posiciones alcanzadas. Así, sus indumentarias cargan sus trayectorias sociales y sus contextos, funcionando como objetos materializados de sus posiciones sociales. Es en la materialidad de cada elección estética que sus "cuerpos" se conforman, de manera particular; en un mundo cultural, social y político específico.

Orden del trabajo
En el primer capítulo será tratada la cuestión del género, su construcción social y cultural, los estereotipos y su "corporificación" y la relación de la posición de la mujer en el contexto de la sociedad argentina con la política y la trayectoria de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner.
El segundo capítulo trata de la indumentaria en el ámbito social, su aspecto cultural e histórico, delineando el contexto de las mujeres estudiadas y la importancia del elemento estético para la construcción de la imagen política. Como bien define Godart (2010) parafraseando al filósofo francés Jean Baudrillard: "La función de los objetos es apenas la de una "caución" para su dimensión principal, que es la de "valor de cambio de signo", o sea, para simplificar, su significación sociocultural" (p. 31). Pierre Bourdieu (2010) pone al vestir, las elecciones, el gusto estético de la apariencia como definido por posiciones de clase. La educación institucionalizada, esto es, el grado de escolaridad, la herencia cultural, cuánto el sujeto está familiarizado con distintos tipos de cultura, obras de arte, estilos musicales y vivencias sociales, así como también su capital económico que son los responsables de su "formación". La estilización de la vida, la elección de la comida, el estilo de decoración de la casa, cómo cuida el sujeto su cuerpo, sus preferencias deportivas, su elección estética de la apariencia, es decir, sus indumentarias, entre otros, reflejarían la posición social.
El tercer capítulo trata, teóricamente, acerca del gusto como reflejo de la trayectoria social de las mujeres estudiadas, la cuestión del juicio como elemento "legitimador" de la posición de poder y la trascendencia del "buen y el mal gusto" a través de sus lugares excepcionales para la construcción de sus cuerpos representación. La materialidad de la indumentaria remite e interactúa con sus contextos sociales y culturales, con la posición de la mujer y su trayectoria, constituyendo de forma estética y concreta su cuerpo de poder político. Por lo tanto, la investigación discurre sobre la "personificación" estética de la posición de poder político de la mujer, esto es, cómo algunos aspectos de la construcción social y cultural del género en el contexto general latinoamericano, y en particular argentino, está presente en el cuerpo, en el accionar político, en las representaciones sociales y en las formas de constituir los gustos y cómo se corporifican estéticamente a través de la indumentaria.

Notas
1. Louis XIV (1638 -1715), conocido como "Rey-Sol", fue un monarca absolutista de Francia, reinó de 1643 a 1715. (Burke, 2009).
2. Marie Antoinette Josèphe Jeanne de Habsbourg-Lorraine (1755-1793) - fue una archiduquesa de Austria y reina consorte de Francia y Navarra. Murió decapitada en 16 de octubre de 1793 junto con su marido, el Rey Luís XVI e hijos, como resultado de la Revolución Francesa. (Weber, 2008).
3. A partir de la definición de Joanne Entwistle (2002) de que el cuerpo social es necesariamente un cuerpo vestido, constituido socialmente y siempre ubicado en la cultura, se desprende la idea de que la indumentaria de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner hace parte y es formado a partir de su contexto histórico y cultural, por lo tanto también de su posición social. Así, la investigación defiende que sus imágenes personifican, material y estéticamente sus posiciones de poder político
4. No obstante, es la segunda en ejercer ese cargo. La primera presidenta del país fue María Estela Martínez de Perón; como era vicepresidenta de su marido, Juan Domingo Perón, termina asumiendo la presidencia después de su muerte y gobierna el país entre 1974 y 1976. "Isabelita", como le decían, fue la primera mujer que ocupó la presidencia en toda América Latina.
5. Cerca de dos años después, el 26 de julio de 1949, Evita fundó el Partido Peronista Femenino. En las elecciones de 1951, por primera vez, las mujeres pudieron votar y la sociedad eligió a seis senadoras y quince diputadas peronistas. (Zanatta, 2011).
6. Como lo explica Susana Rosano (2005): Por primera vez en la historia del país se otorgaba, y con estatuto legal, no sólo importantes reivindicaciones a los trabajadores, sino la "dignidad" como seres humanos de que habían sido privados por los anteriores gobiernos, para quienes no eran más que los "cabecitas negras" dejando en ellos la impronta de la conciliación de clases es posible. (p. 04).
7. Como expone Beatriz Sarlo (2003): "En 1946, Evita Duarte se convirtió en la primera dama Eva Duarte de Perón. A partir de ese momento, su cara, su cuerpo, sus ropas y sus poses no se compararon solo con las de las actrices fotografiadas en las revistas del espectáculo sino con las de las señoras, cuya imagen aparecía en otras revistas. El escándalo de Eva se medía respecto de esas mujeres de políticos y de militares, muchas de ellas pertenecientes a la buena sociedad, otras burguesas acomodadas. Esas mujeres ocuparon siempre un plano secundario a respecto del círculo de poder o de las prelaciones institucionales que rodeaban a sus maridos. Ninguna esposa de mandatario o representante se había convertido nunca en una pieza central en la construcción y la consolidación del poder" (p. 69).
8. Cristina Kirchner (Electa en el 2007 y 2010) en Argentina, Laura Chinchilla (2010) en Costa Rica y Dilma Rousseff (2011) en Brasil. (Observatório de Gênero - Secretaria Especial de Políticas para as Mulheres da Presidência da República do Brasil, octubre de 2011).
9. Según Lipovetsky (1989): " (...) El vestuario permite al individuo desprenderse de las normas antiguas, apreciar más individualmente a las formas, afirmar un gusto más personal, sin embargo, se puede juzgar más libremente a los trajes de los otros, su buen o mal gusto, sus "faltas" o su desgracia." (p. 38)
10. Que abarca no sólo la indumentaria, sino las elecciones cotidianas como por ejemplo un mobiliario o un menú.
11. María Claudia Bonadio (Almeida e Wajnman, 2012) resume algunas consideraciones de Bourdieu sobre el tema: "(...) O gosto como um consumo estético, pertencente a esfera do cotidiano e presente na escolha, pelo indivíduo, de uma música, uma decoração ou alimentação por exemplo. (...) Bourdieu vê uma 'homologia' entre hierarquia de bens e a hierarquia de consumidores, de tal modo que, a seu ver, as preferências estéticas refletem, em sua organização, a estrutura do espaço social". (p. 72).
12. Para Mezzia y Pozzi (2004) "el gusto legítimo se concreta en el consumo de unos objetos simbólicos (de la no-vulgaridad, es decir, de la distinción), consumo que otorga a las personas eso que Erving Goffman llamó "el sentido del lugar que uno ocupa" en el mundo ("sense of one´s place"), (…)se construye por oposición o aproximación al "sentido del lugar que los otros ocupan" en el mundo ("sense of other´s place").
13. Para profundizar los conceptos de gusto y capitales simbólicos ver Bourdieu (2006). 14. Karl Heinrich Marx fue un pensador político alemán. Nacido el 5 de mayo de 1818 en Berlín. Estudió filosofía, derecho e historia. Seguidor de Hegel, crítico del capitalismo, desarrolla una doctrina llamada marxista la cual sirve para la idealización del socialismo. (Wheen, 2001).

