Suchergebnisse

ÖZETAlternatif uyuşmazlık çözümü, uyuşmazlıkları resmi yargılama ve yargıç kararı olmaksızın çözmek için kullanılan yöntemlere verilen isimdir. Bu yöntemler tarafların karşılıklı oarak üzerinde anlaştıkları çözümlere ulaşmalarına olanak tanır. Alternatif uyuşmazlık çözümü, arabuluculuk, müzakere, tahkim, ombudsman, özet jüri duruşması, mini-duruşma gibi çok çeşitli yöntemleri içerir. Bu yöntemler tarafların yüz yüze görüşmelerine ve uyuşmazlıkla ilgili meseleleri gayri resmi ve özel bir biçimde değerlendirmelerine imkan verir.Uyuşmazlık çözüm yolları genel olarak üç ana başlıkta ele alınabilir. Bunlar, yargılama, alternatif uyuşmazlık çözümü ve şiddet ya da kaçınma gibi geleneksel yöntemlerdir. Farklı uyuşmazlık tipleri farklı yöntemlerin uygulanmasını gerektirebilir. Hangisinin uygun olduğu kültürel yapı, toplumsal olgular ve kişisel özellikler tarafından belirlenir. Bu tez, uyuşmazlık işleyişinin antropolojik ve sosyolojik boyutlarına yoğunlaşmakta ve alternatif uyuşmazlık çözümünü bu açıdan değerlendirmektedir. Çalışma iki ana bölümden oluşmaktadır. İlki uyuşmazlık çözümünün antropolojik ve sosyolojik kökenleriyle ilgilidir. Kültür, çatışma, geleneksel ve modern toplumlarda uyuşmazlık çözümü ve alternatif uyuşmazlık çözümünün tarihsel öncülleriyle ilgilidir. İkinci bölüm modern toplumlardaki alternatif uyuşmazlık çözümünü konu edinmektedir. Alternatif hareketin teorik dayanakları, ideoloji, iktidar ve uyuşmazlık süreci bağlantısı, alternatif uyuşmazlık çözümü adı altında kullanılan genel yöntemler ve Türk hukuk kültürüne yansımalarını kapsamaktadır.SUMMARYAlternative dispute resolution is the name given to the processes, which are used to resolve disputes, without formal adjudication and decision by a judge. These processes allow parties to reach mutually acceptable solutions. Alternative dispute resolution includes a variety of different processes including mediation, negotiation, arbitration, ombudsman, summary jury trial, mini-trial, etc. These methods let parties to meet face to face and consider the issues in a dispute by an informal and private way.Dispute resolution methods can be classified into three main ways. These are, adjudication, alternative dispute resolution and traditional methods as violence or avoidance. Different kinds of disputes may require different kinds of processes. Cultural structure, social facts and personal properties ascertain the appropriate one. This thesis concentrates on the anthropological and sociological aspects of dispute processing and commentate alternative dispute resolution in this perspective. This work includes two main parts. First one is about the anthropological and sociological sources of dispute resolution. It involves culture, conflict, dispute resolution in traditional and modern societies, historical antecedents of alternative dispute resolution. Second part is about alternative dispute resolution in modern societies. It includes theoretical basis of alternative movement, the relation between ideology, power and dispute process, general methods that are used under the name of alternative dispute resolution and its reflection to Turkish law culture.

