Suchergebnisse

Using data from the National Crime Records Bureau and National Sample Survey data, this paper uses a spatial regression technique to examine the effect of intercaste inequality on caste-based violence in India. Our results show that when the socioeconomic gap between the upper and lower castes decreases, upper caste violence against the lower castes increases. This result is interpreted as the upper castes reacting to changes in threat perception caused by changes in the relative positions of these two groups.

This ideological criticism study examines the vernacular discourses of historical victim age of Kosovo Serbs and Albanians. The participants amalgamate personal and collective memories with official national histories to explain present victimization as a continuance of historical victim age. This use of the past legitimizes their national and political claims, and also justifies violence against the other group. Historical victim age offers a rationale for hating the Other and perpetuating a vicious cycle of violence in intractable conflict.

The aim of this scoping review is to synthesize the available evidence on the prevalence rates of healthcare workers being victims of violence perpetrated by patients and visitors in Italy. PubMed, Scopus, Web of Science and CINAHL were systematically searched from their inception to April 2021. Two authors independently assessed 1182 studies. All the scientific papers written in English or in Italian reporting primary quantitative and/or qualitative data on the prevalence of aggression or sexual harassment perpetrated by patients or visitors toward healthcare workers in Italy were included. Thirty-two papers were included in the review. The data extracted were summarized in a narrative synthesis organized in the following six thematic domains: (1). Methodology and study design; (2). Description of violent behavior; (3). Characteristics of health care staff involved in workplace violence (WPV); (4). Prevalence and form of WPV; (5). Context of WPV; and (6). Characteristics of violent patients and their relatives and/or visitors. The proportion of studies on WPV differed greatly across Italian regions, wards and professional roles of the healthcare workers. In general, the prevalence of WPV against healthcare workers in Italy is high, especially in psychiatric and emergency departments and among nurses and physicians, but further studies are needed in order to gather systematic evidence of this phenomenon. In Italy, and worldwide, there is an urgent need for governments, policy-makers and health institutions to prevent, monitor and manage WPV towards healthcare professionals.

In the United Kingdom the majority of those reporting being bullied at work claim their manager as 'the bully' (Hoel and Beale, 2006). A global phenomenon, workplace bullying is damaging to those involved and hence their organizations (Einarsen et al., 2003), justifying academic attention and a practical need to develop mechanisms that tackle the phenomenon. Bullying is typically a problem 'owned' by Human Resource (HR) departments, yet existing evidence suggests that targets perceive HR practitioners (HRPs) as inactive, hence ineffective, in response to claims (Lewis and Rayner, 2003). However, very little is known about how HRPs themselves interpret and respond to claims of bullying. We address this gap, drawing on Bourdieu's concept of 'symbolic violence' to interpret experiential interview data. Our findings suggest HRPs enact symbolic violence on employees who raise claims of bullying against their managers by attributing managerial bullying behaviours to legitimate performance management practices. A critical discourse analysis identified four interpretive mechanisms used by HRPs that served to exonerate managers from bullying behaviours, thereby protecting the interests of the organization at the expense of an employee advocacy role. These data suggest that, rather than being solely a phenomenon perpetrated by individuals, workplace bullying is often a symptom of managerialist and capitalistic discourses of intensified performance management in organizations, reinforced by the embedding of existing professionalization discourses with the field of Human Resource Management in the UK.

States of Emergency are declared against the disorder-ing of state sovereign power by acts of resistance, rebellion and revolt and are characterised by the technologies of control, containment and punishment. Through spatial, archival and visual encounters with emergency landscapes and the geographies of resistance, the essay considers the historic and contemporary operations, provisions, regulations and practices authorised under state-imposed emergencies. It does so in order firstly, to bring attention to the practices authorised through state-imposed emergencies and the currency and saliency of their ongoing effects, and secondly to re-frame the militarised violence of settlement/occupation as an integral part of state-imposed emergencies in which all that is necessary will be done to protect the sovereign state from the resistance of the colonised/occupied and to effect a return to 'order'. Through encounters with the archival record, and the architectures, remnants and territorial arrangements found in post-colonial Kenya and across the multiple geographies of Palestine, the essay draws out seven clusters of state imposed emergency practices and effects. The work grapples with a number of questions: what is it that a declared state of emergency performs for the state? Does a state of emergency enable particular forms of militarised violence? Are there common practices to be found across different modes of state-imposed emergencies? What is the genealogy to the states of emergency across Palestine and Kenya? Does our excavation of the practices of state-imposed emergency shed light on the ways we apprehend state violence in colonial, post-colonial and neo-colonial geographies?