Esta investigación tiene como objeto de estudio la indumentaria como elemento simbólico de la construcción de imágenes de poder político de la mujer en Argentina. La relación entre imagen y poder no es algo nuevo. Ya en 1513, Maquiavelo describe en 'El Príncipe' la importancia de la imagen para la legitimación del poder por el soberano. El uso de la indumentaria en la construcción de la imagen como elemento legitimador de poder puede ser observado también en innumerables personajes históricos y mucho se escribió al respecto. El rey francés Luis XIV1 , el famoso "Rey Sol", se hizo conocido por su extremada atención al construir su imagen política. Haciendo uso de instrumentos como la vestimenta, el maquillaje y de accesorios como pelucas y tacones, Luis XIV disfrazó su pequeña estatura y logró formar una imagen altiva, coherente a su ambición de soberanía. (Burke, 2009). Otro ejemplo célebre históricamente del uso político de la indumentaria es el de la reina francesa María Antonieta2 . Conocida actualmente como la reina de la moda, María Antonieta, de origen austríaco, era pariente distante de Luis XIV y así como su ancestro, tuvo en sus vestes y sus excéntricos peinados la herramienta para legitimar su posición como monárquica francesa. Aunque la reina creó un estilo particular e hizo de su personal gusto estético una tendencia para el vestir de la época, irónicamente la indumentaria también le sirvió como objeto de persecución política. Según la escritora Caroline Weber (2008), su placard de ropa fue uno de los estopines que la llevó a tal fin trágico. Acusada de gastar fortunas de los fondos públicos para mantener su imagen, en 1793 como consecuencia de la violenta Revolución Francesa, fue llevada a la guillotina juntamente con su marido e hijos. Aún en la actualidad, su peculiar gusto indumentario sirve de objeto para estudios e investigaciones académicas. (Weber, 2008). En la sociedad argentina, los personajes Eva Duarte de Perón y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner son fuertes ejemplos de cómo está presente la indumentaria como elemento constructor de imágenes de poder político. Ambas, además de compartir una posición excepcional de poder político en la historia del país, son frecuentemente citadas por sus peculiares gustos por la moda. Sus elecciones estéticas son comúnmente usadas como delatoras de la legitimidad (o ilegitimidad) de esta posición de poder. Esta investigación analiza cómo esas imágenes de poder político se construyen a partir de la indumentaria, es decir, cómo los elementos estéticos de la apariencia, como las vestimentas, los peinados, el maquillaje, los calzados y los accesorios, constituyen el "cuerpo representación"3 del poder político de los personajes estudiados. Al considerar ese cuerpo representación no como algo natural, ofrecido biológicamente o como un don divino, sino como consecuencia de un "cuerpo" que se construye a partir de las relaciones sociales, del contexto histórico y cultural, articulado con los capitales simbólicos aprendidos durante la trayectoria de vida, es necesario entender el contexto histórico y cultural tanto de Eva Perón como de Cristina Kirchner y la posición de poder político de ambas. Eva Duarte de Perón y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner El 10 de diciembre del 2007, con más del 45% de los votos, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner fue la primera mujer que fue elegida presidenta del país mediante el voto popular4 . Los cargos femeninos en los organismos públicos del país se deben mucho a las luchas y conquistas de Eva Perón. Desde finales del siglo XIX, los movimientos feministas en Argentina lucharon por la conquista de los derechos políticos de las mujeres, pero el derecho al voto femenino sólo fue logrado en el primer período del peronismo, a fines de la década de 1940. El 9 de septiembre de 1947, Eva Perón, conocida como Evita, esposa del entonces presidente Juan Domingo Perón, con su empeñada campaña, logró el derecho civil para las mujeres argentinas; ahora podían votar y ser candidatas a cargos gubernamentales. La actuación de Eva en el poder fue un factor fundamental para el cambio de la sociedad argentina, no sólo político, sino también cultural, principalmente en lo relacionado con los derechos femeninos5. Hay que destacar que Eva Perón nunca fue feminista. Su actuación en el tema del sufragio tenía como meta el apoyo a Perón para llegar a las capas sociales hasta entonces olvidadas de la escena política. Así, la actuación de Evita en cuestiones políticas de Argentina, fue de gran importancia para asegurar no sólo los derechos civiles de las mujeres, sino también insertarlas en la escena social y política, esas capas sociales nunca antes habían tenido participación en acciones del Estado6. La participación activa de Eva Perón en cuestiones sociales, culturales y políticas la situó como uno de los personajes históricos más importantes del siglo XX. Su actuación era mucho más importante que la de "esposa del presidente", de primera dama. Algo muy distinto del papel "usual" que la mujer asumía en la vida pública hasta ese momento; aunque algunas ya habían tenido una actuación en el mercado de trabajo, la imagen femenina ligada al poder que Eva construyó constituía un hecho inédito en la sociedad latinoamericana7. Sesenta años después de la muerte de Evita, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner es la presidenta de la Nación. De militante actuante en La Juventud Peronista en la década de 1970 a una carrera política notoria como diputada y senadora, Cristina Kirchner es elegida en 2007 presidenta del país con el más alto índice de votación desde la apertura democrática en 1983. Ambas, Cristina y Evita no sólo comparten una posición excepcional de la mujer en la historia política del país, sino que también las dos tuvieron un éxito extraordinario cuando construyeron su imagen política en una sociedad sin muchas referencias de iguales. En la actualidad, América Latina, con sus treinta y tres países, posee apenas tres mujeres al frente de gobiernos8 . Eva Perón, Cristina Kirchner y la indumentaria Los dos personajes estudiados, además de compartir un mismo movimiento político, el peronismo, son frecuentemente referidos con énfasis por sus gustos por la moda. Eva Perón, sesenta años después de su muerte, sigue presente en un sinfín de exposiciones acerca de su vida y de su "estilo". Hay una cantidad innumerable de material periodístico tanto como de estudios académicos al respecto que buscan explicar cómo la primeradama argentina se comunicaba a través de su apariencia, de su peculiar y reconocido gusto por la moda, en el intento de (re)construir o (re)descubrir el mito a través del simbolismo de la indumentaria. Refiriéndose a Evita, no todo es elogio en lo relacionado con su imagen. Muchos de sus adversarios políticos resaltaban la discrepancia que existía entre sus discursos en defensa de los menos favorecidos sociales y su exagerado gusto por los artículos de lujo. (Sarlo, 2003). Medio siglo separa a Cristina Kirchner de Eva Perón. El contexto en el que Cristina Kirchner se convirtió en presidenta y construyó su imagen es muy distinto al de la primeradama del peronismo. Pero la atención dada por los medios sobre cómo ella articula su apariencia y su gusto por la moda no se diferencia de la dedicada en su tiempo, o incluso en la actualidad, a Eva Perón. Así, hay mucho material periodístico en el que el tema es la crítica a Cristina Fernández de Kirchner por la marca de sus vestidos, los excesivos y distintos modelos de zapatos con los que se presenta en público o el gasto que desprende en carteras o joyas. (Castañeda y Veiga ,2012; Vecino, 2011). Pero, lo que interesa a esta investigación es el peculiar interés de una gran parte de los medios y del ciudadano en general por su gusto, siendo muchas veces descrito como ostentoso y demasiado superfluo, por sus adversarios políticos, o de extremo "buen gusto" por aquellos que la admiran. Lo que se detecta en todas las críticas, elogiosas, exaltadoras o peyorativas sobre la apariencia de los personajes estudiados es el recurrente uso del "gusto" como instrumento denunciador de la legitimidad o ilegitimidad de la posición de poder. Así, como describe Lipovetsky (1989), es verdad que: "(…) desde la Antigüedad, existe una tradición de difamación de la futilidad, de los artificios y del maquillaje" (p. 37). La indumentaria como instrumento representativo de estéticas de una época, de contextos sociales e históricos pasa a recibir juicios de valor, puesto que los elementos estéticos de la apariencia se vuelven instrumentos de auto-expresión, de representación de individualidades9 . Ya en el final del siglo XIX Georg Simmel (2010) señala que "el adorno (…) es parte 'artificial' de la apariencia: se trata de una manipulación de las señales relativas a los vestuarios o a los cosméticos, que apuntan a causar una determinada impresión" (p. 35). Lo cierto es que esta "impresión" suscitada por los personajes estudiados a través de sus indumentarias está a merced de juicios que buscan aprobar o desaprobar la inserción de estas mujeres en su posición de poder. Así, los elementos estéticos de la apariencia, puestos en la "esfera de los gustos" son objetos simbólicos que pueden ser usados como artificios para la aprobación o reproche social, teniendo así un carácter de "juicio" que evidencia lo que verdaderamente está en juego, como las tensiones sociales relativas a los valores morales, religiosos, políticos, culturales y de posición de género. Para Frédéric Godart (2010) la indumentaria reafirma constantemente la inclusión o no de los individuos en los grupos sociales. En esa misma línea, Pierre Bourdieu (2010) clasifica las elecciones estéticas10, lo que él llama "gustos", como un marcador privilegiado de "clase"11. Por lo tanto, se puede explicar el gusto peculiar