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Die Würzburger Stadtgemeinde wurde in den Jahren von 1921-1933 sowie von 1946-1948 von Oberbürgermeister Dr. Hans Löffler geleitet. Wenngleich Löffler auch von zentraler Bedeutung für die Geschichte Würzburgs im 20. Jahrhundert war, wurde er dennoch von der geschichtlichen Wissenschaft bislang nicht vertieft berücksichtigt, weil das öffentliche Archivmaterial viel zu knapp ist und seine "Tagebücher" als verschollen galten. Dem Verfasser der vorliegenden Studie gelang es, den Verbleib dieser Tagebücher zu eruieren. Die Politik Hans Löfflers fundierte wie sich alsbald ergab unter anderem auf drei durchgängigen Persönlichkeitsstrukturen und Verhaltensmustern: Der Bürgerlichkeit, dem Liberalismus und der Religiosität. Keines dieser drei Merkmale lässt sich aus den öffentlichen Archivbeständen charakterisieren. Deswegen kam der Auswertung von Hans Löfflers Chronik eine besondere Bedeutung zu. Die spezifischen Schwierigkeiten der "(auto-)biografischen Illusion" (Pierre Bourdieu) waren gleichwohl zu berücksichtigen. Deshalb wurde vom Verfasser als Arbeitshypothese der "Biographisch-Kritische Methodenpluralismus" eingeführt. Aus Löfflers Egodokumenten ergaben sich zugleich auch aussagekräftige Datenquellen, nämlich die Entwicklung seines Einkommens in funktionaler Abhängigkeit zum Preisindex, des weiteren der quantitative Quellenverlauf, der einerseits interessante Hinweise darauf liefert, wann Löffler schreibt und in welchem Umfang - und wann die Arbeit an seiner Chronik ruht. Zugleich liefert der quantitative Quellenverlauf auch überaus interessante Erkenntnisse zur Relation von Erzählzeitpunkt und erzählter Zeit. Hans Löffler, dessen Familie aus dem Würzburgischen Amtsstädtchen Karlsstadt stammte, vollzog mit dem für die untere Mittelschicht typischen Ehrgeiz eine Juristenkarriere, die als solche typisch für das späte 19. Jahrhundert war. Der Umzug seiner Familie nach Würzburg, der Beitritt zum traditions- und einflussreichen Corps Bavaria und schließlich auch die Eheschließung mit einer Tochter aus der ebenso alten und wie wohlhabenden Würzburger Kaufmannsfamilie Held förderten den sozialen Aufstieg. Die politische Gesinnung Hans Löfflers lässt sich erst im Verlauf des Ersten Weltkriegs sowie während der anschließenden Doppelrevolution anhand des Quellenmaterials schärfer zeichnen. Dessen ungeachtet zeigte sich schon in frühen Jahren, hart an der Grenze zum 20. Jahrhundert, die Verehrung Löfflers für den Reichsgründer Otto von Bismarck und die Verachtung für Kaiser Wilhelm II. Schlussendlich vollzog Hans Löffler einen nahezu mühelosen Übergang von der Monarchie zur parlamentarischen Demokratie. Löffler schloss sich der Deutschen Demokratischen Partei (DDP), der Partei Max Webers, Thomas Manns und Albert Einsteins an. Nachdem sein Vorgänger Andreas Grieser in die Berliner Ministerialbürokratie gerufen worden war, wurde Hans Löffler 1921 ohne Gegenstimme vom Stadtrat zu dessen Nachfolger bestimmt. Während im Vergleichszeitraum insgesamt 11 Reichskanzler regierten, blieb Hans Löffler bis zu seiner Entlassung durch die Nationalsozialisten Oberbürgermeister von Würzburg. Seine restriktive Finanzpolitik, die als seine bedeutendste Leistung in Zeiten weltweiter wirtschaftlicher Rezession gelten muss, ermöglichte zugleich stadtpolitische Projekte, die Würzburg bis heute prägen. Dazu zählen neben der Fertigstellung der Universitätsklinik Luitpoldkrankenhaus die Etablierung des Mozartfests, die Eingemeindung der Stadt Heidingsfeld oder auch der Beginn der Besiedelung der heutigen Sieboldshöhe. Nachdem auch in Würzburg die Nationalsozialisten im Verlauf der 1920er Jahre begonnen hatten gegen den jüdischen Teil der Bevölkerung zu hetzen, stellt sich Hans Löffler unerschrocken vor seine Mitbürger und wurde von den Nationalsozialisten deshalb pejorativ als "Judenbürgermeister" bezeichnet. Bei der Reichspräsidentenwahl 1932 kam es auch in Würzburg zu einem letzten Aufbäumen bürgerlicher Kräfte im Rahmen einer sogenannten "Hindenburgfront". Die Existenz dieser Hindenburgfront in Würzburg wurde in der vorliegenden Studie erstmals aufgezeigt. Als 1933 auch im katholischen Würzburg die Nationalsozialisten die Macht übernahmen, musste Dr. Hans Löffler auf sein Oberbürgermeisteramt verzichten, kaufte sich ein kleines Anwesen am Chiemsee und ging in die Innere Emigration. Unmittelbarer Auslöser dieses Umzugs war der Umstand, dass Löffler wiederholt hinterbracht wurde, Würzburger Bürger, die bei der Stadtverwaltung mit ihrem Anliegen nicht durchdringen konnten, hätten sich mit Bemerkungen beschwert, zu Löfflers Zeiten sei alles besser gewesen. Diese Konfliktlage wurde Löffler zu gefährlich. Während der gesamten nationalsozialistischen Zeit war Löffler in Chieming und besuchte nur ab und an Würzburg. Löffler pflegte in Chieming den Gartenbau und las unter anderem Dissidenten-Literatur. Nach dem Einmarsch der US Army bekannte Löffler in schonungsloser Offenheit, dass er die in den Konzentrationslagern verübten Verbrechen all die Jahre geahnt habe. Zugleich verspürte Dr. Hans Löffler den Wunsch, wieder Oberbürger-meister des zu 90 % zerstörten Würzburgs zu werden, scheute sich aber, sich selbst ins Gespräch zu bringen. Nachdem sich in Bayern ein erheblicher Teil der Liberalen aus der Zeit vor 1933 der neu gegründeten CSU angeschlossen hatten, wurde Löffler für diese neue Partei von 1946-1948 nochmals Oberbürgermeister von Würzburg. Über seine Rolle bei der Gründung der CSU und innerhalb der CSU gibt es nicht den geringsten Hinweis. 