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The approach that should be used by law enforcement officers in order to safely and effectively enter a room is a point of contention among many police trainers. Based on five experiments conducted over a two-year period, Evaluating Police Tactics demonstrates that the conventional wisdom is not optimal. Using the scientific method to systematically assess current room entry philosophies and techniques employed by police, Evaluating Police Tactics offers suggestions for examining the current philosophies and determining how patrol officers can enter scenes of ongoing violence, find the shooter, and stop the killing as safely and effectively as possible. About the Real-World Criminology Series More than just textbooks, the short books in the Real-World Criminology series are designed to be of interest to particular fields within criminology. They can be policy primers, spurring innovations in policing and corrections, theoretical works dealing with policy implications, or program evaluations incorporating theoretical foundations. Each book covers something that is happening -or should be happening-in the world of criminal justice.

Cyberbullying of women and girls is not just a violation of human rights, it is a global phenomenon that is destroying the lives of women and their families around the world. Using a hermeneutic documentary methodology, the objective of the study was to determine the legal mechanisms for the use of social networks as a means of combating gender violence and thus outline the main problems of their application of the law. Everything indicates that social networks, as an effective means of forming positive public opinions, can form a positive image of women and the appropriate attitude of men towards them, and as well as contribute to combating violence on the Internet. The system for combating gender-based violence consists of prevention, protection, criminal responsibility, and a comprehensive gender policy. It concludes that international gender policy standards have been found to be based on a model of "real equality", which is ensured through the achievement of equal opportunities, equal access to opportunities and equal performance.

It is important to consider the conditions of prison life in understanding how individuals rejoin society at the conclusion of their sentence. Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT) is an evidence-based approach that promotes new ways of thinking and behaving for both incarcerated persons and correctional staff that will better prepare returning citizens to be valuable community members. We consider that "since criminal behavior is driven partly by certain thinking patterns that predispose individuals to commit crimes or engage in illegal activities, the widespread implementation of CBT [and immersive cognitive communities] as part of correctional programming could lead to fewer re-arrests and lower likelihood of reincarceration." This article includes short, intermediate, and long-term policy and practice recommendations to begin implementing this model, beginning with funding to support the implementation of Cognitive Communities, re-branding prisons to focus on rehabilitation, and finally making the reduction of prison-sentencing through shorter prison terms and more reliance on community sanctions a long-term policy goal in the U.S.

Abstract
Historically, youths who are affected by commercial sexual exploitation (CSE) in the United States have been implicated as perpetrators of crime and overrepresented in the juvenile justice system. As an intriguing example of the "smart decarceration" social work grand challenge, policy and practice initiatives have converged to decriminalize cisgender girls and young women experiencing CSE by reframing them as victims of exploitation rather than as criminals. To date, these efforts have largely focused on gender-specific programming for cisgender girls and young women. In this article, the authors describe how federal, state, and local policy and practice innovations have supported reframing CSE as a form of child maltreatment and rerouted girls and young women from the juvenile justice system to specialized services. Using Los Angeles County as a case example, the authors detail how innovative prevention, intervention, and aftercare programs can serve as models of smart decarceration for CSE-affected cisgender girls and young women with the potential to address the needs of youths with diverse gender and sexual identities.

PURPOSE –: The purpose of this paper is to briefly address three interrelated areas of concerns – victimization, housing placement and healthcare provision – related to the health and welfare of transgender women in jails, prisons and other types of detention facilities. DESIGN/METHODOLOGY/APPROACH –: Drawing on a growing body of research on health risks for transgender women who are detained in facilities in California and elsewhere, the authors provide recommendations for policy and practice that constitutes gender-affirming healthcare for transgender women behind bars. FINDINGS –: Policymakers, correctional leaders, and prison-based clinicians have a number of opportunities to address the welfare of transgender women in jails, prisons and other types of detention facilities. ORIGINALITY/VALUE –: This policy brief offers concrete steps government officials can take to better meet their professional and constitutional obligations, provide higher quality care for transgender women involved in the criminal justice system, and effectuate positive changes in transgender women's health and welfare both inside and outside of carceral environments.

Since 2002 there has been a broad and extensive process to develop new legislation relating to mental health and mental capacity which is of interest as it represents a new departure in terms of such legislation. The Mental Capacity Act (Northern Ireland) 2016 legislates a fusion approach to mental capacity/mental health law. The provisions of the Act apply in general to people who are aged 16 and over and it goes beyond a proposed 'model law' of the fusion type in that it incorporates criminal justice provisions.This article provides an overview of the process of development of the Mental Capacity Act (Northern Ireland) 2016. The Act has its origins in the Recommendations of the Bamford Review of Mental Health and Learning Disability which are considered first. The publication of these recommendations was followed by an extended policy development process which is discussed next. Following an overview of the contents of the Act, key issues which emerged during the policy development and legislative processes are outlined.

