This work examines changes in voters' electoral choices over time and investigates how these changes are linked to a growth in instability. Ruth Dassonneville's core argument, supported by extensive empirical data, is that it is group-based cross-pressures that lead to instability in voters' choices.
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The book is a successful research experiment that has also been successful as a teaching resource. It proposes a critical evaluation of the conceptual tools developed to read and understand a society. Ten sociological concepts are addressed (Community, Citisenship, Social Class, Social Capital, Gender, Executive Class, Political Party, Political Culture, Subculture, Antipolitics) each examined by a young researcher active in the Florentine doctorate of Sociology and Political sociology. An involvement of young people that has allowed a reinterpretation of "old" concepts and the identification of the heuristic effectiveness of "new" concepts.
AbstractRecent election surprises, regime changes, and political shocks indicate that political agendas have become more fast-moving and volatile. The ability to measure the complex dynamics of agenda change and capture the nature and extent of volatility in political systems is therefore more crucial than ever before. This study proposes a definition and operationalization of volatility that combines insights from political science, communications, information theory, and computational techniques. The proposed measures of fractionalization and agenda change encompass the shifting salience of issues in the agenda as a whole and allow the study of agendas across different domains. We evaluate these metrics and compare them to other measures such as issue-level survival rates and the Pedersen Index, which uses public-opinion poll data to measure public agendas, as well as traditional media content to measure media agendas in the UK and Germany. We show how these measures complement existing approaches and could be employed in future agenda-setting research.
Introduction -- Black Youth Activism Was Pivotal to the Civil Rights Movement: How Black Lives Matter is Inspiring Education Activists Today -- Political Participation of Young People in Serbia: Activities, Values, and Capability -- The 2018 Road Safety Protest in Bangladesh: How a Student Crown Challenged (or Could not Challenge) the Repressive State -- From the Streets to the Campus: The Institutionalization of Youth Anti-Sexual Harassment Activism in Post-Coup Egypt -- When David Defeats Goliath. The Case of MeToo University: The Solidarity Network of Victims of Gender-Based Violence in Universities -- Practising Sectarianism: Lebanese Youth Politics and the Complexity of Youth Political Engagement -- Interrogating Vulnerability within the University: A Case Study of Undocumented/DACAmented Students at a Jesuit Institution -- Making Visible Intersectional Black Pain: Embodied Activism and Affective Communities in Recent South African Youth Movements -- Existential Activism: The Complex Contestations of Trans Youth -- Critical Literacies and the Conditions of Decolonial Possibility -- Conclusion: International Perspectives on Youth Political Mobilizations.
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Streetscapes are part of the taken-for-granted spaces of everyday urban life, yet they are also contested arenas in which struggles over identity, memory, and place shape the social production of urban space. This book examines the role that street naming has played in the political life of urban streetscapes in both historical and contemporary cities. The renaming of streets and remaking of urban commemorative landscapes have long been key strategies that different political regimes have employed to legitimize spatial assertions of sovereign authority, ideological hegemony, and symbolic power. Over the past few decades, a rich body of critical scholarship has explored the politics of urban toponymy, and the present collection brings together the works of geographers, anthropologists, historians, linguists, planners, and political scientists to examine the power of street naming as an urban place-making practice. Covering a wide range of case studies from cities in Europe, North America, Sub-Saharan Africa, and Asia, the contributions to this volume illustrate how the naming of streets has been instrumental to the reshaping of urban spatial imaginaries and the cultural politics of place. --
Heroes, villains, victims, and minions have been the building blocks of moral and political reputations throughout human history. In 'Public Characters', the authors look at visual images, music, and words to show the techniques by which these characters get constructed. They also trace the impact of these public characters in politics, including the 2016 triumph of Donald J. Trump through his ability to cast opponents as villains and minions.