1948 schied Löffler aus Altersgründen aus dem Amt und verbrachte die verbleibenden Jahre bis zu seinem Tod 1955 in seinem Haus an der Keesburgstraße. Am Ende stand die Erkenntnis, dass nur allzu wenige die Ehre für sich in Anspruch nehmen konnten, sich während des schwärzesten Kapitels der deutschen Geschichte wie Hans Löffler verhalten zu haben. Und in der Tat: Matthias Matussek hat nach dem Tod von Joachim Fest über diesen geschrieben, was auch bei Hans Löffler festzustellen ist: "… das Gerade enthält immer einen stillen Vorwurf." Insofern ist Löfflers Lebensgang Anklage und Aufforderung gleichermaßen. Dass Löffler entschieden bürgerlich und zugleich ein linksliberaler Corpsstudent war, entspricht nicht jedermanns Geschichtsbild – aber der Lebenswirklichkeit. Hans Löffler dekliniert auf seine Weise einen jener Lebenswege, denen zufolge Leistung (nicht Abstammung) den sozialen Aufstieg innerhalb der "open society" ermöglicht. Löffler selbst sprach von der "Ethik des Bürgertums". Thomas Nipperdey hatte für das ausgehende lange 19. Jahrhundert festgestellt, die Zukunft sei belastet und umschattet, wie immer verhängt, letztlich aber offen gewesen. Die Person Hans Löfflers zeigt gerade für diese Epoche, dass verbreitete nationalistische oder antisemitische Anfechtungen nicht notwendigerweise und unausweichlich im Wahnsinn des Nationalsozialismus hätten enden müssen. Und schließlich: Karl Popper hatte postuliert, dass es dem kritischen Ra-tionalismus entsprechend zwingendes Merkmal einer wissenschaftlichen Aussage ist, dass diese sich dem Grunde nach falsifizieren lässt. Dementsprechend wäre es das ungünstigste, was Hans Löffler zuteilwerden könnte, wenn sein Wirken weiterhin im Schatten wissenschaftlicher Aus-einandersetzung bliebe. Eine Verifizierung, aber auch eine Falsifikation der vorliegenden Studie freilich wäre genau das, was Dr. Hans Löffler - einer Zentralfigur der Würzburger Zeitgeschichte - zweifellos zustünde. Aus den nun erstmals erschlossenen Quellenbeständen wurde diagnostiziert, dass Löffler für sein eigenes Leben verlässliche Konstanten hatte und gerade dadurch selbst zu einer verlässlichen Konstanten für die Stadtgemeinde Würzburg wurde. In diesem Sinne will die vorliegende Untersuchung die so dringend angezeigte Löffler-Forschung weder abschließen noch determinieren, sondern den notwendigen Anfang einer vertieften kommunalgeschichtlichen Auseinandersetzung mit einem bedeutenden deutschen Oberbürgermeister bilden - auf dass sich besser noch erhellt wie es denn eigentlich gewesen. ; The borough of Wuerzburg was run by the Mayor Dr. Hans Löffler during the years from 1921-1933 as well as from 1946-1948. Although he was also of central importance for the history of Wuerzburg in the 20th century he has nevertheless not been considered by history yet as the public archive material is far too scarce and his "diaries" were thought to have been lost. The author of the present study succeeded in finding the whereabout of these diaries. It soon became evident that Hans Löffler's policy, inter alia, was based on three general personality structures and behaviour patterns: the bourgeois way of life, liberalism and religiousity. None of these three features can be profoundly characterised through the public archive holdings. The analysis of Hans Löffler's chronicle was therefore of particular importance. The particular difficulties of the "(au-to-)biographical illusion" (Pierre Bourdieu) had to be taken into conside-ration conscientiously. Hence, the "biographical critical pluralism of methods" was introduced by the author as a working hypothesis. At the same time, significant data sources arose from Löffler's ego documents, namely the development of his income in functional dependence on the price index, furthermore the quantitative course of sources as well as finally the relationship between the time of the narration and the narrated time being very meaningful for the historical-critical hermeneutics of sources. Hans Löffler, whose family came from the small district town of Karlstadt near Wuerzburg, pursued a legal career with middle-class cha-racteristic ambition which was as such typical for the late 19th century. The relocation of his family to Wuerzburg, the accession to the influential Corps Bavaria and eventually also the marriage with a daughter from the equally old as well as wealthy merchant family Held were conducive to his social advancement. Hans Löffler's political conviction cannot be submitted to a more profound observation until in the course of the First World War as well as the subsequent double revolution. Nevertheless, Löffler's admiration for the founder of the German Reich Otto von Bismarck and his contempt for Emperor Wilhelm II already appeared in his early years, very close to the turn of the 20th century. At the end, Hans Löffler made a virtually effortless transition from monarchy to par-liamentary democracy. Löffler joined the German Democratic Party (DDP), the party of Max Weber, Thomas Mann and Albert Einstein. In 1921, after his predecessor Andreas Grieser had been assigned to the Berlin ministerial bureaucracy, Hans Löffler was appointed his successor by the city council without a dissenting vote. While a total of 11 Reich Chancellors governed the country during the reference period, Hans Löffler remained Mayor of Wuerzburg until his dismissal by the National Socialists. His restrictive financial policy, which has to be considered his major achievement in times of worldwide economic recession, at the same time paved the way for municipal projects which shape the character of Wuerzburg to this day. These include among the completion of the University Hospital Luitpoldkrankenhaus the establishment of the Mozart festivals, the incorporation of the town of Heidingsfeld or also the beginning of the settlement of the present day Sieboldshöhe. When the National Socialists also began to stir up hatred against the Jewish part of the population in Wuerzburg in the course of the 1920s Hans Löffler boldly defended his fellow citizens and was therefore called "Mayor of the Jews" by the National Socialists. At the Reich presidential election in 1932 there was also a last rise up of bourgeois forces in Wuerzburg within the framework of a socalled "Hindenburgfront". The