Este texto se presentó como comunicación al II Congreso Internacional de Etnografía y Educación: Migraciones y Ciudadanías. Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, Barcelona, 5-8 Septiembre 2008 ; This paper deals with students' political culture in two preparatory schools in Guadalajara, Mexico where I carried out fieldwork in the year 2000. I focus on the precarious relationship between students and teachers and forms of contesting authority and displaying power that I observed among students in one school. In North American or Western European public schools as well as in public Mexican secondary schools the power relations between students and teachers and between the students and the administration are generally reported to be fixed, in the sense of the students being the weak party and the others powerful, despite attempts of resistance to this authoritarian structure by students (Willis 1975, 1981). Although this is seldom spelled out, this power difference is seen to result from a confluence of (assumed) differences in age, knowledge and structural positions in the school as organisation. As Eckert argued for high schools in the U.S.A., ―ultimate power in the hierarchy resides with the staff, who control the basic resources-materials, space, time, freedom of movement, and sponsorship-necessary to produce all activities and to achieve visibility‖ (Eckert 1989: 111). Sketching the organisation of preparatorias, I will show that the staff have much less control over the resources in this type of school, thus being in a structurally weaker position from the outset. Partly due to the heterogeneous student body, students have considerable leeway in negotiating their individual interests as well as their interests as a group. During my fieldwork, students and teachers were engaged in a tug of war, in yielding and wielding power (Villarreal 1994) which was at times more salient than at others. I will illustrate this with two examples of students displaying power and contesting authority, one of leaving lessons, which concern the large majority of students, the second of the occupation of school as a contestation of authority made public, concerning only a handful of student activists. In both examples it became evident that students used multiple ways of displaying power and contesting authority different to forms of resistance in European or American schools. These displays of power formed a vital part of the ―hidden curriculum‖ (Streissler 2005) and are best described by Foucault's notion of power, namely that it is ubiquitous, is produced and reproduced through constant social interaction, can be negotiated and contested. This cultural knowledge is vital for students' life in Mexican society at large.

The Groote Schuur landscape, probably more than anywhere else in South Africa, is a truly hybrid landscape. Many sets of big ideas were at play on this landscape between 1890 and 1929. At the end of the nineteenth century, Cecil Rhodes brought ideas of paternalism, imperialism and empire to the Estate and notions of creating a European space in Africa; Groote Schuur would be a meeting point where Africa and Europe would fuse in the same frame, where the wildness of Africa and the empire would energise the classicism of European civilisation. The idea of Britain in Africa perhaps found its most expressive form in the establishment of the European styled University of Cape Town on the slopes of a distinctly African mountain. As W J T Mitchell argues, landscape should be "seen more profitably as something like the dreamwork of Imperialism, unfolding its own movement in time and space from a central point of origin and folding back on Itself to disclose both utopian fantasies of the perfected imperial prospect and fractured images of unresolved ambivalence and unsuppressed resistance". Furthermore, this landscape is complicated by the dynamic shifts and changes that occurred in social and political thought during this period. Ideas on paternalism, of Britain having a pastoral role in Africa, were increasingly overshadowed by ideas of indirect rule and nationalism after Union in 1910 and then by the beginnings of ideas on absolute racial separation. A sense of trusteeship was increasingly supplanted by ideas of partnership between coloniser and colonised. These contestations are all played out on the landscape, just as they were in other fields and are complicated further by the enduring legacy of Rhodes. Intention: In this mini dissertation I will examine in detail four elements of the Groote Schuur Estate to see how these "big ideas" of dream topographies are played out on this specific landscape. 1890 is a natural starting point for my project since this was the year in which Rhodes took up permanent residency at Groote Schuur, acquired property that extended from "Mowbray southwards to Constantia" and began shaping the landscape according to his will. However, I have extended my study beyond the year of Rhodes' death in 1902, to 1929. This later date was the year that the University of Cape Town moved into its new Groote Schuur campus, and celebrated its centenary anniversary here. The event was seen as marking the conclusion of one of Rhodes' earlier dreams; the founding of a "teaching University in the Cape Colony. under the shadow of Table Mountain".

