Suchergebnisse

The objective of this series is to promote theory and research in the increasingly growing area of occupational stress, health and well being, and in the process, to bring together and showcase the work of the best researchers and theorists who contribute to this area. As you know, questions of work stress span many disciplines and many specialized journals. Our goal is to provide a multidisciplinary and international collection that gives a thorough and critical assessment of knowledge, and major gaps in knowledge, on occupational stress and well being. Research in Occupational Stress and Well Being is focused on power, politics and influence. It has been widely accepted that power, politics and influence are pervasive within most social entities, including work organizations. However, research on the role of social influence in the stress process is still needed. This volume will focus on the connections between social influence processes, broadly defined (e.g., power, politics, political skill and influence), and employee stress, health, and well-being.

This paper offers the concept recuperative gender strategies to describe how political leaders work to restore their public gender identities. The author examines a charity‐boxing match between two Canadian politicians, Justin Trudeau and Patrick Brazeau. Trudeau is the current leader of the Liberal Party of Canada and son of former Prime Minister, Pierre Trudeau. Brazeau was a Conservative Senator. Through a discourse analysis of 222 national newspaper articles published on the match, this paper chronicles Justin Trudeau's transition from "precariously masculine" to "sufficiently masculine" and discusses the significance of this transformation for Trudeau's suitability for Liberal Party leadership.Cet article propose le concept de stratégies de récupération des sexes pour décrire et expliquer comment des dirigeants politiques travaillent à rétablir leurs identités sexuelles publiques. J'analyse la couverture médiatique du combat de boxe caritatif datant de mars 2012 et opposant deux politiciens canadiens : Justin Trudeau, le chef du Parti libéral du Canada, et Patrick Brazeau, un sénateur conservateur. En m'appuyant sur une analyse de discours de 222 articles de journaux nationaux publiés au sujet de ce combat, je détaille la transition de Justin Trudeau d'une forme de masculinité « précaire » à une « masculinité suffisante », et je discute de l'importance de cette transformation pour l'aptitude perçue de Trudeau comme chef du Parti libéral.

Analyzes the role of various categories of intelligentsia in establishing the terms of public discourse, as well as specific & general perceptions of the gender dimension of Czech politics & gender stereotypes in the context of politics. Data are drawn from articles explicitly dealing with the subject in the major Czech dailies & selected magazines. A typology of the attitudes embodied in these articles is developed, & their authors classified in terms of profession, sex, age, & political affiliations. Analysis confirms that media workers are weak in their response to public opinion & use of experts, & are principally aligned with attitudes directly derived from the sphere of politics. In relation to the issue of the political representation of women, the media has affected public discourse by both opening it &, paradoxically, blocking it. Nevertheless, gender stereotypes have been undergoing special modifications in the context of political representation.

"This book addresses the variety of right-wing illiberal populism which has emerged in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Against the backdrop of weak institutional traditions, frequent and profound transformations, and deep historical traumas affecting the law, politics, economy and society in the region, the book critically examines the entanglements of legality in the region's transformation from state socialism to neoliberalism and Western-style democracy. Drawing on critical legal theory, as well as legal history, legal theory, sociology of law, history of ideas, anthropology of law, comparative law, and constitutional theory, the book goes beyond conventional analyses to offer an in-depth account of this important contemporary phenomenon. This book will be of interest to legal researchers, especially of a critical or socio-legal perspective, political scientists, sociologists and (legal) historians, as well as policy makers seeking to understand the regional specificity and deeper roots of Central and Eastern European illiberal populism"--

This paper seeks to address the political participation of the press in the Northern Cameroon after the beginning of the democratic process which led to the institutionalization of freedom of speech in 1990. Through a Political Economy of Communication perspective, it aims at focusing on L'Harmattan and L'OEil du Sahel -which are the main newspapers in Northern Cameroon- to question the political capital of the press in this area where there is an hegemonic competition between ethno-tribal communities. The paper provides a venue to unveil the contribution of L'Harmattan and L'OEil du Sahel to rivalries between elites in sight of their positioning on the political chessboard at local and national levels. It arises from the analysis of the publications of those newspapers that they have a partisan position in the political opposition between the Fulbe who are Muslims and the Kirdi who are non-Muslims. L'Harmattan supports the first while L'OEil du Sahel has affinities with the others.

This collection of essays provides new insight into the complex realities of labour and employment market globalisation. The pluridisciplinary and multi-faced understanding of globalisation is based upon ground research in ten countries from South to North. Its contextualisation of globalising labour and employment market, perceived as process, constitutes the originality of the book. Globalisation is understood through a single process of both standardisation and differentiation, which also underscores its political agenda. The globalising process incorporates trends of convergent and somewhat undifferentiated Southern and Northern situations in labour and employment. Strong political perspectives thereby emerge to help understand changes in current capitalism and question the longstanding North to South paradigm. As labour and employment markets standardise and differentiate, what other problematical threads can be pulled to strengthen the hypothesis that trends converge within a single globalising process? The comparative concepts and tools proposed in this volume help to answer these queries.

Wendell Bell et ses associés ont démontré que, dans un contexte de colonialisme classique, les philosophies àéchelle ascendante de l'carâge des lumières et du romantisme exercent une influence sur le statut politique désiré. Réplique des méthodes de recherche de Bell, l'carétude que voice rérifie sa thèse dans le contexte du colonialisme interne, particulière‐ment parmi les chefs amérindiens du Canada. En accord avec la thèse de Bell, mes constatations indiquent que les valeurs inhérentes á l'carâge des lumières et au romantisme s'associent de façon positive au désir d'carun plus grand degré d'carautodétermination. Les données révèlent aussi que, pour plusieurs chefs indiens, la perception des 'possibilités' constitue en événement décisif dans le choix du statut politique.The scale‐increasing philosophies of the Enlightenment and of Romanticism have been shown by Wendell Bell and his associates, in the context of classical colonialism, to influence desired political status. Replicating Bell's research methods this study tests his thesis in the context of internal colonialism, specifically among native Indian leaders in Canada. Consistent with Bell's thesis my findings indicate that Enlightenment and Romanticist values are positively associated with the desire for increased self‐determination. The data also reveal that for many Indian leaders perception of 'feasibility' constitutes a decisive input in the choice of political status.