States of Emergency are declared against the disorder-ing of state sovereign power by acts of resistance, rebellion and revolt and are characterised by the technologies of control, containment and punishment. Through spatial, archival and visual encounters with emergency landscapes and the geographies of resistance, the essay considers the historic and contemporary operations, provisions, regulations and practices authorised under state-imposed emergencies. It does so in order firstly, to bring attention to the practices authorised through state-imposed emergencies and the currency and saliency of their ongoing effects, and secondly to re-frame the militarised violence of settlement/occupation as an integral part of state-imposed emergencies in which all that is necessary will be done to protect the sovereign state from the resistance of the colonised/occupied and to effect a return to 'order'. Through encounters with the archival record, and the architectures, remnants and territorial arrangements found in post-colonial Kenya and across the multiple geographies of Palestine, the essay draws out seven clusters of state imposed emergency practices and effects. The work grapples with a number of questions: what is it that a declared state of emergency performs for the state? Does a state of emergency enable particular forms of militarised violence? Are there common practices to be found across different modes of state-imposed emergencies? What is the genealogy to the states of emergency across Palestine and Kenya? Does our excavation of the practices of state-imposed emergency shed light on the ways we apprehend state violence in colonial, post-colonial and neo-colonial geographies?

From the preface: December 1948 is a remarkable date in the history of human rights law. It was the birth of Human Rights Law. Without exception, human rights belong to every single human being. The eighth secretary General Ban Ki-moon clearly found an adequate description to illustrate the significance of human rights while giving a speech at the 2011 Human Rights Day. Besides the significance of their existence he focused on their constant development and practicable usage which requires all the nations to exercise human rights. His speech can be put in one significant sentence. 'But unless we know them, unless we demand they be respected, and unless we defend our right - and the right of others - to exercise them, they will be just words in a decades-old document.' So this led to a few questions: Now, as we happen to have Human Rights Law in Europe what are the consequences regarding the jurisprudence and the legal practice in general? Further on, what are the judicial consequences in respect of violence against women? How about the acquaintance within European courts especially the European Court of Human Rights Law? Did it remain the same or are remarkable changes and developments observable? Did the development in Europe force 'us' to accommodate the understanding and meaning of what was once essential but in a completely different way? The main focus within this work basis on the case-law of the ECtHR in order to reveal the process, development, changes and reasonings of the Court, specifically in respect of the application of the principles of interpretation. The case analyze will cover general state of affairs, e.g.: environmental issues, gender based circumstances, press related matters, physical and psychological violence in general, etc. Moreover, regarding violence, a few cases in Section Five shall illustrate the judicial approach relating to violence against women in specific; especially, since the latest violent incidents in 2013, for example in India South-America but also in Eastern Europe, revealed that violence against women is a disastrous, unsolved and widespread matter.

"This book provides a theoretical framework for empirically examining the impact of violence on marginalized peoples across the lifespan. With anti-Black racism uniquely impacting Black women and girls who are sexually victimized, a unifying, empirically testable framework with a critical race perspective to examine Black women and girls' experiences of sexual violence is warranted. Dr. Jennifer M. Gómez created cultural betrayal trauma theory (CBTT) to expand the limiting assumption in the dominant theoretical and methodological literature on the impact of violence that traumas, such as rape, are solely interpersonal. In CBTT, Dr. Gómez builds on Black feminist scholarship, ethnic minority trauma psychology, and betrayal trauma theory to provide a theoretical framework for examining the impact of violence on marginalized peoples across the lifespan.The Cultural Betrayal of Black Women and Girls is the first book to use the CBTT research to contribute to academic and national discussions regarding anti-Black racism and sexual abuse. Using CBTT as a foundation, this book incorporates transdisciplinary scholarship on racism, intersectional oppression and intersectionality, sexual abuse against Black women and girls, cultural competency and critical consciousness in therapy, and healing in the community into a single resource for understanding and addressing oppression and sexual abuse on individual, institutional, and societal levels"--