Este artículo forma parte de la Tesis doctoral del autor Agricultura ecológica y postproductivismo: un estudio comparado entre Cataluña y Galicia. Dirigida por la Dra. Roser Majoral y el Dr. Rubén Lois. El presente artículo ha sido realizado en el marco del proyecto de investigación sobre Desequilibrios territoriales, mercados de trabajo y áreas marginales de Cataluña financiado por la CICYT (proyecto ref. BSO2001-3095) y con un Ajut de Suport a la Recerca dels Grups Consolidats del II Pla de Recerca de la Generalitat de Catalunya (Grup de recerca d'Anàlisi Territorial i Desenvolupament Regional, 2001SGR-00016) ambos dirigidos por la Dra. Roser Majoral ; El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el surgimiento del término postproductivismo y aportar una base teórica que pueda servir para el posterior empleo de este concepto por parte de los investigadores rurales interesados en estudiar este fenómeno en España. Así, después de una primera parte introductoria, se explican cuestiones acerca del origen y ubicación científica del término. Además se inscribe en el contexto rural a partir del cual deriva la materia agraria, de la misma manera que desde la Unión Europea (UE) se pretende que se entiendan los nuevos campos europeos desde las premisas de la sostenibilidad y la multifuncionalidad. De este modo, el postproductivismo expresa esa nueva ruralidad que se predica nominalmente desde las instituciones públicas, a pesar de que la realidad sobre el terreno sea bien diferente ya que los sistemas productivistas siguen gozando de una gran aceptación entre la inmensa mayoría de los agricultores y ganaderos de toda Europa. ; This paper aims to analyze the emergence of the term postproductivism and to contribute a theoretic base that could serve to the later use of this concept by the Spanish rural scientists interested in this subject. In this way, after an introductory first part the text includes questions related with the origin and the position of the postproductivism in the social science movements. Furthermore it is analyzed the postproductivist's agrarian viewpoint starting for the rural context, in the same way the European Union (EU) endeavour to show the European fields under the scope of sustainability and multifunctionality. So, the postproductivism express this new rurality that is enunciated by the public institutions, despite of that, the reality is sufficiently different because of the productivist systems continue having a great acceptation between the European farmers.

For many outsiders, the accelerating failure of governments in western Melanesia in the last decade has been difficult to understand. At independence, though their resources ranged from the rich diversity in Papua New Guinea to the less abundant, but still substantial in Solomon Islands, it seemed that with goodwill and some temporary assistance from developed nations in the region their future would be assured. Yet since independence, overall Melanesian living standards and personal security have declined; and more and more aid is being requested from donors. This essay seeks to answer the questions, "What went wrong in Solomon Islands? Why was the government overthrown in mid 2000? Why did civil war erupt mainly between Guadalcanal and Malaitan people?" The answers are to be found partly in recent regional and global factors that have impacted this state since independence, such as the Bougainville conflict, the fall in commodity prices in the 1980s, and the burgeoning of Neo-Classical economics in the West. More significant, however, are the deeper structures and patterns of the more distant past. This essay will first examine the nature of traditional Solomons' societies and how these operated at the local level, the significance of local identity, and other enduring Melanesian values that continue to influence politics. The nature of Christianity and colonialism will next be considered because these have also left their mark, often changing the balance of population-resource ratios, encouraging greater mobility and raising expectations that have fostered dependence on global economic linkages. Regional expressions of social, economic and political ways and means emerged both before and after the Second World War, but these indigenous protest movements largely collapsed in the face of the colonial government's opposition. This essay argues that independent governments have not fulfilled the aspirations they represented. Though Christianity in its various forms has become more naturalised, the political structures bequeathed by the British are foreign additions that have not sat well on the Melanesian foundation. Yet Solomon Islander politicians in the years since independence have done no more than tinker with them, because they have given such men a degree of personal power in the disposal of resources. The incongruities and failure of these structures to deliver good governance peaked in 2000, with conflict between the Guadalcanal and Malaitan militias. These incongruities remain still, in spite of some propping up of the semblance of government by interested outside nations and donor bodies. ; AusAID

Pat O'Shane is a sometimes controversial public figure who has maintained a media profile alongside her public service roles as head of the Department of Aboriginal Affairs and as a magistrate in New South Wales. Born in Northern Queensland to an Aboriginal mother and Irish father, O'Shane describes an early life of family poverty and discrimination in school. She recalls being subject to both racist and sexist taunts. Despite a period of mental illness and an early divorce, O'Shane has, by any standards, been a high achiever (O'Shane 1984b; Mitchell 1984, 2001). Expressing a strong commitment to promoting social justice for marginalised groups, she has made contributions to Aboriginal and feminist politics in deed and in the public debate. Yet her views do not always accord with the views of the political communities (or publics) she supports. Her public observations about sexism within the Aboriginal community and about racism within the Women's Movement (O'Shane 1976) have made O'Shane's public voice unique. The intent of this analysis is not to provide a profile of a public individual as much as to gain some insight into how feminism has been represented in the context of media reports about Pat O'Shane. This paper characterises O'Shane as an example of a synthetic identity – a public figure marked by identity difference but able to achieve media publicity for political causes within the norms and conventions of news reporting. O'Shane's public identity has been forged by a public status as "first Aboriginal woman to…" and by a narrative of individual struggle and achievement which she and the media have cultivated and sustained. An analysis of reports in the mainstream press (including the Sydney Morning Herald (SMH), the Age, the Australian and the Canberra Times) indicates that identity difference is marginal to a populist narrative about individual struggle and success. Yet, in the wake of media publicity O'Shane creates opportunities for public debate about race and gender politics. And whether we agree with her comments or not, O'Shane often provides opportunities for Aboriginal and feminist groups to establish a position within the mainstream public debate. Yet, the high visibility of synthetic identities is a mixed blessing in the promotion of these political causes because synthetic identities also work to imply democratic access rather than to challenge the myth of a unified and accessible public sphere. I argue that synthetic identities should not be viewed for their mimetic accuracy but should be appreciated as an example of diversity in the public sphere. Whether diversity furthers identity politics remains the question.