existence of this Hindenburgfront in Wuerz-burg has been proven for the first time in the present study. When the National Socialists also took over Catholic Wuerzburg in 1933, Dr. Hans Löffler had to resign as a Mayor, bought a small estate at the Chiemsee and went into inward emigration. The immediate cause of his relocation was that Löffler was informed several times that Wuerzburg citizens who were not able to succeed with their concern at the municipal administration were said to have complained with the remark that everything had been better in Löffler's days. This conflict situation became too dangerous to Löffler. During the whole National Socialist area Löffler was in Chieming and only visited Wuerzburg now and then. Löffler focused on horticulture and among others read dissident literature. After the march-in of the US Army Löffler confessed in relentless openness that he had anticipated the crimes committed in the concentra-tion camps all those years. At the same time, Dr. Hans Löffler had the desire to become mayor of Wuerzburg, which was destroyed up to 90 % , but was reluctant to become a topic of conversation. After a considerable part of the liberals in Bavaria had joined the newly founded CSU, Löffler became Mayor of Wuerzburg for this new party again from 1946 to 1948. There is not the slightest reference to his role in the foundation of the CSU and within the CSU. In 1948, Löffler retired for reasons of age and spent his remaining days until his death in 1955 at his residence at Keesburgstraße. At the end, there was the painful truth that just a few could claim the honor of having been an Hans Löffler during the darkest chapter of German history. And indeed: Matthias Matussek has written about Joachim Fest after his death what must also be stated about Hans Löffler: "… the straight always contains a silent reproach." Löffler's path of life is thus an accusation and a request at the same time. That Löffler was a decidedly bourgeois, left-wing liberal Corps student may not be in accordance with everyone's historical perception, but with life's reality. Hans Löffler points out those paths of life according to which achievement (not descent) allow social advancement within the "open society" in his own way. This is in Löffler´s own words the "ethics of bourgeoisie". With regard to the long late 19th century, Thomas Nipperdey has pointed out that the future had been strained and shadowed, overcast as always, but ultimately open. Concerning this epoch, the person of Hans Löffler particularly shows that nationalist or anti-Semitic animosities needn't have led to the madness of National Socialism necessarily and inevitably. And ultimately: Karl Popper had postulated that, in accordance with critical rationalism, it is a mandatory attribute of a scientific statement, that it can basically be falsified. Consequently, it would be the worst that could happen to Hans Löffler if his work remained in the shadow of scientific consideration. A verification, but all the same a falsification of this study would of course be just what Dr. Hans Löffler – a central figure of Wuerzburg's contemporary history – should be entitled to without doubt. From the source material which was revealed for the first time it was diagnosed that Löffler had reliable constants for his own life and that this is exactly what made him a reliable constant for the borough of Wuerzburg. With this in mind, the present study neither wants to conclude nor determine the urgently needed Löffler research but instead be the beginning of a profound communal historical debate on a great German Mayor – so that more light is shed on what actually happened.

Book reviewed in this article:1988 AND ALL THAT: New Views of Australia's Past Edited by George Shaw.AUSTRALIAN DICTIONARY OF AUSTRALIA: Volume 11:1891–1939 Nes‐Smi General Editor, Geoffrey Serle.GIPPS‐LA TROBE CORRESPONDENCE 1839–1846 Edited by A. G. L. Shaw.CONSTRUCTING CAPITALISM: An Economic History of Eastern Australia 1788–1901 By Andrew Wells.SEX & SECRETS: Crimes Involving Australian Women Since 1800 By Judith A. Allen.FEDERATION FATHERS By L. F. Crisp, edited by John Hart, with a foreword by Professor Manning Clark.ENEMY ALIENS: Internment and the Homefront Experience in Australia 1914–1920 Gerhard Fischer.THE SECRET ARMY AND THE PREMIER: Conservative Paramilitary Organisations in New South Wales 1930–1932 By Andrew Moore.DEFENDING THE NATIONAL TUCKSHOP: Australia's Secret Army Intrigue of 1931 Michael CathcartTHE BLACK DIGGERS: Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders in the Second World War By Robert A. Hall.THE SHADOW'S EDGE: Australia's Northern War Alan Powell.DIVISION OF LABOUR: Industrial Relations in the Chifley Years, 1945–1949 By Tom Sheridan.MANAGING GENDER: The State, The New Middle Class and Women Workers 1830–1930 By Desley Deacon.NATION: The Life of an Independent Journal of Opinion 1958–1972 Edited by K. S. Inglis.THE PREMIERS OF QUEENSLAND Edited by Denis Murphy, Roger Joyce and Margaret Cribb.LABOR IN QUEENSLAND FROM THE 1880s TO 1988 By Ross Fitzgerald and Harold Thornton.CORRUPTION AND REFORM: The Fitzgerald Vision Edited by Scott Prasser, Roe Wear and John Nethercote.THE HAWKE‐KEATING HUACK: The ALP in Transition By Dean Jaensch.SEVENTEENTH CENTURY EUROPE: State, Conflict and the Social Order in Europe 1598–1700 By Thomas Munck.EIGHTEENTH CENTURY EUROPE 1700–1789 By Jeremy Black.NAVIES AND ARMIES: The Anglo‐Dutch Relationship in War and Peace 1688–1988 Edited by G. J. A. Raven & N.A.M. Rodger.SOCIALISM, RADICALISM, AND NOSTALGIA: Social Criticism in Britain, 1775–1830 By William Stafford.GOOD GIRLS MAKE GOOD WIVES: Guidance for Girls in Victorian Fiction By Judith Rowbotham.DEMOCRACY AND RELIGION: Gladstone and the Liberal Party 1867–1875 By J. P. Parry.RULING PERFORMANCE: British Governments from Attlee to Thatcher Edited by Peter Hennessy and Anthony Seldon.BRITISH