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Abstract We explore the roots of tolerance for immigration‐related diversity from a political socialization perspective. Among rural adolescent respondents, we find that attitudes toward immigrants are surprisingly variable along a number of important dimensions: anticipated socioeco‐nomic status, family longevity in the community, and employment in agriculture. The extent to which an adolescent's family is anchored in the community proves to be an important determinant of diversity attitudes. Tolerance for diversity is also contextually conditioned by the percentage of immigrants settled in a neighborhood, and the percentage of the local population employed in farming. Interestingly, lower income youth are more welcoming of immigration than the affluent, particularly when they live near them. Without quite labeling these rural adolescent populations racially "progressive," the youth we encountered mostly expressed the norms of tolerance and civility essential for avoiding unpleasant intergroup conflict.
In: Armed forces & society: official journal of the Inter-University Seminar on Armed Forces and Society : an interdisciplinary journal, Band 18, S. 81-96
Relationship between professionalization and military coups d'état. Examines reasons for civilian political control and absence of coup behavior; concentrates on internal characteristics of the armed forces.
Wajdi Mouawad is a Lebanese - born Canadian playwright turned actor who refuses the label of political playwright. And yet, his work reflects political theatre by the themes he chooses and by his refusal to make compromises in his art. Mouawad is someone who likes to speak up even if it means making enemies in the press, in the public opinion, in the world of theatre, and also in the world of politics. Despite the fact that he refuses to be labelled à political playwright, in this thesis, my aim is to study to what degree his art resembles political theatre, a genre that needs to be redefined. In addition, I will examine the message his plays relay and the reasons of his distrust towards this genre that doesn't seem to appeal to many a contemporary writer. ; Wajdi Mouawad artiste québécois d'origine Libanaise n'accepte pas l'étiquette de « théâtre politique ». Cependant son travail est le reflet d'un théâtre engagé tant par les thèmes qu'il aborde que par son refus de compromis dans le domaine de la création artistique. Mouawad est un artiste qui aime prendre la parole quitte à se faire des ennemis dans la presse, dans l'opinion publique, dans le monde du spectacle, mais aussi parmi les politiciens. Malgré son refus d'appartenir au courant de théâtre politique nous verrons au sein de cette thèse en quoi son art se rapproche de ce cette mouvance artistique dont il est important de (re)définir les contours. De plus, nous verrons de quels messages son théâtre est porteur. Nous tenterons aussi de comprendre les raisons de sa méfiance face à ce courant qui « rebute » plus d'un auteur contemporain.
Wajdi Mouawad is a Lebanese - born Canadian playwright turned actor who refuses the label of political playwright. And yet, his work reflects political theatre by the themes he chooses and by his refusal to make compromises in his art. Mouawad is someone who likes to speak up even if it means making enemies in the press, in the public opinion, in the world of theatre, and also in the world of politics. Despite the fact that he refuses to be labelled à political playwright, in this thesis, my aim is to study to what degree his art resembles political theatre, a genre that needs to be redefined. In addition, I will examine the message his plays relay and the reasons of his distrust towards this genre that doesn't seem to appeal to many a contemporary writer. ; Wajdi Mouawad artiste québécois d'origine Libanaise n'accepte pas l'étiquette de « théâtre politique ». Cependant son travail est le reflet d'un théâtre engagé tant par les thèmes qu'il aborde que par son refus de compromis dans le domaine de la création artistique. Mouawad est un artiste qui aime prendre la parole quitte à se faire des ennemis dans la presse, dans l'opinion publique, dans le monde du spectacle, mais aussi parmi les politiciens. Malgré son refus d'appartenir au courant de théâtre politique nous verrons au sein de cette thèse en quoi son art se rapproche de ce cette mouvance artistique dont il est important de (re)définir les contours. De plus, nous verrons de quels messages son théâtre est porteur. Nous tenterons aussi de comprendre les raisons de sa méfiance face à ce courant qui « rebute » plus d'un auteur contemporain.
In this article, the authors analyse attitudes of Slovenian political elites towards EU and the process of European integration on general in the period of crisis. Namely, during the EU accession period, there was a strong consensus among political elites and in general public on desirability of country's integration into European institutional framework. However, the 2008 crisis that strongly affected Slovenian economy and society brought the rise of negative attitudes towards EU and other Western supra-national political entities. The main thesis is that the Europeanness of Slovenian political elites is rather ambivalent since its attitudes are diverging and often inconsistent.