A similar kind of moving target confronts low-wage workers and welfare recipients in the United States today. The half-truth at the center of the last decade's welfare reform is the notion that work provides independence, dignity, and stability. But when welfare recipients move into the labor market, are they welcomed with open arms as fellow citizens? Not exactly. Many of the same institutions that have fought hardest for welfare reform have also been laboring to minimize the dignity and stability of U.S. low-wage jobs--by fighting unions, resisting minimum-wage increases, dropping health benefits, raiding pensions, attacking workers' compensation, and weakening unemployment insurance. This is a central theme of both Peter Edelman's and Michael Katz's important new books: U.S. welfare policies shouldn't be looked at in isolation, but as part of a much broader fabric of public and private social insurance. Only by studying this larger picture can we intelligently argue about the fundamental questions of work and family that are conjured by the word 'welfare.' Unfortunately, the structure of Edelman's book undermines a full discussion of these questions. He has a great deal to say about the personal virtues and misdeeds of RFK and Clinton, but makes few systematic arguments about how the external political environment made Kennedy's and Clinton's actions possible. Edelman is certainly aware of popular movements--he writes respectfully of the United Farm Workers and Boston community organizers--but in the book's telling they seem to come and go like the weather. Hence the gauzy metaphor of Edelman's title: once America had 'heart,' and now that heart seems mysteriously to have been misplaced. THERE IS REASON to believe that something like this is actually happening. In 1996, the AFL-CIO took the lead in fighting for an increased minimum wage, a victory that benefited not only union members but millions of other workers. And many states have recently created (imperfect, fragile) new child care and health care programs to accompany welfare reform. In Milwaukee, the city whose welfare rolls have dropped most dramatically, a growing coalition of churches, neighborhood groups, and unions has been waging an aggressive campaign to improve unemployment insurance and to reform Wisconsin's bankruptcy laws, so that workers' back wages will be paid before creditors. (Meanwhile--as if to prove Golden's point--a welfare rights group's campaign to denounce the financial misdeeds of Milwaukee's private welfare agencies has attracted much less attention and generated much less energy.).

Bibliography: pages 71-75. ; After more than two decades of phenomenal economic expansion, Botswana now faces the challenge of slowing economic growth, rising unemployment and increasing poverty. The minerals sector, which dominated economic growth since the late seventies, has served the economy well in the past, but social and economic developments have reached a juncture where the broad strategic direction of the economy needs to be re-evaluated. The need to diversify the economy to reduce its reliance on mineral commodities has long been acknowledged by government. One of the sectors of the economy earmarked for diversification was the manufacturing sector. However, in spite of government efforts to promote this industry, the sector's contribution to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has remained small and even declined in recent years. An investigation into those structural features of the economy which are responsible for this record and impose limitations on the sectors' future development is therefore of great relevance. This study attempts such an investigation by focusing mainly on one aspect of the problem: those features related to booms in the minerals sector. More specifically, the study examines the effect of the real exchange rate and real wage rate movements. It also uses case study and survey data to gain insight into other major factors responsible for industrial development and to corroborate the conclusions reached on the basis of macro-economic data. The data collected suggest that Botswana has managed its mineral windfalls relatively well. It shows that the major effects through which mineral windfalls corrode competitiveness of industry -- real exchange rate appreciation and real wage rate increases have been successfully avoided. It is argued, therefore, that the country's industrial backwardness does not necessarily arise from booms in the mining sector. This conclusion is supported by the firm survey which found that low productivity, high utility costs and the lack of skilled labour to be the major impediments to industrial development. The study is intended as a contribution to understanding of the impact of mineral windfalls on the industrial development process in Botswana, but it also offers some policy prescriptions. The major policy recommendations that emerge are that wage rate increases should be tied to productivity improvements, productivity should be raised to international levels through training and the exchange rate be managed in such a manner that it does not undermine the ability of industry to compete in the Southern African Customs Union market.