GENERAL ELECTIONS SINCE 1945 By David Butler.CONSERVATIVE PARTY CONFERENCES: The Hidden System By Richard N. Kelly.THATCHERISM Edited by Robert Skidelsky.BRITISH DEFENCE SINCE 1945 By Michael Dockrill.THE DYNAMICS OF CULTURAL NATIONALISM: The Gaelic Revival and the Creation of the Irish Nation State By John Hutchinson.THE REVOLUTIONARY CAREER OF MAXIMILIAN ROBESPIERRE By David P. Jordan.GLASNOST IN ACTION: Cultural Renaissance in Russia By Alec Nove. BostonFEDERALISM AND EUROPEAN UNION: Political Ideas, Influences and Strategies in the European Community By Michael Burgess.THE FRENCH PRESENCE IN THE SOUTH PACIFIC, 1842–1940 By Robert Aldrich.NO LONGER AN AMERICAN LAKE? Edited by John Ravenhill.LAND, POWER AND PEOPLE: Rural Elite in Transition, 1801–1970 By Rajendra Singh.POLITICS OF TERRORISM: The Sri Lanka Experience By Sinha Ratnatunga.THAILAND AND THE UNITED STATES By Robert J. Muscat.THE ROAD TO MADIUN: THE INDONESIAN COMMUNIST UPRISING OF 1948 By Ann Swift.FROM CLASS TO CULTURE: Social Conscience in Malay Novels Since Independence By David J. Banks.BASIC PRINCIPLES OF CIVIL LAW IN CHINA Edited by William C. Jones.HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA: National and International Dimensions By Ann Kent.THE BLIGHTED BLOSSOM By Roy Thomas.THE DEFICIT AND THE PUBLIC INTEREST: The Search For Responsible Budgeting in the 1980s By Joseph White and Aaron Wildavsky.NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN POLITICAL SCIENCE: An International Review of Achievements and Prospects Edited by Adrian Leftwich.THE STATE By John A. Hall and G. John Ikenberry.MINISTERIAL RESPONSIBILITY Edited by Geoffrey Marshall.FOREIGN POLICY AND LEGISLATURES: An Analysis of Seven Parliaments Edited by Manohar L. SondhiINTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS IN THE AMERICAN ADMINISTRATIVE STATE: The Johnson Presidency By David M. Welborn and Jesse Burkhead.DEMOCRACY AND THE WELFARE STATE: Studies from the Project on the Federal Social Role Edited by Amy Gutmann.POLITICAL THEORY AND THE MODERN STATE: Essays on State, Power and Democracy By David Held.GOVERNING FEDERATIONS: Constitution, Politics, Resources Edited by Michael Wood, Christopher Williams and Campbell Sharman.NETWORKS OF POWER: Organisational Actors at the National, Corporate, and Community Levels Robert Perrucci and Harry R. Potter, eds.HOW TO BECOME PRIME MINISTER By Barry Cohen.VICTORIAN LIBERALISM: Nineteenth‐Century Political Thought and Practice Edited by Richard Bellamy.SIMONE WEIL: Utopian Pessimist By David McLellan.POLITICS FOR A RATIONAL LEFT: Political Writing 1977–1988 By Eric Hobsbawm.ARGUING FOR SOCIALISM: Theoretical Considerations By Andrew Levine.ARGUING FOR EQUALITY By John Baker.POLITICS, INNOCENCE AND THE LIMITS OF GOODNESS By Peter Johnson.COLONIALISM, TRADITION AND REFORM: An Analysis of Gandhi's Political Discourse By Bhikhu Parekh.THE ANALYSIS OF IDEOLOGY By Raymond Boudon. Translated by Malcolm Slater.THE PHILOSOPHICAL DISCOURSE OF MODERNITY: Twelve Lectures By Jürgen Habermas.THE NATURE OF HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE By Michael Stanford.THE NATURE OF HISTORY By Arthur Marwick.

The Guardian tells us that austerity has meant that we're seeing the stunting of British children again: Children raised under UK austerity shorter than European peers, study findsAverage height of boys and girls aged five has slipped due to poor diet and NHS cuts, experts sayThe average height of British children has risen slightly. British children who grew up during the years of austerity are shorter than their peers in Bulgaria, Montenegro and Lithuania, a study has found.In 1985, British boys and girls ranked 69 out of 200 countries for average height aged five. At the time they were on average 111.4cm and 111cm tall respectively.Now, British boys are 102nd and girls 96th, with the average five-year-old boy measuring 112.5cm and the average girl, 111.7cm. In Bulgaria, the average height for a five-year-old boy is 121cm and a girl, 118cm.See? That's a rise in height. Not a fall, a rise, in the height of British children.And now the poltroonery.Experts have said a poor national diet and cuts to the NHS are to blame.What, cuts to the NHS make kids grow taller? Really? said Henry Dimbleby, the former government food adviserWell, at least we have been given the usual sign that the rest of this is nonsense.The actual paper is here. And so to the truly interesting part:But they have also pointed out that height is a strong indicator of general living conditions, including illness and infection, stress, poverty and sleep quality."They have fallen by 30 places, which is pretty startling," said Prof Tim Cole, an expert in child growth rates at the Great Ormond Street Institute of Child Health, University College London. "The question is, why?"OK, so British children aren't shorter, they're taller. But if we rank kiddies by country then British children have fallen 30 places in such a ranking. A ranking of 200 countries by the way.So, what has happened? The most glorious thing, the greatest reduction in absolute poverty in the history of our entire species. This past 40 and 50 years has indeed been exactly that, as idiot socialism died off and free market capitalism roamed the globe. Meaning that children in formerly poor countries are now in places not so poor. Those children are also now, as ours have for a century, getting three squares and some milk a day and are now growing up big and tall. As the actual paper in Nature points out. And laments isn't happening in those areas like sub-Saharan Africa where this joy is not, as yet, happening.Globalisation means kids formerly so poor they were stunned from hunger grow up tall now. And this gets turned into a whine about the NHS? Poltroons, there's no other explanation for it.Except Dimbleby, of course. No one's going to accuse him of understanding this enough to twist it.