de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner a través de su posición social, su capital cultural y simbólico que fueron construidos a partir de sus historias sociales y de sus trayectorias de vida. El gusto sirve como instrumento de lucha, usado para legitimar o deslegitimar sus posiciones de poder. Un claro ejemplo son las críticas, mucha veces ofensivas acerca de la apariencia de estas mujeres, frecuentemente acusatorias de "no pertenencia" (el consumo de ciertos productos de moda como piezas de alta costura o de grandes casas de diseño consideradas "legítimas" del "buen gusto", por su exclusividad económica (no es para todos) o distintivas ( solamente para quién entiende y conoce), reservadas al consumo de ciertas clases sociales es usado como evidencia de "apropiación" ilegítima de mecanismos simbólicos de distinción). Así, sus indumentarias sirven, en la mayoría de los casos, como evidencia de expresión de lucha de clases, disputas políticas y acusaciones de no pertenencia12. La investigación sostiene que, además de la cuestión de clase (es decir, el capital cultural y simbólico que es el resultado de la trayectoria social), la indumentaria también evidencia las cuestiones de género. La posición social y de poder tanto de Eva Perón como de Cristina Kirchner son excepcionales, pues no se "encuadran" en los estereotipos sociales, históricos y culturales de posición de género. Ocupar una posición de poder político, que históricamente y culturalmente está asociado al universo masculino, hace que el excesivo gusto por los elementos estéticos de la apariencia, como la indumentaria, asociada a la moda que está socialmente y culturalmente encuadrada en el universo femenino, sea visto, en algunos contextos basados en juicios estereotipados de género, como una inadecuada representación de poder. "Ella era excepcional, tanto como lo era el escenario del peronismo". Tomando el término de Beatriz Sarlo (2003, p. 70) acerca de la posición excepcional que Eva Perón ocupaba como primera dama. Como una mujer de pasado artístico poco expresivo, de raíces nada aristocráticas y en un contexto donde la posición de género era muy definida, la posición de poder político de Eva Perón, más allá de su ideología, fue, sin dudas, transgresora para la época. Así, la investigación define a Evita y a Cristina Kirchner de acuerdo con la posición de poder de ambas. Mujeres que, aparte de su condición social de género, supieron construir, de manera "excepcional", sus peculiares trayectorias políticas. Por lo tanto, "el gusto" de los personajes estudiados debe ser tomado de acuerdo a su lugar excepcional, "el buen" o "el mal gusto" está clasificado y juzgado según la posición social de los individuos, y seguramente sus posiciones estén dentro de la excepción para la mujer en la historia política de América Latina. Beatriz Sarlo (2003) describe acerca de la posición excepcional de Eva Perón representada en su vestir: "Sus trajes de ceremonia pueden ser excesivos porque su lugar no tiene medida, ni se compara con ningún otro lugar institucional. El exceso queda adherido a un cuerpo donde se ha invertido el poder" (p. 100). Lo que se detecta es que "el cuerpo construido" de los personajes es objeto de representación material y estética donde "se ha invertido el poder" (Sarlo, 2003). El término "construir" está relacionado con el uso de la indumentaria como elemento simbólico material donde ese poder está representado. La investigación defiende que dicha representación no es algo ofrecido naturalmente como un don, sino como consecuencia de un "cuerpo" que se construye a partir de las relaciones sociales, de los contextos históricos y culturales articulados a los capitales simbólicos13 adquiridos en sus trayectorias de vida. A partir del cuestionamiento de estos "cuerpos" como representaciones de poder político, capital simbólico y cultural, sus trayectorias sociales y sus posiciones excepcionales, es que la investigación propone pensar la indumentaria como elemento simbólico de representación del poder político de Eva Perón y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Como ya fue dicho anteriormente, los elementos estéticos de la apariencia, como la indumentaria, cumplen un papel simbólico de representación de la disposición social, por eso la investigación cuestiona cuáles son los indicios materiales delatores de las trayectorias sociales y si esas trayectorias sociales condicionan sus "gustos" acerca del vestir, se indaga cuál sería el rol de la excepcionalidad de sus posiciones de poder en la construcción de sus imágenes políticas. Son muchas las preguntas acerca del papel de la indumentaria como tema simbólico de representación del poder político. Pero, a través del análisis no de su significado, sino de su construcción, el objetivo es iluminar las cuestiones que puedan esclarecer cómo esas mujeres articularon sus culturas, sus contextos y sus posiciones excepcionales para lograr una representación estética y concreta de sus trayectorias políticas. Hipótesis Como hipótesis se propone que Eva Perón y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner articularon su trayectoria social, su capital simbólico y cultural recurriendo a su posición excepcional como instrumento de transcendencia del lugar de los gustos para construir su imagen a través de la indumentaria, personificando, material y estéticamente, su poder político. Objetivo general La investigación tiene como objetivo, a través de la indumentaria tanto de Eva Perón como de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, ampliar la comprensión de cómo ambos personajes articuló su cultura, su contexto social y su posición excepcional para una representación estética y concreta de su poder político. Objetivos específicos Como objetivos específicos se plantea investigar cómo la representación estética de poder político de la mujer es construida a través de la indumentaria de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner; analizar cómo los indicios materiales de la trayectoria social presente en las indumentarias de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner están relacionados con la posición excepcional de poder femenino en la construcción de la imagen de poder político; y ampliar la comprensión del papel de los elementos estéticos, es decir, de la indumentaria en la construcción de imágenes políticas de la mujer. Antecedentes y estado de la cuestión La indumentaria, como producto de la cultura, lleva inscripta a través de su materia prima, de su modo de producción, de sus colores, estilo, entre otros ítems, las formas de organización y jerarquización de la sociedad en la cual está inserta, funcionando como marcadora privilegiada de la posición social de quien la porta. (Nery, 2007; Saulquin, 2006; Godart, 2010, Bourdieu, 2010). Beatriz Sarlo en el libro La pasión y la excepción sigue justamente la trayectoria social de Eva Perón y la relación de ésta con la construcción de un "cuerpo excepcional", en el aspecto simbólico de su apariencia, por lo tanto, también de su indumentaria, analiza histórica y filosóficamente cómo la actriz se convierte en la "incorporación" del régimen peronista. El mismo trayecto a través de la indumentaria se encuentra en El saco de Marx de Peter Stallybrass (2008). La vida de Karl Marx14 y su trayectoria social e intelectual a través de la historia de su saco es narrada a partir de los múltiples empeños de la pieza que no sólo ponían en evidencia los problemas financieros de Marx, sino también determinaban, limitando o posibilitando, su vida social; ya que era su único traje "elegante", e incluso adecuado para el frío de Alemania. El autor también relaciona la formulación de la teoría marxista con "los dolores" y "las memorias" que resultaban de la relación de Marx con el saco. Como indica Stallybrass: "Pensar sobre la ropa, sobre ropas, significa pensar no sólo sobre la memoria, sino también sobre el poder y la posesión". (p. 12). Muchos investigadores ya estudiaron la relación del poder con la imagen de grandes personajes históricos. Peter Burke (2009) en Fabricación del Rey enfoca, a partir de la historia, las elecciones estéticas del rey Luis XIV para la fabricación de su imagen pública, y Caroline Weber (2007) en Reina de la Moda analiza cómo la reina francesa María Antonieta hacía uso político de la indumentaria. Ambos estudios priorizan un análisis historiográfico del traje y su carácter de memoria. Volviendo a las mujeres estudiadas, Eva Perón por su distancia temporal posee diferentes enfoques de análisis que pone en primer plano su biografía, su relación con el peronismo y la cuestión de género. Esta última también en relación con la política, con el poder y las representaciones sobre los mitos de su imagen (Zanatta, 2011; Masson, 2004; Lagos, 2006; Carlson, 1988; Sarlo, 2010; Pron, 2007; Rosano, 2005). Debido a su figura "atemporal", parafraseando a Sarlo (2010), su aspecto estético y su fuerte construcción de imagen ligada a la moda, existe un enfoque muy explorado de la indumentaria en materias del área de diseño, siendo la misma, en la mayoría de los casos, un objeto para un análisis semiológico (Sarlo, 2010) o histórico del vestir (Guedes y Teixeira, 2010; Saulquin, 2006). En el caso de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, los materiales disponibles se focalizan en el estudio de sus estratégicas políticas (Levitsky y Murillo, 2008; Castañeda y Veiga, 2013; Araújo Ribeiro, 2010; Correa da Silva, 2012; Corigliano, 2013) y en libros biográficos (Russo, 2011). Cuando aparecen análisis dirigidos a su apariencia, están restringidos casi mayoritariamente a los registros periodísticos y a las llamadas "revistas femeninas" que priorizan los temas considerados amenos, por lo tanto, estereotipados por su condición de mujer, con lo cual sirven mucho más como instrumento de crítica o de apoyo a su gobierno que como material útil