Since 2002 there has been a broad and extensive process to develop new legislation relating to mental health and mental capacity which is of interest as it represents a new departure in terms of such legislation. The Mental Capacity Act (Northern Ireland) 2016 legislates a fusion approach to mental capacity/mental health law. The provisions of the Act apply in general to people who are aged 16 and over and it goes beyond a proposed 'model law' of the fusion type in that it incorporates criminal justice provisions. This article provides an overview of the process of development of the Mental Capacity Act (Northern Ireland) 2016. The Act has its origins in the Recommendations of the Bamford Review of Mental Health and Learning Disability which are considered first. The publication of these recommendations was followed by an extended policy development process which is discussed next. Following an overview of the contents of the Act, key issues which emerged during the policy development and legislative processes are outlined.

In academic and policy circles, there is widespread optimism about the ability of reentry to change the terms of the punishment debate. In this article, we assess the impact of the reentry concept on discourse and reform in Colorado through analysis of the recent work of the Colorado Criminal and Juvenile Justice Commission. We identify two distinct reentry narratives, which we call the reintegration and recidivism reduction narratives. The reintegration narrative challenges dominant assumptions about punishment in ways consistent with the rehabilitation model, while the recidivism reduction narrative stays close to the retributive model. While the reintegration narrative was clearly present in the Colorado conversation about reform, most of the policy recommendations put forth were driven by the recidivism reduction narrative, in large part due to concerns about potential public perceptions of the Commission's work. We conclude that reentry has not only failed to change the discourse in any significant way, it has also served to further entrench the retributive framework of punishment.

This thesis is about the offending careers and biographies of young people in contact with criminal justice agencies in the city of Dublin. Initiated in 2006, the research was set against a backdrop of a changing discourse on youth justice in Ireland as the priorities of preventing offending and diverting young people away from crime became enshrined in Irish youth justice policy. Legislation and policies informed by this discourse, however, were introduced against a dearth of empirical research on youth crime. Despite the rhetoric of a holistic approach to tackling youth offending, the language of individualisation and 'risk assessment' remains within recent youth justice strategies. In stark contrast, the study allowed for indeterminacy in young people's offending experiences. Thus, drawing on interactionist conceptualisations and on a long history of qualitative research in criminology, the study permitted the subjective responses of young people to their social position to emerge. ; TARA (Trinity?s Access to Research Archive) has a robust takedown policy. Please contact us if you have any concerns: rssadmin@tcd.ie

This paper reviews and assesses some of the key trends in recent United States-Latin American policy with particular focus on trade and investment liberalization and security issues pertaining to the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas. The paper looks in particular at the extent to which the terrorist attacks on 9/11 contributed to a sharpening of American policy on internal subversion in the region, with particular attention to FARC (The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia), the ELN (National Liberation Army) and the main paramilitary organization in Colombia. Such groups, the paper, notes, have constituted a twin threat, since they both threaten civil society within Colombia and have contributed to serious border problems with neighbouring countries. At the same time they have been closely tied to the narcotics industry and as such are perceived by American officials to contribute both the organized criminal activities in the United States as well as political and destabilization in the region.

The 'frozen conflict' between the Moldovan central state and the separatist Transnistrian region has caused numerous security problems in the immediate neighbourhood of the EU – from flourishing criminal networks to a controversial Russian military presence. This article examines how the EU has responded to these security challenges, both on a rhetorical and practical level. The theoretical framework that guides the analysis assumes that in contrast to earlier concepts of the EU as a foreign policy actor, in particular the civilian and normative power Europe concepts, the EU is not a singletype actor. EU foreign policy is rather characterized by two conflicting approaches: on the one hand, by a security provider approach and, on the other hand, a security consumer approach. In the case of EU conflict management in Moldova, it is argued that the EU has turned from a passive security consumer into an emerging security provider, though the possibility exists that due to Russia's influence the EU may become once more a security consumer.

For many decades, governments have successfully intercepted telecommunications to collect information about—potential—criminals and terrorists. A crucial part of contemporary policy is legislation that requires telecommunications providers to make their networks and services interceptable. This paper discusses two examples of interceptability legislation: the Communications Assistance for Law Enforcement Act (CALEA) in the US and the Telecommunications Act in the Netherlands, in order to focus on basic questions, considerations, and trade-offs relevant to designing legal interceptability laws. In particular, the sustainability of interceptability policies as laid down in these laws is questioned, since they are under significant pressure. Technical and market developments challenge their effectiveness and costs. These developments include IP-based services, seamless roaming, default encryption at various telecommunications layers, and the 'identity boom'. Market challenges include substantial shifts in the value chain and the explosion of traffic volumes. This paper aims to determine which interceptability policy is best suited for coping with the challenges that lie ahead.