The article covers the preparation and conduct of the trial of Slovak «bourgeois nationalists» in 1954. The research methodology is based on the general scientific principles of historicism and objectivity. Implementing these principles made it possible to avoid inconsistencies, inconsistencies, isolation from the objective historical process during the research. It turned out to be the culmination of a campaign against Slovak «bourgeois nationalists» in Czechoslovakia, which killed thousands of people, mainly from the Slovak communist intelligentsia. G. Husak, L. Novomesky, D. Okali, I. Horvath, and L. Holdos appeared in the dock during the trial in 1954. They were accused and found guilty of uniting with the reactionary bourgeoisie as members of a bourgeois-nationalist group to preserve the independence of the Slovak authorities, hindered the construction of socialism in Czechoslovakia, and hampered the economic and cultural development of the state. They were also accused of anti-state activities aimed at achieving the disintegration of the Czechoslovak People's Democratic Republic and the transfer of power in Slovakia to the reactionary bourgeoisie in the interests of foreign imperialists. According to the author, the Slovak «bourgeois nationalists» trial was a consequence of the unresolved Slovak national question in the Czechoslovak Republic. The legitimate aspirations of the progressive Slovak communist intelligentsia, aimed at strengthening Slovakia's position in the unitary state, were interpreted by the Prague authorities as a manifestation of separatism aimed at impeding the integration processes in the state and the unity of the two fraternal peoples. The trial of the Slovak bourgeois nationalists was completely fabricated, and its consequences proved counterproductive. ; У статті висвітлено підготовку та проведення судового процесу над словацькими «буржуазними націоналістами» в 1954 р. З'ясовано, що він став апогеєм кампанії проти словацьких «буржуазних націоналістів» в Чехословаччині, жертвами якої стали тисячі осіб, переважно з-поміж словацької комуністичної інтелігенції. На лаві підсудних під час судового процесу 1954 р. опинилися Г. Гусак, Л. Новомеський, Д. Окалі, І. Горват та Л. Голдош. Їх звинувачували та визнали винними у тому, що вони як члени «буржуазно-націоналістичної групи» об'єдналися з реакційною буржуазією з метою збереження самостійності словацьких органів влади, перешкоджали побудові в Чехословаччині соціалізму, гальмували економічний і культурний розвиток держави. Також їм інкримінували антидержавну діяльність з метою домогтися розпаду Чехословацької народно-демократичної республіки та передачі влади в Словаччині до рук реакційної буржуазії в інтересах закордонних імперіалістів. Всі обвинувачені були засуджені на різні терміни ув'язнення, а лідер словацьких «буржуазних націоналістів» Г. Гусак – до довічного позбавлення волі. На думку автора, судовий процес над словацькими «буржуазними націоналістами» був наслідком того, що в Чехословацькій республіці після 1948 р. так і не було вирішено словацьке питання. Легітимні прагнення прогресивної словацької комуністичної інтелігенції, спрямовані на зміцнення позицій Словаччини в унітарній республіці, празька влада трактувала як прояв сепаратизму, що має на меті завадити інтеграційним процесам в державі та єдності двох братніх народів. Процес над словацькими «буржуазними націоналістами» був повністю сфабрикований, а його наслідки виявилися контрпродуктивними для суспільства та держави.

The article covers the preparation and conduct of the trial of Slovak «bourgeois nationalists» in 1954. The research methodology is based on the general scientific principles of historicism and objectivity. Implementing these principles made it possible to avoid inconsistencies, inconsistencies, isolation from the objective historical process during the research. It turned out to be the culmination of a campaign against Slovak «bourgeois nationalists» in Czechoslovakia, which killed thousands of people, mainly from the Slovak communist intelligentsia. G. Husak, L. Novomesky, D. Okali, I. Horvath, and L. Holdos appeared in the dock during the trial in 1954. They were accused and found guilty of uniting with the reactionary bourgeoisie as members of a bourgeois-nationalist group to preserve the independence of the Slovak authorities, hindered the construction of socialism in Czechoslovakia, and hampered the economic and cultural development of the state. They were also accused of anti-state activities aimed at achieving the disintegration of the Czechoslovak People's Democratic Republic and the transfer of power in Slovakia to the reactionary bourgeoisie in the interests of foreign imperialists. According to the author, the Slovak «bourgeois nationalists» trial was a consequence of the unresolved Slovak national question in the Czechoslovak Republic. The legitimate aspirations of the progressive Slovak communist intelligentsia, aimed at strengthening Slovakia's position in the unitary state, were interpreted by the Prague authorities as a manifestation of separatism aimed at impeding the integration processes in the state and the unity of the two fraternal peoples. The trial of the Slovak bourgeois nationalists was completely fabricated, and its consequences proved counterproductive. ; У статті висвітлено підготовку та проведення судового процесу над словацькими «буржуазними націоналістами» в 1954 р. З'ясовано, що він став апогеєм кампанії проти словацьких «буржуазних націоналістів» в Чехословаччині, жертвами якої стали тисячі осіб, переважно з-поміж словацької комуністичної інтелігенції. На лаві підсудних під час судового процесу 1954 р. опинилися Г. Гусак, Л. Новомеський, Д. Окалі, І. Горват та Л. Голдош. Їх звинувачували та визнали винними у тому, що вони як члени «буржуазно-націоналістичної групи» об'єдналися з реакційною буржуазією з метою збереження самостійності словацьких органів влади, перешкоджали побудові в Чехословаччині соціалізму, гальмували економічний і культурний розвиток держави. Також їм інкримінували антидержавну діяльність з метою домогтися розпаду Чехословацької народно-демократичної республіки та передачі влади в Словаччині до рук реакційної буржуазії в інтересах закордонних імперіалістів. Всі обвинувачені були засуджені на різні терміни ув'язнення, а лідер словацьких «буржуазних націоналістів» Г. Гусак – до довічного позбавлення волі. На думку автора, судовий процес над словацькими «буржуазними націоналістами» був наслідком того, що в Чехословацькій республіці після 1948 р. так і не було вирішено словацьке питання. Легітимні прагнення прогресивної словацької комуністичної інтелігенції, спрямовані на зміцнення позицій Словаччини в унітарній республіці, празька влада трактувала як прояв сепаратизму, що має на меті завадити інтеграційним процесам в державі та єдності двох братніх народів. Процес над словацькими «буржуазними націоналістами» був повністю сфабрикований, а його наслідки виявилися контрпродуктивними для суспільства та держави.