para pensar la materia. La investigación entiende la indumentaria no como un elemento que "expresa" los poderes políticos de las mujeres estudiadas, ni como un tratado que busca "develar" los mitos construidos en torno a sus imágenes, sino como elemento significante que conforma de manera material, esto es, concretamente, tales posiciones alcanzadas. Así, sus indumentarias cargan sus trayectorias sociales y sus contextos, funcionando como objetos materializados de sus posiciones sociales. Es en la materialidad de cada elección estética que sus "cuerpos" se conforman, de manera particular; en un mundo cultural, social y político específico. Orden del trabajo En el primer capítulo será tratada la cuestión del género, su construcción social y cultural, los estereotipos y su "corporificación" y la relación de la posición de la mujer en el contexto de la sociedad argentina con la política y la trayectoria de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner. El segundo capítulo trata de la indumentaria en el ámbito social, su aspecto cultural e histórico, delineando el contexto de las mujeres estudiadas y la importancia del elemento estético para la construcción de la imagen política. Como bien define Godart (2010) parafraseando al filósofo francés Jean Baudrillard: "La función de los objetos es apenas la de una "caución" para su dimensión principal, que es la de "valor de cambio de signo", o sea, para simplificar, su significación sociocultural" (p. 31). Pierre Bourdieu (2010) pone al vestir, las elecciones, el gusto estético de la apariencia como definido por posiciones de clase. La educación institucionalizada, esto es, el grado de escolaridad, la herencia cultural, cuánto el sujeto está familiarizado con distintos tipos de cultura, obras de arte, estilos musicales y vivencias sociales, así como también su capital económico que son los responsables de su "formación". La estilización de la vida, la elección de la comida, el estilo de decoración de la casa, cómo cuida el sujeto su cuerpo, sus preferencias deportivas, su elección estética de la apariencia, es decir, sus indumentarias, entre otros, reflejarían la posición social. El tercer capítulo trata, teóricamente, acerca del gusto como reflejo de la trayectoria social de las mujeres estudiadas, la cuestión del juicio como elemento "legitimador" de la posición de poder y la trascendencia del "buen y el mal gusto" a través de sus lugares excepcionales para la construcción de sus cuerpos representación. La materialidad de la indumentaria remite e interactúa con sus contextos sociales y culturales, con la posición de la mujer y su trayectoria, constituyendo de forma estética y concreta su cuerpo de poder político. Por lo tanto, la investigación discurre sobre la "personificación" estética de la posición de poder político de la mujer, esto es, cómo algunos aspectos de la construcción social y cultural del género en el contexto general latinoamericano, y en particular argentino, está presente en el cuerpo, en el accionar político, en las representaciones sociales y en las formas de constituir los gustos y cómo se corporifican estéticamente a través de la indumentaria. Notas 1. Louis XIV (1638 -1715), conocido como "Rey-Sol", fue un monarca absolutista de Francia, reinó de 1643 a 1715. (Burke, 2009). 2. Marie Antoinette Josèphe Jeanne de Habsbourg-Lorraine (1755-1793) - fue una archiduquesa de Austria y reina consorte de Francia y Navarra. Murió decapitada en 16 de octubre de 1793 junto con su marido, el Rey Luís XVI e hijos, como resultado de la Revolución Francesa. (Weber, 2008). 3. A partir de la definición de Joanne Entwistle (2002) de que el cuerpo social es necesariamente un cuerpo vestido, constituido socialmente y siempre ubicado en la cultura, se desprende la idea de que la indumentaria de Eva Perón y Cristina Kirchner hace parte y es formado a partir de su contexto histórico y cultural, por lo tanto también de su posición social. Así, la investigación defiende que sus imágenes personifican, material y estéticamente sus posiciones de poder político 4. No obstante, es la segunda en ejercer ese cargo. La primera presidenta del país fue María Estela Martínez de Perón; como era vicepresidenta de su marido, Juan Domingo Perón, termina asumiendo la presidencia después de su muerte y gobierna el país entre 1974 y 1976. "Isabelita", como le decían, fue la primera mujer que ocupó la presidencia en toda América Latina. 5. Cerca de dos años después, el 26 de julio de 1949, Evita fundó el Partido Peronista Femenino. En las elecciones de 1951, por primera vez, las mujeres pudieron votar y la sociedad eligió a seis senadoras y quince diputadas peronistas. (Zanatta, 2011). 6. Como lo explica Susana Rosano (2005): Por primera vez en la historia del país se otorgaba, y con estatuto legal, no sólo importantes reivindicaciones a los trabajadores, sino la "dignidad" como seres humanos de que habían sido privados por los anteriores gobiernos, para quienes no eran más que los "cabecitas negras" dejando en ellos la impronta de la conciliación de clases es posible. (p. 04). 7. Como expone Beatriz Sarlo (2003): "En 1946, Evita Duarte se convirtió en la primera dama Eva Duarte de Perón. A partir de ese momento, su cara, su cuerpo, sus ropas y sus poses no se compararon solo con las de las actrices fotografiadas en las revistas del espectáculo sino con las de las señoras, cuya imagen aparecía en otras revistas. El escándalo de Eva se medía respecto de esas mujeres de políticos y de militares, muchas de ellas pertenecientes a la buena sociedad, otras burguesas acomodadas. Esas mujeres ocuparon siempre un plano secundario a respecto del círculo de poder o de las prelaciones institucionales que rodeaban a sus maridos. Ninguna esposa de mandatario o representante se había convertido nunca en una pieza central en la construcción y la consolidación del poder" (p. 69). 8. Cristina Kirchner (Electa en el 2007 y 2010) en Argentina, Laura Chinchilla (2010) en Costa Rica y Dilma Rousseff (2011) en Brasil. (Observatório de Gênero - Secretaria Especial de Políticas para as Mulheres da Presidência da República do Brasil, octubre de 2011). 9. Según Lipovetsky (1989): " (.) El vestuario permite al individuo desprenderse de las normas antiguas, apreciar más individualmente a las formas, afirmar un gusto más personal, sin embargo, se puede juzgar más libremente a los trajes de los otros, su buen o mal gusto, sus "faltas" o su desgracia." (p. 38) 10. Que abarca no sólo la indumentaria, sino las elecciones cotidianas como por ejemplo un mobiliario o un menú. 11. María Claudia Bonadio (Almeida e Wajnman, 2012) resume algunas consideraciones de Bourdieu sobre el tema: "(.) O gosto como um consumo estético, pertencente a esfera do cotidiano e presente na escolha, pelo indivíduo, de uma música, uma decoração ou alimentação por exemplo. (.) Bourdieu vê uma 'homologia' entre hierarquia de bens e a hierarquia de consumidores, de tal modo que, a seu ver, as preferências estéticas refletem, em sua organização, a estrutura do espaço social". (p. 72). 12. Para Mezzia y Pozzi (2004) "el gusto legítimo se concreta en el consumo de unos objetos simbólicos (de la no-vulgaridad, es decir, de la distinción), consumo que otorga a las personas eso que Erving Goffman llamó "el sentido del lugar que uno ocupa" en el mundo ("sense of one´s place"), (…)se construye por oposición o aproximación al "sentido del lugar que los otros ocupan" en el mundo ("sense of other´s place"). 13. Para profundizar los conceptos de gusto y capitales simbólicos ver Bourdieu (2006). 14. Karl Heinrich Marx fue un pensador político alemán. Nacido el 5 de mayo de 1818 en Berlín. Estudió filosofía, derecho e historia. Seguidor de Hegel, crítico del capitalismo, desarrolla una doctrina llamada marxista la cual sirve para la idealización del socialismo. (Wheen, 2001).

Il presente studio intende approfondire alcuni degli aspetti storico-economici del comune di Bagni di Lucca, cittadina termale della Media Valle del Serchio, non rinunciando ad offrire una sintesi geografica del territorio. In particolare, il punto di vista che abbiamo privilegiato riguarda le manifatture locali e la loro evoluzione nella seconda metà del Novecento, in ragione del preminente ruolo economico da esse assunto, nel corso del periodo considerato ed almeno fino ai primissimi anni Duemila, rispetto alla tradizionale industria termale, la quale ha ispirato nel tempo, e contrariamente alle vicende produttive del comune, un'apprezzabile letteratura. Bagni di Lucca si presenta attualmente come un territorio "cristallizzato", che indugia malinconicamente in una memoria di cui si è resa protagonista e virtuosa. Essa lascia intravedere, pur nella situazione di stallo demografico e socioeconomico in cui versa, un milieu locale di straordinaria ricchezza, che, se compreso e valorizzato adeguatamente da parte dei soggetti locali, potrebbe trovare nuovi margini di crescita e di espressione. La cittadina, che nella prima metà del XIX secolo conobbe il culmine della fama a livello europeo, costituì una meta turistica irrinunciabile da parte di nobili, diplomatici, intellettuali e ricchi borghesi, e non solo per le rinomate virtù terapeutiche delle sue acque termominerali, ma anche perché essa venne prescelta quale sede di residenza estiva dalla corte principesca di Lucca e, successivamente, da quella granducale. Con l'unificazione politica della Toscana, ed il conseguente forfait da parte degli abituali frequentatori aristocratici, iniziò la lunga e graduale flessione dell'attività turistica locale, che, incapace di rimodernarsi nel tempo, faceva leva, all'indomani del secondo conflitto mondiale, su strutture ricettive deteriorate e palesemente obsolete. La fragilità dell'equilibrio economico del centro, determinata essenzialmente dalla sua vocazione monofunzionale (ed aggravata, per di più, dal progressivo stato di abbandono