James Grantham Turner (ed.) Sexuality and Gender in Early Modem Europe: Institutions, Texts, ImagesRichard Burt and John Michael Archer (eds) Enclosure Acts: Sexuality, Property, and Culture in Early Modern EnglandRoddey Reid, Families in Jeopardy: Regulating the Social Body in France, 1750–1910Jann Matlock, Scenes of Seduction: Prostitution, Hysteria, and Reading Difference in Nineteenth‐Century FranceJeffrey R. Watt, The Making of Modern Marriage: Matrimonial Control and the Rise of Sentiment in Neuchâtel, 1550–1800Claire Duchen, Women's Rights and Women's Lives in France, 1944–1968Amanda Anderson, Tainted Souls and Painted Faces: The Rhetoric of Fallenness in Victorian CultureDeborah Epstein Nord, Walking the Victorian Streets: Women, Representation, and the CityAngela Groppi, I Conservatori Delia Virtú. Donne Recluse Nella Roma dei PapiJoanne E. Gates, Elizabeth Robins, 1862–1952: Actress, Novelist, FeministAngela V. John, Elizabeth Robins: Staging a Life, 1862–1952Kenneth A. Lockridge, On the Sources of Patriarchal Rage: The Commonplace Books of William Byrd and Thomas Jefferson and the Gendering of Power in the Eighteenth CenturyChristine Bolt, The Women's Movements in the United States and Britain from the 1790s to the 1920sIan Tyrrell, Woman's World/Woman's Empire: The Woman's Christian Temperance Union in International PerspectiveAudrey Oldfield, Woman Suffrage in Australia: A Gift or a Struggle?The Blaze of DayNancy A. Hewitt and Suzanne Lebsock (eds) Visible Women: New Essays on American ActivismTeresa Anne Murphy, Ten Hours'Labor: Religion, Reform, and Gender in Early Slew EnglandVirginia Bernhard, Betty Brandon, Elizabeth Fox‐Genovese and Theda Perdue (eds) Southern Women: Histories and IdentitiesCatherine Clinton (ed.) Half Sisters of History: Southern Women and the American PastMelvyn Stokes and Rick Halpern (eds) Race and Class in the American South since 1890Catherine Wessinger (ed.) Women's Leadership in Marginal Religions: Explorations Outside the MainstreamWendy E. Chmielewski, Louis J. Kern and Marlyn Klee Hartzell (eds) Women in Spiritual and Communitarian Societies in the United StatesJean Humez (ed.) Mother's First‐Born Daughters: Early Shaker Writings on Women and ReligionW. Peter Ward, Birth Weight and Economic Growth: Women's Living Standards in the Industrializing WestDavid Cordingly, Life Among the Pirates: Fact vs FictionCatherine Wendy Bracewell, The Uskoks of Senj: Piracy, Banditry, and Holy War in the Sixteenth‐Century AdriaticB. R. Berg, Sodomy and the Pirate Tradition: English Sea Rovers in the Seventeenth‐Century Caribbean (New York University Press, New York and London, 1994; rev. ed. of Sodomy and the Perception of Evil)Carol A. B. Giesen, Coal Miners'Wives: Portraits of EnduranceGillian Thomas, A Position to Command Respect: Women and the Eleventh Britannica