This essay examines the contemporary crisis in Chile in the context of the rise of the global far right. What led to the popular uprising in Chile in October 2019, and what forces are represented by its violent state repression? Fascist formations are currently developing in various nations; Umberto Eco's concept of Ur-Fascism is useful in tracing the range of fascisms and their characteristics. These include populism, nationalism, racism, and syncretic traditionalism. In Chile, the racism of the far right is directed against its indigenous people more than immigrants. The 'unfinished business' of capitalist development here is the historical background of the oppressive relationship established by the 'West' over the 'Rest', in Stuart Hall's terms. Fascism emerges periodically, temporarily resolving crises of accumulation through runaway activity of capital, entailing suppression of the working class and its organization. Neoliberalism has been the latest form of this exacerbation, but as its contradictions have intensified, its ideology no longer manages to mask the exploitation and secure consent. Neoliberalism, trialed in Chile after the 1973 coup under United States hegemony, became globally entrenched following the collapse of Soviet-bloc socialism and the ensuing weaknesses and crises of the organized left and the decay of social democracy. Neoliberal ideology has sustained capital at the same time as neoliberal policies have augmented the precarity of subordinated classes. As this becomes apparent with the sharpening of contradictions, the anachronistic relationship between liberalism and democracy has been deeply damaged. It becomes clear that capital's profitability is privileged over the needs and wishes of the people. In this framework, to explore the rise and meaning of fascism is thus to examine the condition and possibilities of modernity and its limits. Modernity is besieged by pressurs coming from premodern esentialist conceptions of the world and also by the postmodernist's view of chaos and fragmentation of a spontaneous social order; neoliberalism becomes compatible with both. Fascism lacks a coherence, but is anchored emotionally to archetypal foundations. Its very eclecticism embraces a wide range of anti-socialist and anti-capitalist discourses, which have enabled it to take root in mass movements. Its ideological resolution of the contradiction between capital and labor is temporary: the intensifying of capital accumulation activates its opposition, to the point where the distorting effect of ideology is unveiled and contradictions appear as class struggle. The longstanding imposition of neoliberalism in Chile, and the runaway activity of capital which it supported have has been rejected and partially defeated by the October 2019 rebellion in Chile. The far right has backed down but has not been defeated. The plebiscite of 25 October 2020 has delivered the people's verdict on neoliberalism. However, in the different global and national circumstances of 2021, the fascists still among us may yet seek to reassert the order that they sought in 1973.

Sol, politik bir pozisyonu işaret ettiği ilk günden günümüze kadar ekonomik, siyasal ve sosyal sisteme yönelik eleştiriyi, mevcut düzeni değiştirme iradesini, bir anlamda kurtuluşu ve yeni yaşam, yönetim ve paylaşım düzeni kurma inisiyatifini karşılamaktadır. Aşırı sol bağlamı içerisinde değerlendirilen sosyalizm ve komünizm de kapitalizmin aksaklıklarının ve dengesizliklerinin eleştirisine ve bir üretim biçimi olarak kapitalizmin toplumdan tasfiye edilmesine başka bir ifade ile kökten değişimi üzerine odaklanmıştır. Marksist teoride kökten değişim yani devrim, devlet aygıtında politik iktidarın bir sınıftan başka bir sınıfa geçmesi ve topluma hâkim olan üretim biçiminin ileri bir aşamaya sıçraması şeklinde ele alınmaktadır. Türkiye aşırı solunun da politik faaliyetlerinin içeriğini bu hedef oluşturmaktadır. Öte yandan aşırı solda gözlemlenen fikir ayrılıkları da nihai hedefe ulaşmak için sorulan ne yapmalı sorusuna verilen farklı cevaplardan kaynaklanmaktadır. Söz konusu ayrışma ile meydana gelen aşırı sol çevreler ve örgütler Marksizm'in kuramsal mirasını, Türkiye'nin ekonomik, siyasal ve sosyal şartlarını ve toplumsal sınıflarını, dönemin iç ve dış konjonktürünü farklı biçimlerde yorumlamışlardır ve sonuç olarak birbirinden kopuşlar gösteren ancak benzer koşullardan beslenen farklı devrim metotları geliştirmişlerdir. Bu çalışmanın amacı; 1960-1971 yılları arasında Türkiye'de öne çıkan aşırı sol çevreleri ve örgütlerini oluşturan Yön dergisi çevresinin, Milli Demokratik Devrim çizgisinin, Türkiye Halk Kurtuluş Ordusu'nun, Türkiye Halk Kurtuluş Partisi-Cephesi'nin, Türkiye Komünist Partisi/Marksist-Leninist'in ve Türkiye İşçi Partisi'nin sundukları devrim metotlarını analiz etmektir. ; The left wing meets the criticism of the economic, political and social system, the desire to change the existing system, the liberation and the initiative to establish a new life, management day of becoming a political position. Socialism and communism, which are evaluated within the context of the extreme left, also focused on the criticism of the deficiencies and imbalances of capitalism and the radical change of capitalism form the society as a from of production. In Marxist theory, radical change, revolution, is considered as the transition of political power from one class to another class in the state apparatus and the leap of the mode of production that dominates society to an advanced stage. The content of the extreme left political activities in Turkey constitutes this goal. On the other hand, the differences of opinion observed on the extreme left arise from the different answers given to the questions of what to do to reach the final goal. These surrounds occurred by weathering and extreme left organizations Marxism's theoretical legacy of Turkey's economic political, and social conditions and social classes, internal and external conjuncture have interpreted the term in different ways. And a result, they developed different methods of revolution, which showed disconnections from each other but fed from similar conditions. The years between 1960-1971 highlight the extreme left circles and organizations in Turkey which constitutes Yön magazine environment, the National Democratic Revolution line, the People's Liberation Army Of Turkey, Turkey People's Liberation Party- Front, The Communist Party Of Turkey / Marxist – Leninists, and Workers Party Of Turkey.