Socio-political instability is considered as an obstacle for economic and social development of countries. Therefore, Political violence as a feature of socio-political instability is a significant development constraint that generates economic problems, limits public and private investments, and damages the country's infrastructure. This paper offers an explanation for political violence and economic development through an empirical analysis of Colombian departments that includes factors such as social conditions and narcotrafficking. We use multiple datasets to measure political violence and economic development, and we employ panel fixed-effects Driscoll and Kraay regressions and Generalized Method of Moments Estimation (GMM) for a sample of Colombian departments over the period 2000-2014. In the political violence model, we find that the aggregate-level production per capita, education, arrests and health coverage have a negative effect on political violence, whereas GINI, unemployment rate, illegal drugs and displaced population have a positive effect on violence. In the economic development model, political violence, armed actions and corruption have a negative effect on economic development, whereas population, saving, employment, political participation, manufacturing and production have a positive effect on economic development. The findings demonstrate the importance of implementing social policies and strategies against political violence to increase economic growth and development, productivity, political participation and security for the population across Colombia's departments. ; peer-reviewed

AbstractPopulists often demonize outgroups while undermining institutions that protect citizens against the abuse of state power. Under these conditions, how can vulnerable communities protect themselves? We argue that actors coupling a normative commitment to human rights with the local organizational capacity to intervene can systematically reduce victimization. Focusing on the Philippine Catholic Church in the country's ongoing "drug war," we identify five potential mechanisms producing protection. Directly, these actors can raise attention, offer sanctuary, or disrupt enforcement, while indirectly they can shrink vulnerable populations and build local solidarity. We evaluate this argument with a mixed‐method research design. A new dataset of over 2,000 drug war killings throughout Metro Manila shows that neighborhoods with a Catholic parish experience approximately 30% fewer killings than those without. Original interviews with clergy and laity in these parishes support both direct and indirect mechanisms, with strongest evidence for attention raising and building community solidarity.

This article explains the integrated implementation of a COVID-19 Feminist Framework (CFF) and biopsychosocial-spiritual perspective (BPSS-P) on the inclusive equitability of social service providers, practitioners, and policy-developers on global platforms. Mechanisms of CFF and BPSS-P entail the process to address/mitigate institutional inequities, mental health issues, violation of human rights, race/sex/gender-based violence, abuse, and trauma amid COVID-19. This discourse is about raising consciousness, collective liberation, wellbeing, and equality for women, children, BIPOC, LGBTQIA+, and gender-diverse people. This article further discusses social workers and mental health practitioners' uniqueness for short-term and long-term support for emotional, cognitive-behavioral, and psychosocial repercussions on the individual and community levels.

Having analysed the differences between the child protection legislation in Lithuania and the United Nations Child Rights Convention, in the paper it has been revealed that Lithuania does not implement the objectives set by the United Nations on banning of corporal punishment. The study has revealed that in the national domestic law Lithuania has not banned corporal punishment by law. The concept of corporal punishment is not defined neither by a framework of child's rights nor by domestic violence laws in Lithuania. Having examined all issues, it is concluded that the corporal punishment is violation of human dignity and the right to bodily integrity and the inviolability, because it contradicts the provisions of European Convention on Human Rights.

The UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights obliges state parties to prohibit any advocacy of religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination or violence. This book traces the origins of this provision and proposes an actus reus for this offence. The question of whether hateful incitement is a prohibition per se or also encapsulates a fundamental 'right to be protected against incitement' is extensively debated. Also addressed is the question of how to judge incitement. Is mens rea required to convict someone of advocating hatred, and if so, for what degree of intent? This analysis also includes the paramount question if and to what extent content and/or context factors ought to be decisive. The author extensively engages with comparative domestic law and compares the workings of the UN Human Rights Committee with those of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and the European Court of Human Rights