in cui versava l'agricoltura, un tempo preziosa attività integrativa) indusse la popolazione a cercare, attraverso soluzioni di tipo individuale, nuove fonti di sostentamento alternative al turismo, attingendo ad un humus variegato di risorse che, seppur formatosi all'ombra dell'economia termale, si presentava storicamente ben radicato e diffuso sul territorio. In particolare, le attività di base che permisero all'economia locale di rilanciarsi con successo, grazie all'introduzione di nuove tecnologie e di una nuova organizzazione del lavoro, furono le seguenti: la fabbricazione di statuine e di manufatti in gesso, la produzione di carta e di cartone, infine l'estrazione del tannino dal legname di castagno. Già nei primi anni Sessanta del Novecento, l'analisi della struttura sociale della popolazione di Bagni di Lucca evidenziava una tendenza in atto che, in brevissimo tempo, sembrò manifestare un carattere irreversibile: il 52% circa degli attivi, infatti, era rappresentato da operai e manovali, nel quadro di un contesto economico sempre più spiccatamente orientato sull'industria. Bagni di Lucca, che da esclusiva ed elitaria stazione termale si stava trasformando in una dinamica cittadina operaia, fu dunque in grado, grazie ad una sapiente combinazione di tradizione e modernità, di ristrutturare con successo la propria economia. Il nostro studio non ha la pretesa di essere esaustivo, né di misurarsi in senso stretto con i contenuti specialistici delle discipline storico-economiche ed archeologico-industriali. Il suo intento è piuttosto di sottolineare l'importanza antropogeografica di determinate attività produttive, le quali, radicate nella storia, nella tradizione e nel complesso delle risorse ambientali ed umane del territorio esaminato, hanno intrapreso, in una fase storica di crescita economica, la via dell'adeguamento ai tempi, gettando un ponte tra un sostrato di acquisizioni tecniche e di usi sociali consolidati da un antico retaggio, e nuove possibilità di aggiornamento e di sviluppo. A fianco del termalismo (ma soprattutto, a partire dal secondo dopoguerra, in alternativa ad esso), tali industrie hanno agito, pertanto, come fattori microeconomici di identità territoriale, grazie anche ai quali si deve, in virtù dei sistemi e dei valori del lavoro che hanno generato, la variegata ricchezza del milieu locale. This study aims to examine some of the historical and economic aspects of Bagni di Lucca, a spa town in the Media Valle del Serchio, without renouncing to offer a geographical synthesis of the territory. In particular, the point of view we have privileged concerns the local factories and their evolution in the second half of the 20th century, because of the prominent economic role they assumed, during the period considered and at least until the very early years of the 2000s, with respect to the traditional spa industry, which has inspired over time, and contrary to the productive events of the municipality, an appreciable literature. Bagni di Lucca currently presents itself as a "crystallised" territory, lingering melancholically in a memory of which it has become a protagonist and virtuous. In spite of the demographic and socio-economic stalemate in which it finds itself, it allows us to glimpse a local milieu of extraordinary richness, which, if properly understood and valued by the local players, could find new margins of growth and expression. The town, which in the first half of the 19th century reached the peak of its European fame, was an essential tourist destination for nobles, diplomats, intellectuals and rich bourgeoisie, not only for the renowned therapeutic virtues of its thermal mineral waters, but also because it was chosen as a summer residence by the princely court of Lucca and later by the grand ducal court. With the political unification of Tuscany, and the consequent withdrawal of the usual aristocratic visitors, the long and gradual decline of local tourism began, which, unable to modernise over time, relied on deteriorated and clearly obsolete accommodation facilities in the aftermath of the Second World War. The fragility of the economic balance of the centre, essentially determined by its monofunctional vocation (and aggravated, moreover, by the progressive state of abandonment in which agriculture, once a valuable supplementary activity, was found) induced the population to seek, through individual solutions, new sources of sustenance alternative to tourism, drawing on a varied humus of resources which, although formed in the shadow of the thermal economy, was historically well rooted and widespread in the territory. In particular, the basic activities that allowed the local economy to successfully relaunch itself, thanks to the introduction of new technologies and a new organisation of work, were the following: the manufacture of statuettes and plaster artefacts, the production of paper and cardboard, and finally the extraction of tannin from chestnut wood. Already at the beginning of the 1960s, an analysis of the social structure of the population of Bagni di Lucca highlighted a trend that in a very short time seemed to show an irreversible character: about 52% of the active population was represented by workers and labourers, in the context of an economic context increasingly oriented towards industry. Bagni di Lucca, which was transforming from an exclusive and elitist spa resort into a dynamic working-class town, was therefore able to successfully restructure its economy thanks to a skilful combination of tradition and modernity. Our study does not pretend to be exhaustive, nor does it attempt to measure itself in a strict sense against the specialist contents of the historical-economic and archaeological-industrial disciplines. Rather, its intention is to underline the anthropogeographical importance of certain productive activities which, rooted in the history, tradition and complex of environmental and human resources of the area examined, have undertaken, in a historical phase of economic growth, the path of adaptation to the times, building a bridge between a substratum of technical acquisitions and social customs consolidated by an ancient heritage, and new possibilities for updating and development. Alongside the spa industry (but above all, since the second post-war period, as an alternative to it), these industries have therefore acted as microeconomic factors of territorial identity, thanks also to which, by virtue of the work systems and values they have generated, we owe the varied richness of the local milieu.

학위논문 (석사) -- 서울대학교 대학원 : 사범대학 사회교육과(일반사회전공), 2020. 8. 이미나. ; 본 연구는 청소년의 정치효능감과 디지털 리터러시 수준이 정치 참여에 미치는 영향을 알아보고, 디지털 리터러시 수준이 정치효능감과 정치 참여 활동 사이의 관계에 조절변인으로 작용하는지를 살펴보고자 한다. 궁극적으로 디지털 미디어의 활용에 적극적인 청소년의 정치 참여 방안을 찾는데 기여하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 위와 같은 문제인식을 바탕으로 본 연구는 다음과 같은 연구 문제를 제기하였다. 1. 정치효능감이 높은 청소년일수록 정치 참여에 적극적인가? 1) 내적 정치효능감이 높은 청소년일수록 정치 참여 행위에 적극적인가? 2) 외적 정치효능감이 높은 청소년일수록 정치 참여 행위에 적극적인가? 3) 내적 정치효능감이 높은 청소년일수록 정치 참여 의지가 클 것인가? 4) 외적 정치효능감이 높은 청소년일수록 정치 참여 의지가 클 것인가? 2. 디지털 리터러시 수준이 높을수록 정치 참여에 적극적인가? 1) 디지털 리터러시 수준이 높은 청소년일수록 정치 참여 행위에 적극 적인가? 2) 디지털 리터러시 수준이 높은 청소년일수록 정치 참여 의지가 클 것인가? 3. 디지털 리터러시 수준이 높을수록 정치효능감이 청소년의 정치 참 여에 미치는 영향이 클 것인가? 1) 디지털 리터러시 수준이 높을수록 정치효능감이 청소년의 정 치 참여 행위에 미치는 영향이 클 것인가? 2) 디지털 리터러시 수준이 높을수록 정치효능감이 청소년의 정 치 참여 의지에 미치는 영향이 클 것인가? 첫 번째 질문은 정치효능감이 청소년의 정치 참여에 미치는 영향을 측정하기 위해 설정하였다. 두 번째 질문은 디지털 리터러시 수준이 정치 참여에 미치는 효과를 측정하기 위해 설정하였다. 마지막 세 번째 질문은 디지털 리터러시 수준과 정치효능감이 청소년의 정치 참여에 미치는 상호작용 효과를 측정하기 위해 설정하였다. 본 연구를 통해 다음과 같은 결과를 알 수 있었다. 첫째, 정치효능감이 청소년의 정치참여에 미치는 영향을 검증한 결과, 내적 정치효능감이 청소년의 정치참여에 유의미한 영향을 미치고 있었다. 상세하게 살펴보면, 내적 정치효능감이 정치 참여 행위와 정치 참여 의지에 유의미한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 반면에 외적 정치효능감은 정치 참여 행위와 정적인 영향 관계를 보이지만, 그 값이 유의미 하지는 않았다. 외적 정치 효능감은 청소년의 정치 참여 의지에는 유의미한 영향을 주는 것으로 나타났다. 정치효능감과 정치 참여 전체를 대상으로 한 회귀 분석에서는 정치 효능감이 정치 참여에 유의한 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 디지털 리터러시는 정치 참여 행위와 정치 참여 의지에 유의미한 영향을 끼치는 것으로 나타났다. 디지털 리터러시가 정치 참여에 유의한 영향을 끼친다는 결론은 디지털 세대인 청소년들에게 커다란 의미를 가진다. 청소년들은 디지털 미디어를 통해서 정치에 관한 정보를 접하고, 정치에 참여한다. 따라서 디지털 리터러시 함양을 위한 정치 교육 자료를 개발하고 활용할 필요성을 말해 준다고 볼 수 있다. 특히 연구대상이 된 청소년들에게 디지털 리터러시를 정보 활용 능력, 비판적 사고 능력, 의사 소통 능력, 규범 준수 능력의 하위 요인으로 구분하여 질문하였기에 이와 같은 하위 요인에 포함된 리터러시 능력을 키워주는 일이 중요하다고 하겠다. . 셋째, 정치효능감과 디지털 리터러시 수준의 상호작용 효과를 살펴본 결과, 그 영향력이 크지 않아 모든 가설이 기각되어 정치 효능감과 디지털 리터러시가 정치 참여에 유의미한 상호 작용 효과를 가지지는 않는 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 연구 결과를 바탕으로 청소년의 정치 참여 활성화를 위한 몇가지 교육적 제안을 하고자 한다. 첫째, 청소년들은 정부의 반응에 따라 정치 행위에 참여하기보다는 본인이 정치에 영향을 끼칠 수 있다는 믿음에 따라 정치 행위에 참여하는 것으로 보인다. 따라서 청소년의 내적 정치효능감을 키울 수 있는 정치 교육 자료를 계발할 필요성이 있다. 둘째, 본 연구에서는 디지털 리터러시 수준이 청소년의 정치 참여 행위와 정치 참여 의지에 모두 긍정적인 영향을 끼치는 것으로 나타났다. 이는 디지털 미디어를 적극 활용한 정치 교육에 대해서 많은 자료를 개발하고 활용할 필요성을 말해 준다고 볼 수 있다. 셋째, 청소년의 정치 참여를 위한 교육적 지원 방안 또한 필요하다. 청소년 중에서도 고등학생은 성인이 되기까지 1∼3년 남은 준 성인에 해당한다고 할 수 있다. 실제 만 18세 이상의 고등학생은 참정권까지 보장받았다. 그러나 청소년을 대상으로 하는 정치 교육은 학교 교육 외에는 선거연수원에서 실시하는 '민주주의 선거교실'이 유일하다. 그리고 고등학교 통합 사회에는 정치 참여와 관련한 단원이 없고, 정치와 법은 선택 과목으로 10% 미만의 학생만 수업을 듣는다. 따라서 고등학생들의 정치 참여를 위한 첫 번째 방안으로 고등학교 통합사회 안에 정치 참여와 관련한 단원을 포함시켜야 한다. 