The paper is devoted to the civic (communist) education of Soviet citizens in Soviet Ukraine of the second half of the 20th century. The process of formation of social and political values and aims system providing the legitimacy of the Party and Soviet regime is analyzed in the paper.Civic education took place during the process of socialization of the individual through the system of social relations and education. Political socialization was directed by the Party and state bodies, had a communist-oriented outlook and was practically reduced to ideological education. Formation of communist consciousness began in kindergarten, continued in the first classes of «Little Octobrists», pioneer detachments, Komsomol camps.The main task of the Soviet school was to impart the sense of civic duty of the communism builder to the students. Forming of ideological conviction and communism morality was an integral part of the educational process and was combined with atheistic and internationalist education. Much attention was paid to the training of the feelings of Soviet patriotism based on the heroic history of the Party, its leaders, the heroic deeds of pioneers, Komsomol members, and red commanders during the Civil and World War II.In the Party, in its middle and upper ranks, the cycle of political socialization completed. The «moral code of the communism builder» included a class assessment, political approach, and formation of communist ideology values – democracy, equality, public ownership, internationalism. Communitarianism, high awareness of civic duty, and an inseparability of personal interests with a state need were cultivated.Officially approved holidays with mass demonstrations, the media, literature and the arts, films and television were widely used for political propaganda, the formation of communist ideology and political identity. The party education system contributed significantly to the formation of communist worldviews and values of Soviet workers.Despite the generally deceitful aims, the membership in mass children and youth organizations, together with other types of education and training, contributed to the identification of workers with the existing socialism social order, the development of collectivism feelings, national solidarity, and pride in the greatness of Soviet State. ; Представлена общая модель организации гражданского (коммунистического) воспитание в советской Украине второй половины ХХ в. Анализируется процесс формирования у советских граждан системы социально-политических ценностей, установок, обеспечивающих легитимность партийно-советской системы. Внимание акцентировано на процессе политической социализации, происходившей на протяжении всей жизни. Доказано, что политическая социализация была направлена партией и государственными органами, имела коммунистически ориентированную мировоззренческую направленность и практически была сведена к идеологическому воспитанию. ; Представлено загальну модель організації громадянського (комуністичного) виховання у радянській Україні другої половини ХХ ст. Аналізується процес формування у радянських громадян системи соціально-політичних цінностей, установок, що забезпечували легітимність партійно-радянської системи. Увагу акцентовано на процесі політичної соціалізації, що відбувалася впродовж всього життя. Доведено, що політична соціалізація була скерована партією та державними органами, мала комуністично-орієнтовану світоглядну спрямованість і практично була зведена до ідеологічного виховання.

This project is about discovering how some groups are working to build participatory governance as an alternative to the established processes that produce their marginalization. Governance refers to the decision-making processes at work in a given aggregate of people or territory, along with the more material outcomes of those processes, and affects social, political, economic, and cultural spheres. Therefore, changing governance has the potential to create comprehensive, systemic changes within those aggregates of people or territory, particularly for those who have been excluded from the benefits or even protection of existing processes. With this in mind, this project seeks to explore participatory governance as one possible avenue for systemic change. The following questions guide this exploration: What is participatory governance? Can it be an effective way for marginalized peoples to create alternative systems and structures to the ones that currently oppress them? By considering two living cases of participatory governance, in Mexico and Venezuela, this paper argues that participatory governance processes better serve the immediate needs of marginalized peoples and also empower them to create alternative, emancipatory systems by changing the priorities of governance through collective decision making. These questions are explored through the writings of those who are directly impacted by the participatory processes investigated in this piece, from both Mexico and Venezuela, as well as those who may have a different kind of stake in this debate, as outside observers, and sometimes as activists in their own contexts.Following this more theoretical exploration are two in-depth case studies of living participatory governance processes: in Zapatista communities in Chiapas, a Mexican state on the border with Guatemala; and in Chavista-governed Venezuela, where twenty-first century socialism has become the official guiding governance policy. These chapters articulate the governance structures in each of the respective national contexts, and explore the products of these governance processes surrounding education, health, and equitable development, since our measure of effective governance is often tied to the collective goods it is able to provide rather than simple sets of rules and regulations. Exploring these reformulations will ideally provide insight into alternative approaches to global governance processes currently overrun by certain exclusive and unsustainable mechanisms and hegemonies. Seeking alternatives is important because we live on a planet with finite resources, a growing population with disparate levels of consumption, and a changing climate. Conflict over arable land, clean water, and other valuable resources only promises to increase in the future, as communities face desertification or soil collapse, sea level rise, and regional conflict. Decreased conflict and increased equitability seem unlikely within the current world structure, so seeking alternative forms of governance, ways of living together, and resource management, takes on a new urgency. We must not wait until it is too late.

Тема. Статья посвящена анализу и подведению итогов экономической динамики перехода от социализма к капитализму в России за весь постсоветский период и определению структурных направлений реформации российской экономической политики, ориентированной на восстановление устойчивого социально-экономического развития. Методология. Основой для настоящего исследования является фундаментальная макроэкономическая теория сбалансированного экономического роста и устойчивого социального развития с применением статистического анализа. Результаты. Автором подтверждена фундаментальная основа постоянства текущих кризисных явлений в российской экономике за весь период ее трансформации как следствие ее создания и функционирования по модели «сырьевой придаток мировой экономики». Выявлены условия пролонгации и становления очередного текущего кризиса российской экономики в 2015 г. на основе «изоляционного» ускоренного роста конечного потребления в 2010-2014 гг., обоснована ее ориентация на формирование нового технологического уклада. Выводы. Показана особая актуальность обсуждения итогов трансформации российской экономики и концепции стратегии развития страны на перспективу с привлечением не только научного и политического сообщества, но и широкой общественности с использованием различных средств массовой информации. Значимость. В статье сформулированы практические рекомендации по реформированию экономической политики трансформации российской экономики. Базовой основой этого реформирования является «социализация» законодательных норм приватизации, направленная на снижение негативных последствий сложившейся «приватизационной идеологии». Сделаны предложения по огосударствлению инструментов бюджетно-налоговой и денежно-кредитной политики, ориентированные на восстановление устойчивого развития российской экономики. ; Importance The article analyzes and summarizes the economic trends in switching from socialism to capitalism in Russia for the entire post-Soviet period. The research determines structural aspects of reforming the Russian economic policy that pursues recovering the sustainable socio-economic development. Methods The research relies upon the fundamental macroeconomic theory of balanced economic growth and sustainable social development, using a statistical analysis. Results I corroborate the fundamental basis for the permanent nature of the current crisis phenomena in the Russian economy for the entire period of its transformation as a result of its origination and its operation as a raw material supplier for the global economies. I identify the conditions for extending and growing a subsequent and current crisis of the Russian economy in 2015 on the basis of isolated accelerated growth in ultimate consumption in 2010-2014. I also substantiate its focus on creating a new technological mode. Conclusions and Relevance The article demonstrates that it is reasonable to discuss the outcome of the Russian economy transformation and the national development concept for a certain period of time, relying upon public survey via various mass media, rather than scientific and political communities only. The article provides practical guidelines for reforming the economic policy on reforming the Russian economy. This reforming process is based on socialization of privatization regulations that seeks to reduce negative consequences of the existing privatization ideology. I make my own proposals for ' governmentalizing ' tools of the budgetary, fiscal and monetary policies, which are designated to recover a sustainable development of the Russian economy.