The 'frozen conflict' between the Moldovan central state and the separatist Transnistrian region has caused numerous security problems in the immediate neighbourhood of the EU – from flourishing criminal networks to a controversial Russian military presence. This article examines how the EU has responded to these security challenges, both on a rhetorical and practical level. The theoretical framework that guides the analysis assumes that in contrast to earlier concepts of the EU as a foreign policy actor, in particular the civilian and normative power Europe concepts, the EU is not a singletype actor. EU foreign policy is rather characterized by two conflicting approaches: on the one hand, by a security provider approach and, on the other hand, a security consumer approach. In the case of EU conflict management in Moldova, it is argued that the EU has turned from a passive security consumer into an emerging security provider, though the possibility exists that due to Russia's influence the EU may become once more a security consumer.

This article discusses the central importance in Western Europe of active drug users/injectors working with their peers to combat the spread of HIV and reduce other health problems. The structure and workings of several different peer organizations are described, and an important distinction is made between "self-help" versus drug-user "unions" or "interest" groups. The roots of the first drug-user unions are traced to the junkiebonden that surfaced in the Netherlands in the early 1970s. Now, the European Peer Support Project, which is described, coordinates projects in six different western European countries, supporting several different initiatives, and producing training programs and manuals for users to assist them in their organizing efforts. The underlying premise of drug-user self-organizations is that repressive drug policy, as defined by criminal laws, is not only a fundamentally inappropriate approach to the "drug problem;" repressive drug policy is partly responsible for the creation of the "drug problem" in the first place.

В статье представлены результаты исследования риторики российских властей в отношении молодёжи в течение последних четырех лет. В основе анализа находится конструкционистская исследовательская программа Питера Ибарры и Джона Китсьюза, высвечивающая четыре измерения дискурса социальных проблем: риторические идиомы, лейтмотивы, стили конструирования проблем, контрриторические стратегии. Автор сосредоточивается на выявлении лейтмотивов властной риторики в отношении молодёжи: повторяющихся конструкций, выражающих главные аспекты проблематизируемых ситуаций и реакции на них. Анализ риторики подтверждает предположение о прагматичном отношении российской властной элиты к молодёжи. Властями проблематизируется предполагаемое внешнее воздействие на молодых людей, тогда как ряд ситуаций: ограниченность жизненных шансов молодёжи, распространение ВИЧ/СПИДа, репрессивность уголовной политики и пр. статуса проблемы не имеет. Изучение выступлений президента, государственных программ, докладов и отчётов правительства России показывает, что лейтмотивами властной риторики в отношении молодёжи являются «угроза», «защита» и «традиционные ценности». Власти активно используют конструкцию «традиционные ценности», способствующую конформизму и сохранению «стабильности», без определения того, какие именно традиции российских культур кладутся в их основание. Эти ценности объявляются «истинными» и противопоставляются «квазиценностям» без прояснения принципов такого деления. Выявлены сдвиги во властной трактовке «национальной идеи» — от конкурентоспособности страны к патриотизму, а также патриотизма — от «любви к Отечеству», к готовности защищать государство военными средствами. ; The article deals with the rhetoric of Russian authorities in relation to youth from May, 2012, the beginning of Vladimir Putin's third presidential term, to May, 2016. The study is based on a constructionist research program of four dimensions of social problems discourse developed by Peter Ibarra and John Kitsuse, rhetorical idioms, motifs, claims-making styles,and counter-rhetorics. The analysis focuses on the identification of the motifs of the power rhetoric in relation to young people, that is, recurrent speech constructions highlighting a central dimension of the problematized situation and the responses to it. The analysis of the rhetoric confirms the assumption about the pragmatic attitude of the Russian ruling elite concerning youth. Authorities problematize an alleged external influence on young people, while a number of situations that could be defined as a problem such as the limited life chances of young people, HIV/AIDS, or repressive criminal policy, etc., do not have the status of the problem. The study of speeches of the president, government programs, and Russian government reports shows that the specific motifs of the authorities' rhetoric in relation to youth are "threat," "protection," and "traditional values" while the permanent features of the power discourse are militarization and traditionalism. The authorities emphasize "traditional values" without specifying what these values are. These values are declared as "true" and opposed to "quasi-values," without clarifying the principles of such division. The shifts in the interpretation of the "national idea" from the competitiveness of the country to patriotism, and in the interpretation of patriotism from the "love for Motherland" to the readiness to defend the state by military means, are revealed.