With the end of the Franco-Prussian War on January 18, 1871, the German Empire under the leadership of the Hohenzollern king, William of Prussia, was proclaimed in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles. Now Emperor Wilhelm I, Otto von Bismarck, his chancellor, and their staff as federal executives of the Empire possessed important legislative and economic powers. However, the individual states retained rights in some areas such as: education, health services, police protection and some powers of taxation, and in some instances, there was a distrust of the newly organized federal institutions. Consequently, this states' rights concept seemed to have prevented the formation of a highly centralized state and encouraged regional independence. Therefore, when Wilhelm II became emperor of the German Reich in 1888, he inherited a regime that appeared militaristic, authoritarian, and conservative. This premise is the central focus of my thesis. In spite of the authoritarian structure imposed on many aspects of German society by Wilhelm II, there were dissidents like the artists who developed artists' groups in the Empire that challenged the influence of the Kaiser, his concept of art, and the state-supported art institutions that propagated his views. In addition, I examine the reactions of the artists and their associations to the prescribed artistic tastes imposed by the Emperor and his followers. Chapter one of the paper provides a sketch of the social stratum of the Empire and of Wilhelm II. It focuses on the Kaiser's view of his responsibility to German art and his influence in the field of art. Finally, the chapter discusses the role of the state art institutions that the Kaiser supported. The purpose of chapters two and three is to consider the development of those artists' associations which challenged the status quo in German art institutions. These include: Munich Secession, Berlin Secession, Phalanx, New Artists' Association Munich, Blaue Reiter, and Die Brücke. In addition, I discuss those cities, Munich and Dresden, which provided an atmosphere for artistic dissent, as well as, the uniqueness of diverse art associations and their special schools. Second, an attempt is made to explain the reasons for dissolution of and the impact each group had on the development of the succeeding artists' associations. In the conclusion I comment on Expressionism as a challenge to the Emperor and the state-supported art institutions. However, the discussion is limited to an explanation of the artistic spirit that inspired the avant-garde of Expressionism rather than following the development of the movement and its many facets.

Ethnology: The Bamboo Fire: An Anthropologist in New Guinea. William E. Mitchell.Ethnology: Papuan Belief and Ritual. John Parratt.Ethnology: Medicine and Slavery: The Diseases and Health Care of Blacks in Antebellum Virginia. Todd L. Savitt.Ethnology: Bibliography of New Religious Movements in Primal Societies. Volume II: North America. Harold W. Turner.Ethnology: Pouvoir des Vivants, Langage des Morts: Idéo‐logiques Sakalava. J. F. Baré.Ethnology: 'Elota's Story: The Life and Times of a Solomon Islands Big Man. Roger M. Keesing.General and Theoretical: Ethnopsychiatrica: Revue Semestrielle Bilingue. George Devereux.General and Theoretical: The Illustrated Golden Bough. James G. Frazer.General and Theoretical: Towards the Elimination of Racism. Phyllis A. Katz.Applied Anthropology: Caring for Ourselves: An Alternative Structure for Health Care. Nancy Kleiber and Linda Light.Applied Anthropology: In Search for Community: Encounter Groups and Social Change. Kurt W. Back.Applied Anthropology: Future Directions in Health Care: A New Public Policy. Rick J. Carlson and Robert Cunningham.Applied Anthropology: The Culture of a Community College. Howard B. London.Applied Anthropology: Urban Problems: Psychological Inquiries, Readings and Text. Neil C. Kalt and Sheldon S. Zalkind.Applied Anthropology: Urban Utopias in the Twentieth Century: Ebenezer Howard, Frank Lloyd Wright, and Le Corbusier. Robert Fishman.Physical Anthropology: The Primate Forelimb: A Morphometric Study of Locomotor Diversity. Marc R. Feldeman.Physical Anthropology: Essays on Kuru. R. W. Hornabrook.Physical Anthropology: Ancient Disease in the Midwest. Dan Morse.Physical Anthropology: Human Population Genetics. Russell M. Reid.Physical Anthropology: The Stature of Early Southern California Indian Populations. Spencer L. Rogers.Physical Anthropology: Verhandlungem der Gesellschaft fur Anthropologie und Humangenetik: 13. Tagung vom 10.‐13. Oktober 1973 in Giessen. Ulrich Schaefer.Physical Anthropology: Okologie, Lebensweise und Sozialverhalten der grauen Languren in verschiedenen Biotopen Indiens. Christian Vogel.Linguistics: Diccionario de la Lengua Guajira: Guajiro Castellano. Miguel Angel Jusayú.Linguistics: Phonétique historique haïtienne (l'haïtien, nouvelle langue romane). Michelson P. Hyppolite.Linguistics: Korean Clause Structure. Shin Ja Joo Hwang.Linguistics: Diccionario Tzotzil de San Andrés con Variaciones Dialectales. Alfa Hurley Vda. de Delgaty and Agustín Ruíz Sánchez.Linguistics: Wikchamni Grammar. Geoffrey Gamble.Linguistics: First Fire: Central and South American Indian Poetry. Hugh Fox.Linguistics: Zalmoxis: The Vanishing God. Comparative Studies in the Religions and Folklore of Dacia and Eastern Europe. Mircea Eliade.Linguistics: Lexique Analytique du Vocabulaire Inuit Moderne au Quebec‐Labrador. Louis‐Jacques Dorais.Linguistics: Amharic Verb Morphology: A Generative Approach. M. Lionel Bender and Hailu Fulass.Linguistics: The Ethiopian Nilo‐Saharans. M. Lionel Bender.Archaeology: Historical Archaeology: A Guide to Substantive and Theoretical Contributions. Robert L. Schuyler.Archaeology: Man's Rise to Civilization: The Cultural Ascent of the Indians of North America. Rev. 2nd ed. Peter Farb.