주요어 : 청소년, 정치효능감, 디지털리터러시, 정치참여 학 번 : 2017-29900 ; Abstract The Effect of Political Efficacy and Digital Literacy on Adolescents Political Participation Inhae, Song Department of Social Suties Education The Graduate School Seoul National University In the revised social studies curriculum of 2015, democratic citizens are those who develop democratic values based on knowledge and participate with a sense of responsibility. Therefore, it can be said that raising students who are actively participating is a core element of social studies. In recent years, in terms of the political climate of our society, adolescents who participated in the election of the National Assembly directly appeared after the election age was reduced to 18, and the number of adolescents participating in candlelight vigils and Internet petitions is increasing. According to previous studies, it can be seen that political efficacy is a major factor influencing adolescents's political participation. Political efficacy is a direct motivation for individuals to participate in politics. It is said that individuals with high political efficacy have a strong willingness to participate in politics and actively participate in political activities such as voting. Adolescents needs literacy to become a meaningful activity and exercise of rights. In particular, digital literacy is indispensable in times of increasing political participation through digital media such as these days. Digital literacy refers to the level of critical thinking required by all users to properly evaluate the value of information found on the Internet, and the ability to understand and use various types of information found from various sources and to newly combine it for their purposes ( Gilster, 1997). The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of adolescents' political efficacy and digital literacy level on political participation, and to examine whether digital literacy level acts as a moderating variable in the relationship between political efficacy and political participation. The purpose of this study is to contribute to finding ways to actively participate in politics of adolescents in the use of digital media. Based on the above problem recognition, this study raised the following research problems. 1. Are adolescentss with higher political efficacy active in political participation? 1) Are adolescentss with higher internal political efficacy active in political participation? 2) Are adolescentss with higher external political efficacy active in political participation? 3) Is the willingness to participate in politics greater as the adolescents with higher internal political efficacy? 4) Is the willingness to participate in politics greater for adolescents with higher external political efficacy? 2. The higher the level of digital literacy, is it more active in political participation? 1) The higher the digital literacy level, the more actively participate in political participation Is it an enemy? 2) Will the higher the digital literacy level, the greater willingness to participate in politics? 3. The higher the digital literacy level, the greater the effect of political efficacy on adolescents's political participation? 1) The higher the digital literacy level, the greater the effect of political efficacy on adolescents' political participation. 2) The higher the digital literacy level, the greater the effect of political efficacy on the willingness of adolescents to participate in politics? The following results were found through this study. First, as a result of examining the effect of political efficacy on adolescents's political participation, it was found that internal political efficacy had a significant effect on political participation behavior and willingness to participate. On the other hand, it was found that external political efficacy had no significant effect on political participation, but only on the will of political participation. Political efficacy was found to be significant in political participation in the regression analysis of political efficacy and political participation. Second, digital literacy was found to have a significant effect on political participation and willingness to participate. As a sub-factor of digital literacy, the results of dividing it into information utilization ability, critical understanding ability, communication ability, and norm-compliance ability showed that communication ability was particularly significant for both political participation behavior and political willingness at significance level P 설문지 63 Abstract 68 ; Master

Salam sejahtera, Pada tahun 2015 silam, lebih dari 100 peneliti dari berbagai institusi di beberapa benua melakukan sebuah usaha replikasi penelitian besar-besaran. Tak kurang dari 100 eksperimen yang terbit dalam jurnal psikologi bereputasi diuji kembali untuk menemukan apakah memang betul hasil eksperimen sesuai dengan laporan asli. Ternyata, hanya 68% dari usaha replikasi itu yang berhasil menemukan bukti signifikan secara statistik (Open Science Collaboration, 2015). Masalah yang dikemukakan oleh komunitas Open Science Collaboration ini menggegerkan ilmu psikologi, tak terkecuali psikologi sosial. Sejak munculnya isu krisis replikasi ini, berbagai temuan – mulai dari yang klasik sampai yang kontemporer dalam bidang psikologi – dipertanyakan kembali keabsahannya. Beberapa tahun kemudian, pakar neurosains kognitif dan advokat sains terbuka Christopher D. Chambers dari Cardiff University mempublikasikan sebuah buku yang membahas masalah fundamental dalam praktik ilmiah di psikologi. Dalam buku yang ia beri judul "The 7 Deadly Sins of Psychology" (7 Dosa Besar Psikologi), ia memaparkan sejumlah isu dimana metodologi merupakan salah satu isu yang bermasalah dalam psikologi (Chambers, 2019). Analisis statistik dan penentuan metodologi dalam riset-riset psikologi dianggap terlalu fleksibel sehingga rentan untuk dimanipulasi oleh peneliti. Tidak kalah pentingnya dan konsisten dengan temuan Open Science Collaboration, ilmu psikologi juga dianggap tidak reliabel. Temuan-temuan penting bisa tidak konsisten ketika diuji kembali dengan metode yang sama. Masalah pada reliabilitas temuan seperti itu bisa diatribusikan ke berbagai faktor. Pertama, psikologi belum membudayakan replikasi. Padahal, disiplin ilmu alam seperti fisika senantiasa berusaha mereplikasi temuan-temuan laboratorium mereka (Franklin, 2018). Kedua, adalah masalah fraud serta pelaporan metodologi atau analisis yang terlalu fleksibel sebagaimana dikemukakan Chambers (Chambers, 2019). Selain kedua alasan tersebut, ada satu alasan lain yang nampaknya jarang dibahas – bahwa ada faktor kebudayaan atau kontekstual yang menyebabkan kondisi studi asli dan studi berikutnya mengalami perbedaan. Alasan ini dikemukakan oleh Stroebe dan Strack (2014) dalam artikel mereka yang isinya mengemukakan bahwa replikasi dengan temuan sama persis itu sangat sulit terjadi. Faktor perbedaan budaya adalah isu yang substansial dan perlu diperhatikan dalam ilmu psikologi. Ini sudah lama ditekankan oleh Henrich, Heine, dan Norenzayan (2010) dalam artikel mereka yang berjudul "The weirdest people in the world?". Menurut mereka, banyak (jika tidak dibilang mayoritas) riset psikologi dilakukan di komunitas atau negara WEIRD (Western – kebudayaan barat, Educated – sampel mahasiswa atau kaum terdidik, Industrialized – negara industri maju, Rich – kalangan ekonomi menengah keatas, dan Democratic – negara demokratik). Dengan kata lain, teori-teori yang dihasilkan dari riset-riset psikologi hanya terfokus pada kebudayaan WEIRD seperti Amerika Serikat dan Eropa Barat, namun mengabaikan konteks-konteks budaya lainnya. Sehingga, usaha generalisasi suatu teori tanpa memahami konteks lokal dari tiap kebudayaan non-WEIRD bisa menghasilkan temuan yang tidak konsisten. Menyadari betapa fundamentalnya isu kebudayaan ini, Jurnal Psikologi Sosial (JPS) mengeluarkan isu khusus tentang perspektif dan isu metodologi dalam psikologi sosial. Dalam isu khusus ini, JPS mempublikasikan naskah-naskah yang mengevaluasi perspektif atau paradigma yang muncul dari kebudayaan atau masyarakat WEIRD. Dalam naskah yang berjudul "Social neuroscience: Pendekatan multi-level integratif dalam penelitian psikologi sosial", Galang Lufityanto berusaha mengulas potensi dari perspektif neurosains kognitif untuk psikologi sosial dalam konteks manusia Indonesia. Artikel ini sangat penting karena perspektif biologis seperti neurosains kognitif perlu direplikasi di berbagai konteks masyarakat berbeda (Fischer & Poortinga, 2018) agar terhindar dari generalisasi yang terlalu cepat. Sementara dalam naskah yang berjudul "Epistemological violence, essentialization dan tantangan etik dalam penelitian psikologi sosial", Monica Eviandaru Madyaningrum berusaha mendiskusikan isu etika dalam riset psikologi sosial. Seringkali, psikologi sosial mengadopsi pandangan etika yang muncul dari kebudayaan seperti Amerika Serikat dimana etika prosedural yang terfokus pada individu menjadi tolak ukurnya. Padahal, etika juga men-cakup kerangka berpikir dan relasi kuasa yang terjadi dalam masyarakat. Naskah ini mengajak kita untuk keluar dari isu etika individu menjadi isu etika dalam relasi antar elemen masyarakat, sehingga lebih sesuai dengan konteks masyarakat Indonesia. Isu khusus ini tidak hanya terfokus pada persoalan paradigma epistemik dan etika dalam psikologi sosial. Beberapa naskah berikutnya membahas tentang potensi penggunaan metode alternatif untuk riset-riset psikologi sosial. Andrian Liem dan Brian J. Hall dalam naskah mereka yang berjudul "Respondent-driven sampling (RDS) method: Introduction and its potential use for social psychology research" membahas potensi metode pencarian sampel (sampling) yang lebih superior daripada metode non-probabilitas lain tetapi juga lebih mungkin dilakukan dibandingkan metode random sampling. Dalam metode respondent-driven sampling (RDS), peneliti merekrut partisipan berdasarkan struktur jejaring atau rasa saling percaya antar partisipan. Mengingat masyarakat Indonesia beroperasi berdasarkan struktur relasi dan rasa saling percaya (Hopner & Liu, in press), metode RDS ini sangat menjanjikan untuk diterapkan. Bukan hanya karena kemudahan dalam pengambilan data, namun juga karena potensinya untuk lebih mampu menggeneralisasi temuan ke dalam populasi yang diteliti. Tidak kalah menariknya adalah naskah yang ditulis oleh Tsana Afrani dan para koleganya dengan judul "Apakah intervensi prasangka lewat media bisa mengurangi prasangka implisit terhadap orang dengan HIV/AIDS? Eksperimen menggunakan implicit association test (IAT)." Dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, IAT