La classification standard de la position de classe des partis politiques canadiens a étéétabli par Robert Alford dans son très important ouvrage, Party and Society. La classification d'Alford est reexaminée en utilisant six mesures distinctes. Cinq des six sont en désaccord avec Alford. Les Libéraux sont souvent vus comme relativement conservateurs alors que quatre mesures placent le Crédit Social comme plus libéral que les deux partis principaux. Cette analyse est suivie d'une discussion de la mensuration de la position de classe d'un parti et d'un essai d'explication du cas du Canada. On suggère qu'un modèle à deux dimensions soit utilisé pour la classification des partis politiques.The standard classification of the class positions of Canadian political parties was established by Robert Alford in his very important book, Party and Society. Alford's classification is re‐examined using six separate measures. Five out of six disagree with Alford. The Liberals are often seen as relatively conservative while four measures place Social Credit as more liberal than both the major parties. Discussion of measurement of party class positions and an attempt at explanation of the Canadian case follows. It is suggested that a bidimensional framework be used to classify political parties.

"In den 1990er Jahren ist die Frage nach den Auswirkungen digitaler Kommunikationstechnik auf den politischen Prozess mit dem Schlagwort der 'elektronischen Demokratie' verknüpft worden. Ermöglichen es die neuen Medientechnologien, die Zugangschancen zum politischen Prozess von den Bedingungen abzukoppeln, die sich aus der sozialen Herkunft, dem ökonomischen und sozialen Kapital oder anderer sozialer Merkmale ergeben können? In der Debatte über 'elektronische Demokratie' dominierten Vorstellungen darüber, dass die technischen Eigenschaften eines neuen digitalen Kommunikationsmediums dazu beitragen könnten, ganz allgemein Ungleichheiten abzubauen. In diesem Beitrag werden diese Leitkonzepte für die Beschreibung des Zusammenhangs von digitaler Kommunikationstechnik und politischem Prozess einer analytischen Kritik unterzogen. Darüber hinaus soll in einer eher empirischen Kritik gezeigt werden, dass sich das Problem der Zugangschancen zum politischen Prozess in modernen, funktional differenzierten Gesellschaften auf völlig unterschiedlichen Ebenen stellt. Erwartungen an die die 'elektronische Demokratie', die sich aus der direkten Übertragungtechnischen Fortschritts auf gesellschaftliche Entwicklung ergeben, konnten bislang nur enttäuscht werden. In einem letzten Teil des Beitrags soll schließlich eine alternative Sichtweise entwickelt werden. Wenn die Frage nach den Auswirkungen digitaler Kommunikationstechniken auf den politischen Prozess aus der Perspektive neuerer Konzepte zur Wissenssoziologie behandelt wird, lassen sich Potentiale und Risiken technisch unterstützter Kommunikation deutlicher erkennen." (Autorenreferat)

"The Beijing Olympiad: The Political Economy of a Sporting Mega-Event considers the global and local impact of the Games, and provides valuable insight into contemporary China, its culture, society, economy and politics in the build-up to the 2008 Olympics." "The Beijing Olympiad examines key questions, providing a range of original insights of interest to scholars, researchers and students from Sports Studies to Sociology, Politics, Economics, International Relations and Legal Studies."--Jacket

Cette somme de plus de 800 pages réparties en 56 chapitres est issue d'une série de trois colloques organisés en Inde entre 1989 et 1991 et constitue une première dans les sciences sociales indiennes en raison même de son ambition. Comme explique T.V. Sathyamurthy, l'artisan de cette entreprise, dans introduction générale - chaque volume est ensuite assorti d'une introduction propre -, cet ouvrage se veut inter-disciplinaire ; il l'est tellement que peu de domaines des sciences humaines lui échappent : de la science politique à l'économie en passant par la sociologie, l'anthropologie et même l'histoire (.).

Cette somme de plus de 800 pages réparties en 56 chapitres est issue d'une série de trois colloques organisés en Inde entre 1989 et 1991 et constitue une première dans les sciences sociales indiennes en raison même de son ambition. Comme explique T.V. Sathyamurthy, l'artisan de cette entreprise, dans introduction générale - chaque volume est ensuite assorti d'une introduction propre -, cet ouvrage se veut inter-disciplinaire ; il l'est tellement que peu de domaines des sciences humaines lui échappent : de la science politique à l'économie en passant par la sociologie, l'anthropologie et même l'histoire (.).

Abstract Although globalization is an interdisciplinary subject, phenomena such as foreign direct investments (FDI) are thought of as belonging to the economic sphere. In this article, we draw from the global production network model and the New Economic Sociology of FDIs to test the embeddedness of economic action. We've designed a least likely case study from an FDI in the auto industry, evaluating Nissan Motor Co.'s decision-making process to build an automobile factory in Brazil. Our findings support the sociopolitical embeddedness hypothesis. The paper contributes to the literature of Economic Sociology when we argue that, despite the "always embedded" assumption, Nissan's investment decision was progressively embedded in time and space.

In The Politics of Land, editor Tim Bartley brings together contributors to highlight the significance of the neglected issue of land to political sociology. This is a highly informative volume that explores a range of issues related to the land-politics nexus beyond the top-down understanding of its role in capitalist accumulation with much potential for future sociological research, writes Alexander Dobeson.