The Three Revolutions of China: a 28 years Review of Socialist Edification.
When Mao Tse-tung proclaimed the Republic of China in October 1949, the nation was in a deplorable economic end political situation. The communist party aimed to reorganize the country by way of a revolution that has taken place on three fronts: the political front, party efforts directed at taking over power; the economic front, directed at transforming production; the cultural front, bringing about a change in the mentality to reinforce the action taken on the political and economic fronts.
The political revolution, based on the principles of Marxism-Leninism, developed and extended through the doctrine of Mao Tse-tung. This brought about dictatorship of the proletariat and the formation of a state based on democratic centralism, in which power is exercised by elected popular assemblies and the communist party. This state is founded on the principle of democratic rights, such as freedom for all people, excepting enemies such as counter-revolutionaries, who are deprived of all rights of expression. For ethnic minorities special provisions are made to safeguard the originality of their culture, while for women judicial and economic measures have been taken to enable them to a accede to a condition of equality.
On the economic front, action constitutes progressive socialization of the means of production. Planned economy based on the concept of "stand on your own two feet" and "accomplish the task yourself" is geared to prevent waste and encourage a mass spirit of initiative and invention. Very satisfying results have been recorded in agriculture and industry.
Although revolution on the cultural front accompanies the two other movements, it became apparent in 1966-69, when great changes were made in education, science, technology, art and literature. An effort was made to abandon previous forms and forge a culture of the proletariat which would be at once: national, taking into account the rich heritage of Chinese civilization; scientific, ridding the culture of negative elements; and created by and for the masses, and not a privileged minority.
In conclusion, despite continuing difficulties, in particular regarding the choice of leaders for top authority, the net results appear to be positive: China has come out of dire poverty and become independent both politically and economically, having done away with a certain number of social evils which continue to plague richer, more developed societies.

Currently, the U.S. reports some of the worst health outcomes while spending the most money on health care when compared to other developed countries in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). In 2018, Americans took out $88 billion in debt to cover the cost of medical care and approximately 28.5 million individuals remained uninsured. Despite poor health outcomes across the country, health care reform is a highly controversial issue and has been for the last century. Historically, elites in the Republican party have aligned themselves with New Right political philosophies, which stand for a privatized health care system with minimal government involvement. Elites in the Democratic party have aligned with Pluralist political philosophies, which is an orientation that encourages government oversight to protect the health of its citizens. Recently there has been a rise in political polarization that has stemmed from the asymmetric movement of the Republican Party further to the right escalating the controversy around health care reform. In addition to growing polarization, recent studies have found that politicians are more responsive to the affluent classes while concurrently accumulating an influx of wealth. When neglecting to vote with the majority of their constituents, politicians have tried to change public opinion rather than address it. These short-term manipulation strategies have been found to confuse constituents more than mobilize them, contributing to the controversy around health care reform today. This project aims to understand how macro level structures affect public opinion on government funding of health care utilizing the thermostatic model and the works of Nicos Poulantzas and Michel Foucault as theoretical frameworks to understand how political structures influence public opinion and how political structures are shaped within Capitalistic societies. Specifically, the current study examines how the political leaning of Congress and the Presidency, total lobbying dollars contributed by the top five medical industries, and the number of health care bills passed per year affects public opinion on government funding of health care between 1986 and 2018. The data were accumulated from multiple sources including the General Social Survey, OpenSecrets.org, GovTrack.us, and the Senate, House, and White House websites. After completing bi-variate and multi-variate autoregressive integrated moving average (ARIMA) models the only variable that was found to impact public opinion was the political party of the Presidency. ; 2019-08-01 ; M.A. ; Sciences, Sociology ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