atau tes asosiasi implisit menjadi alat ukur prasangka implisit yang dianggap kontroversial (Jost, 2019; Singal, 2017). Intervensi berbasis prasangka implisit juga menjadi sasaran kritik. Maka dari itu, penting untuk menguji IAT dalam konteks intervensi di berbagai konteks seperti di kebudayaan non-WEIRD. Ditemukan bahwa prasangka implisit tidak berubah setelah partisipan ikut serta dalam intervensi prasangka lewat media. Ini semakin mempertebal daftar kritik terhadap IAT. Naskah berikutnya membahas potensi metode kualitatif yang jarang digunakan dalam psikologi sosial, yaitu metode historis-komparatif. Dalam naskah yang berjudul "Menggunakan metode historis komparatif dalam penelitian psikologi", Nugraha Arif Karyanta, Suryanto, dan Wiwin Hendriani menjelaskan bahwa data-data seperti dokumen bersejarah, catatan sejarah, bahkan dokumen sipil yang masih berlangsung bisa digunakan untuk menjelaskan proses psikologis yang terjadi pada suatu konteks masyarakat. Metode ini berpotensi untuk mengeksplorasi bagaimana temuan-temuan psiko-logi sosial yang seringkali muncul dari kebudayaan WEIRD bisa relevan atau tidak relevan dengan perkembangan sejarah, kebijakan sosial dan hukum, yang ada pada masyarakat non-WEIRD seperti masyarakat Indonesia. Sementara itu Retno Hanggarani Ninin dan kolega-koleganya menekankan pentingnya asesmen psikologi dalam situasi alamiah. Dalam naskah yang berjudul "Psikoetnografi sebagai metoda asesmen psikologi komunitas", mereka membahas bahwa seringkali asesmen psikologis mencerabut individu dari situasi ekologis alami mereka. Padahal, individu tidak terlepas dari struktur sosial dan budaya yang ia alami sehari-hari. Dalam naskah ini, para penulis juga memberikan contoh bagaimana asesmen psikoetnografi bisa dilakukan. Membahas perbedaan dan kesetaraan antar budaya, tentu juga sulit dilepaskan dari isu kesetaraan lintas budaya dari alat ukur psikologis. Dalam isu khusus ini, JPS mempublikasikan dua naskah validasi alat ukur. Kedua alat ukur ini dinilai penting dan relevan untuk diadaptasi dan divalidasi pada konteks Indonesia. Dalam naskah "Adaptasi alat ukur Munroe Multicultural Attitude Scale Questionnaire versi Indonesia", Intan Permatasari dan kolega-koleganya mempertanyakan validasi alat ukur sikap multikultural karena pada budaya Indonesia, sikap multikultural lebih prevalen pada relasi antar etnis sementara di budaya Amerika Serikat (budaya asal alat ukurnya), sikap multicultural lebih terfokus pada warna kulit. Sementara pada naskah "Adaptasi dan properti psikometrik skala kontrol diri ringkas versi Indonesia", Haykal Hafizul Arifin dan Mirra Noor Milla berusaha mengadaptasi dan menemukan validitas konstruk dan validitas diskriminan dari alat ukur kontrol diri. Ada banyak struktur dimensi dari alat ukur kontrol diri dalam riset-riset sebelumnya. Para penulis menguji struktur dimensi mana yang paling cocok untuk konteks Indonesia. Akhir kata, izinkanlah kami berterima kasih kepada para reviewer yang telah memberikan masukkan kepada naskah-naskah di edisi khusus ini, mulai dari awal sampai naskah siap dipublikasikan. Kami berharap, edisi khusus ini bisa menjadi pemantik diskusi-diskusi saintifik lanjutan tentang ragam perspektif dan isu metodologi di psikologi sosial, khususnya untuk konteks kebudayaan non-WEIRD seperti Indonesia. Tidak hanya itu, kami juga berharap bahwa edisi khusus ini bisa menjadi pedoman atau acuan bagi penggunaan berbagai metode seperti sampling RDS, alat ukur IAT, asesmen psiko-etnografi, dan riset historis komparatif. Kami juga berharap edisi khusus ini menstimulasi riset lanjutan dengan paradigma social neuroscience dan paradigma etika yang lebih luas dari sekedar analisis etika prosedural.

On Wednesday, President Joe Biden announced that he would stop sending offensive weapons to Israel "'if they go into Rafah." It is the most notable sign of his administration's shift in its support for Israel's war to date, but questions remain over how and when the president will follow through on his words. Meanwhile, the administration paused a recent shipment of bombs to Israel, but it is not a permanent decision, and the president's claim that "they haven't gone in Rafah yet" — despite the fact that Israel is continually striking the southern Gazan city, have tanks positioned on the periphery, and took control of the the Rafah crossing — suggests that U.S. support may otherwise continue so long as the campaign remains relatively limited.Behind the scenes in the U.S. government, there has been a bit of turmoil.At least four federal employees, including three from the State Department, have publicly resigned, explicitly in protest of the administration's response to the war. This comes amid a number of stories about internal tension in the Biden administration concerning its largely unwavering rhetorical and material support for Benjamin Netanyahu's government as it prosecutes a war that has now killed nearly 35,000 Palestinians. In addition, hundreds of civil servants from various government agencies have signed a series of open letters calling on Biden to push for a ceasefire in Gaza and de-escalation in the wider region. Unfortunately, one federal employee with more than 15 years of service in two government agencies told RS, "the internal messaging to staff mirrors the external messages. And that has been a source of both disappointment and deep frustration." (Sources asked for anonymity in order to discuss internal dynamics.) In other words, the informal 'dissent channel' doesn't seem to be moving the needle, seven months into the war.Critics within the administration are not motivated by their moral qualms alone. There is a growing sense among staff, according to another source, that the long-term alliance with Israel does not serve U.S. interests. Specifically, they are worried that Washington is itself being drawn into a regional war, that its actions are increasing instability in the region, and that "ironclad" support for Israel's conduct in Gaza is undermining any claim that the U.S. is a champion for global human rights and democracy. The dissent also extends beyond the departments that are typically considered responsible for implementing Gaza policy, such as the State Department or USAID. It includes officials in other agencies whose work is tangentially related to the war and still others who are simply outraged by American complicity in the rising death toll and humanitarian crisis. "Having worked in the administration during the Afghan withdrawal and also the Russian invasion of Ukraine, so many efforts were spearheaded and led, and normal procedures were bypassed given the urgent humanitarian situation. Here, however, it has been a totally different ballgame. There are systemic issues with how we issue Palestinian cases," says a homeland security official. "Any kind of initiative to expedite help for Palestinians has been blocked or quelled or slowed down dramatically in a way that I've never seen before." The signs were there in the early days of the war, sources say. "The decision was made from the top very early on," says an official with 25 years of national security experience. "Experts have been shut out from the decision-making process, making it very hard to change that policy."Annelle Sheline, a former staffer in the State Department's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, who resigned in protest of the administration's Gaza policy in March, says her experience was similar."There are so many people who know the region really well working at State, who were raising concerns from all kinds of angles: the U.S. national interest angle, the legalistic angle or the human rights angle," Sheline tells RS. "People who spent their whole careers working on these things, and nobody was being listened to. Even relatively senior officials inside State who are very concerned and very opposed were not being listened to." (Sheline was previously a research fellow at the Quincy Institute, which publishes RS.) Federal employees who are disillusioned with the approach to Gaza say they have explored multiple avenues to make their position clear. One federal employee told RS that when staffers raised concerns about unconditionally supporting Israel in the early stages of the war, they realized that doing so through formal channels was ineffective."As the months dragged on, it became evident that the dissent channels that the State Department likes to tout are about placating staff more than actually listening to those with deep regional and policy expertise and making changes," says the 15-year federal employee. The dissidents say only a handful of individuals in the upper echelons of the State Department, at the National Security Council and, and ultimately Biden himself, have decision-making power, and no amount of dissent has made a difference. According to one report, Biden's own staunch pro-Israel position has been solidified over five decades in Washington, and his commitment to the Jewish state is not easily shaken. In the months since October 7, a number of staffers have resorted to quieter and more informal forms of protest — having unsanctioned conversations with journalists; changing social media avatars to express solidarity with Palestinians; or wearing keffiyehs during work meetings — to express their unhappiness or distress within the administration.When RS spoke to these federal employees, they noted the importance of May 8, the day the Biden administration was supposed to produce a report for Congress on Israel's compliance with international humanitarian law. It would have been a clear sign of how far Biden and other top officials are willing to go to back the war effort. That date came and went with no report on Wednesday. There are conflicting reports on whether the report is delayed "indefinitely" or whether it is expected to be delivered