Представлены результаты компаративного анализа основных тенденций изучения политической культуры и политических процессов, их взаимовлияния и взаимозависимости, сложившихся в политической науке. Используются философский, социологический, исторический инструментарии, формируется политологическая матрица научного анализа. На примере сопоставления концепций и воззрений, выводов научных школ проанализированы структурно-функциональный, конфликтный и поведенческий методы исследования политических процессов. Дается анализ советского периода изучения общественных процессов, апологетических моделей исследования гомогенной политической культуры, основанных на идеологии «развитого социализма». Дано видение региональных компонентов отечественной политической культуры, предложена шкала оценки адаптивности иностранных заимствований (в т. ч. политико-аксиологических) в процессе формирования плюралистической модели политической культуры гражданского согласия. Представлено видение основных движущих сил политики в современной России. Раскрыты основные параметры системы политических ценностей современной России, аксиологические доминанты различных типов политической культуры. Проанализировано влияние евразийского характера российского общества на процессы формирования и «отверждения» политического менталитета различных социальных групп. Раскрыты основные механизмы, тенденции и закономерности влияния политических ценностей (как ядра политической культуры) на конфигурацию и принципы функционирования политической системы в России. Представлено авторское видение таких политологических концептов, как «аксиологическая многоукладность российского общества» и «транзитарный тип политической культуры». Политическая культура, ее ценностный модуль определены как некая кентавр-система, где переплетены политические и аксиологические элементы, реалии и мифы, образцы политического поведения и модели действий индивидуумов и социальных групп. ; The results of a comparative analysis of the major trends in the study of political culture and political processes, their interaction and interdependence prevailing in political science are presented. The philosophical, sociological, historical tools are used, the matrix of political science scientific analysis is formed. On an example of mapping concepts and views, findings of research schools analyzed the structural-functional, conflict and behavioral research methods of political processes. Also the Soviet period, the study of social processes, apologetic research models homogeneous political culture based on the ideology of "developed socialism" are analyzed. A vision of regional components of the national political culture, assessment scale adaptability of foreign borrowing (including political and axiological) in the formation of a pluralistic model of political culture of civic harmony are proposed. The vision of the main drivers of policy in modern Russia is presented. The main parameters of the system of political values of modern Russia, axiological dominance of different types of political culture are shows. The influence of the Eurasian character of Russian society on the formation and the "cure" of the political mentality of different social groups is analyzed. The basic mechanisms, trends and patterns of influence of political values (as the core political culture) to the configuration and operation of the political system in Russia are disclosed. The author's vision of political concepts such as "axiological stratification of Russian society" and "transit type of political culture" is presented. Political culture, its value-module, defined as a kind of centaur-system where intertwined political and axiological elements realities and myths of political behavior patterns and models of action of individuals and social groups.

This study provides a critical inquiry into the textual (self-)representations of Chinese females' perception and experience of "women's liberation" in 1949-1966 Chinese women's autobiographical and fictional writings. Through historical and textual analyses, it looks into Chinese women's multiple textual/discursive practices and their subjectivities constituted in the process. These narrative practices are treated as salient sites of women's struggle for self-understanding, self-liberating as well as self-inventing in their own specific social and cultural conditions. The study aims to disclose the complexity of the discursive field centering on the topic of socialist women's liberation and the dynamic interplay between different female authors and the socialist political/gender discourses within 1949-1966 socialist cultural public sphere. The thesis first examines the autobiographical, first-person female narratives appeared on three Fulian(Women's Federation)–sponsored national and local women's magazines: Women of China (中国妇女), Beijing Women (北京妇女), and Modern Women (现代妇女). It probes into how female narrators, from different social backgrounds, understand and restructure in their writings their past and present lives in terms of (public) labor, female freedom and new social identification. Secondly, the thesis investigates fictions and plays by female writers, which provide historically-specific gendered perspectives to the issue of "women's liberation" as well as women's position in and their relationship with socialism. It explores women's perception of public and domestic labor, their formation of collective identities in the process of socialist construction, their gender struggle with and contestation to the persistent ideology of patriarchy in the new social order, all of which are revealed in their literary practices. This thesis argues that in these different sorts of writings, the representations of experience of "women's liberation" are intimately related, but not identical, to the state-sanctioned conceptual and discursive framework. Socialist political and gender discourses actually exert unpredictable, diffuse, locally and individually contingent effects on Chinese women who actively engage in different forms of writing. The self-perception and self-fashioning represented in these women's cultural practices are enabled by, but may also go beyond, the revolutionary language or state-inflected discourses, indicating more complicated and specific meanings of Chinese socialist ideologies and practices for individual women. Different writers choose or abandon, appropriate or dis-employ, embrace or interrogate, be close to or keep at a distance certain socialist political and gender discourses, in order to forge and interpret women's experience from their own specific contexts. They may be empowered by the revolutionary discourses and rhetoric, yet they do not identify themselves as mere passive beneficiaries of the socialist regime, but as active agents in their self-liberation and self-transformation. It is in this process that their different subjectivities are constituted, their agency created and asserted. ; published_or_final_version ; Comparative Literature ; Doctoral ; Doctor of Philosophy