It is customary to regard the planning function as being distributed over three levels of government—national, local and regional. This analysis radically differs from existing administrative machinery in most modern states: nevertheless it has been widely recognized that comprehensive, nation-wide planning cannot be carried out solely through the normal processes of national and local government. There is a need for a new level of power and responsibility: a level of government intermediate in function between central government and the municipality both geographically and administratively. To quote E. A. Gutkind: "Planning implies a systematic procedure starting from the top and the bottom at the same time. It includes large-scale plans as well as local plans, or in other words, its general framework consists of a national plan while local plans constitute, as it were, the cellular components which are bound together through the medium of regional schemes. Consequently planning proceeds on the different levels of national, regional and local activities forming one coherent whole …."Although this idea is probably true of planning, however its field is defined, it is worth remembering that the word is loose in meaning, and that under it several very different activities have been lumped together. In its commonest usage, planning means city planning: the reconstruction of cities to render them more efficient and more liveable. Though such planning usually requires permissive national legislation for its prosecution, it is emphatically a local activity, carried out normally in the smallest governmental units. Primarily, it is a matter for the architect and the engineer. But equally vital (perhaps more vital) to the community is the planning work of the conservationist, who is concerned to stop the wastage of physical resources and amenities. In the United States, the conservation movement has gathered impetus in this century until there are now many governmental agencies wholly concerned with work of this character. The work chiefly rests with either state or federal agencies: it involves too great an expenditure and too wide a viewpoint to be carried out locally. Lastly there is the group of purely national activities we can label economic and social planning, which may cover anything from public investment policies to such matters as the relocation of industry, the colonization of hitherto undeveloped country, or the systematic restriction of some field of production.

Dominion Order-in-Council 1003 passed in February of this year promises to be epoch-making in labour relations in Canada. It commands the parties to bargain collectively, assists them to reach agreement, names and enjoins against both employer and workers certain practices opposed to wholesome bargaining relations, and sets up a special Board judicial in character to administer and enforce the Order. Following as it does in the wake of a half-dozen provincial statutes reaching toward the same general purpose, its appearance calls for a review of state policy with respect to collective bargaining in modern industrial society. What are the trends? And with what particular phases of the movement has the State concerned itself across a century and a half? What is to be the future status of collective agreements at law?The attitude and behaviour of the State may conveniently be considered in three phases which are only roughly separable in time. In some countries all three have been experienced while in others progress has been made only to the second. There is considerable difference in opinion in fact whether the change from the second to the third represents the true path of social advance. The first phase is found in the earlier nineteenth-century outlook and practice of State opposition to collective bargaining (a condition which in some countries continued well into the twentieth). The second involves the withdrawal of opposition but where collective bargaining is regarded as outside the State's responsibility. Trade unions and employers' associations are treated as voluntary autonomous associations having important dealings with one another, but collective agreements have no status as contracts; neither in negotiating or enforcing, in assisting or in interpreting does the State lend its authoritative hand. The two collective parties are left to work it out for themselves without benefit of sovereign authority. Third we find the phase of positive State participation, operating as the case may be (1) through compulsion in labour disputes seen in its fullest in Australia; (2) through making collective agreements enforceable at law and thus making the parties responsible for performance, practised for many years in Sweden; (3) through compelling the parties (and particularly the employer) to negotiate with a view to forming agreements, the classic example being the United States since the middle 1930's; and finally (4), in addition to this last, through assuming a responsibility for assisting them to reach agreement and provide adequate machinery for interpretation and enforcement, these being the heavy tasks of government under the Canadian Order.