soon. As the staffers noted, the Israeli blockade of aid — at the very least — has been so blatant that it would be hard to believe that any official acting in good faith would sign a report asserting the contrary. And this is an argument that many other notable individuals have made publicly."The determination regarding compliance with international law is one of fact and law. The facts and law should not be ignored to achieve a pre-determined policy outcome. Our credibility is on the line," Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), the lawmaker who led the effort to require a report be submitted to Congress, recently said. In late April, more than 90 lawyers signed a letter to the Biden administration calling on it to suspend military aid to Israel. "The law is clear and aligned with the majority of Americans who believe the U.S. should cease arms shipments to Israel until it stops its military operation in Gaza," read the letter. At least 20 of the signatories work in the administration, according to Politico. Politico reported on Tuesday that there has been an uptick in the number of non-public resignations by officials and that more resignations, both public and non-public, will soon follow.Sources tell RS that there have been discussions of larger-scale resignations, though ultimately it remains unclear whether such dramatic steps would make much difference, given how little impact the public dissent has made to date. Many staffers are reluctant to quit their jobs because of family or financial considerations.Sheline, who was the third official to publicly resign over Gaza policy, says that there have been efforts to delegitimize her resignation, as well as those that preceded it. "I think if there were a lot more public resignations, I do think it would be very hard for the administration to pretend that it was just a one-off. So I do hope that there will be more."

This article was co-published with The New Arab.Iranian missiles lit up the sky over Jordan this weekend as Israeli jets reportedly scrambled alongside their French, Jordanian, and U.S. counterparts to intercept the unprecedented barrage.On the ground, regular Jordanians got their first taste of what could escalate to a broader war. Videos showed charred remnants of missiles in Marj al-Hamam, a quiet neighbourhood a short drive from downtown Amman. Some responded with levity, placing ads on the Arab equivalent of Craigslist for a "used missile".But the overwhelming response was anger. Jordan's defence of Israel led to a firestorm of criticism and conspiracy on social media, with posters falsely claiming that a Jordanian princess had participated in the interceptions, while others shared fake images of King Abdullah in an Israeli uniform. The king and his deputies responded by insisting that they would shoot down any unauthorized objects in Jordanian airspace, but it remains unclear if regular Jordanians are buying that claim."Things are very tense right now in Jordan," said Sean Yom, a political science professor at Temple University. "The Jordanian government is obviously trying to do the best job that it can in just getting out of this, but it's not easy."This latest escalation of the Gaza war highlights the ways Israel's campaign risks destabilizing some of the Middle East's most conflict-averse states. The strikes, themselves a response to an Israeli bombing of an Iranian consulate, came just a few months after Iran-aligned militias attacked a U.S. base in Jordan and killed three American soldiers.As the U.S. seeks to forge diplomatic ties between Arab states and Israel, Amman's situation also offers a stark reminder that normalization with autocratic governments does not equal normalization with those countries' citizens.In recent years, the American approach to the Middle East has largely focused on freezing the situation as it stands. The Abraham Accords were designed to give Israel a stronger place in the region, allowing the Jewish state to build on previous peace deals with Jordan and Egypt and establish relations with the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Morocco, and Bahrain. The deal is simple: The U.S. will invest in your regime's stability if you accept Israel as it exists today.But it's not clear that these internal tensions can stay on ice as Gaza burns. In Jordan, decades of lavish U.S. aid has done little to mollify the anger that average citizens - many of whom are Palestinians - feel over Israel's actions.For months, Jordanians have held daily protests outside of the Israeli embassy in Amman. The government, anxious to avoid a diplomatic crisis with Israel, has cracked down on the rallies with large-scale arrests and even a few clashes with protesters.Jordan's role in downing Iranian drones over the weekend has further inflamed sentiments both inside the country and across the region, according to Nader Hashemi, an expert on Middle East politics and a professor at Georgetown University."The United States has to realize that its almost unconditional support for Israel in Gaza is producing these types of destabilizing effects," Hashemi said. "It's going to increase the instability in Jordan."A 'very delicate' balanceJordan is built on a series of contradictions. The country has a largely Palestinian population but maintains a close relationship with Israel. It hosts an enormous number of refugees despite barely having enough water to sustain its own citizenry. The royal court convenes a parliament but more or less ignores any decisions that the legislature provides.These compromises are part of an understandable balancing act on the part of Jordanian officials, who must find a way to govern a small, resource-poor state in a war-torn region, argues Rami Khouri, a Jordanian-American journalist of Palestinian descent and a distinguished fellow at the American University of Beirut. "That balance is very delicate, but it's always been there," Khouri said, noting that he doesn't expect the latest escalation to cause a major crisis. "The Jordanians have always figured it out."This equilibrium has grown unsteady in recent years as deep economic woes have ravaged the country. Jordan's unemployment rate sits at roughly 22%, with nearly half of young people unable to find a job, according to the World Bank. Authorities have also cracked down on protests and shuttered some of the country's most powerful unions. The war in Gaza has added significant fuel to this growing fire by highlighting the distance between Jordanians and their leaders.Even prior to the war, 19% of Jordanians told pollsters that Amman's primary foreign policy goal should be to champion the Palestinian cause - more than twice the number who said Jordan should prioritize its own security. (It's telling that fully 40% of those surveyed said the top priority should be facilitating economic agreements that promote growth and jobs.) This does not necessarily mean that the average Jordanian is opposed to all cooperation with Israel, as Jamal al-Tahat of Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN) notes. After all, Jordan relies on Israel for water and trade, two essential factors for the desert country. In al-Tahat's view, the main concern is about whether Amman is getting a fair deal in its relationship with Tel Aviv, coupled with a deep anger over Israel's actions in Gaza.But it's hard to ignore the fact that the latest protests are "very new in terms of size and in terms of the determination of the people," al-Tahat said.Between Iraq and a hard placeTo understand Jordan's predicament, one need only look at a map. To its north and east are Syria and Iraq, both of which have long suffered from instability and war. Jordan's neighbors to the west are Israel and Palestine, and its only port is a thin strip of land on the Red Sea near the border with Saudi Arabia.These geographical facts have left the monarchy with little choice but to find a powerful patron to protect its interests. The US has been more than happy to fill that role so long as Jordan toes the American line on regional issues. From America's point of view, it's an easy deal. A 2021 agreement gave the US military unparalleled independence for its operations in Jordan, allowing American troops to enter and transit the country as they please. The relationship gives Washington a nearly unlimited base of operations at the heart of the Middle East.For the royal court, U.S. backing offers a crucial layer of security, especially in moments like today. "The situation is not going to threaten the stability of the country as long as you still have the large-scale American military, financial support for Jordan," Khouri said.But close ties with the U.S. and Israel come with strings attached. The regime has little choice but to allow both countries to use its airspace when crises occur, but it must hold onto a certain level of plausible deniability to avoid angering the Jordanian public. "If the government admits this, it would be seen in the eyes of many Jordanians as a collaborator with Israel, and that would contravene the spirit of the Jordanian government's official stance," Yom said.It remains unclear how Jordan's regime could respond if a full-scale war breaks out between Israel and Iran. Experts who spoke with Responsible Statecraft/The New Arab all doubted that Amman would proactively join the conflict, but a strong possibility remains that it could get dragged into battle despite its best efforts to stay on the sidelines. One thing is certain, according to Yom: A regional war would be "cataclysmic" for Jordan. So how can U.S. policymakers avoid such a disaster? They can start by preaching restraint to the Israelis as they weigh further strikes on Iranian assets in the region, Yom argued. "That's the only way Jordan is able to get out of this very difficult situation with as little damage as possible," he said.