Suchergebnisse

'In der Phase ihres Aufstiegs entwickelten die Freiheitlichen unter Jörg Haider ein auffallendes Geschick, Kritik an ihren fremdenfeindlichen Kampagnen und wiederholten rechtsradikalen Ausritten nicht nur weitgehend unbeschadet zu überstehen, sondern darüber hinaus sogar umzukehren und für die eigene Profilierung zu nützen. Die rhetorische Immunisierung erreichten sie mit Hilfe eines Komplexes von strategischen Diskurspraktiken, welche sich um das von ihnen installierte Schlagwort 'Ausgrenzung' organisierten: Aus dem Umstand, dass Bundeskanzler Vranitzky eine Koalition mit Haider ausschloss, leiteten sie die Behauptung ab, sie würden in undemokratischer Weise 'ausgegrenzt'. Der Autor untersucht einerseits die Funktionsweise dieser Unterstellung, andererseits Aspekte freiheitlicher Anstrengungen, den Begriff im allgemeinen Sprachgebrauch zu etablieren, und beleuchtet ihre Beziehung zu anderen hegemonialpolitischen Taktiken, wie der systematischen Diskreditierung kritischer Stimmen oder der Enteignung und Umdeutung gegnerischer politischer Themen und Diskurselemente. Diese beeinflussten in den 90er Jahren erfolgreich den Deutungsrahmen öffentlicher Debatten und damit die Wahrnehmung politischer Problemlagen in Österreich.' (Autorenreferat)

In this article, we address the question whether political act ivism can be triggered by sustainable consumption. Specific attention is given to the crowding-out and crowding-in hypotheses. The first hypothesis is driven by a conflict view as it assumes that sustainable consumerism displaces the willingness to act collectively. In contrast, the latter hypothesis— crowding-in—frames conscious consumption as a potential political act whereby individual sustainable consumption may trigger political acts such as signing a petition, demonstrating, and voting. To address this issue, German survey data were analyzed (n = 936). Our analysis appears to confirm the crowding-in hypothesis. However, the results of multiple logistic regression analyses also show that the relation between sustainable consumption and political activism depends on the type of political action. Particularly, sustainable consumption does not relate to traditional political actions such as voting, but it does relate positively to less conventional (e.g., attending a demonstration) and online forms of political engagement (e.g., social media activism). Our findings also indicate that the positive association between sustainable consumption and less conventional politics may be moderated by educational attainment, suggesting that it is weakest among less educated groups. The paper ends with the empirical and theoretical conclusions that can be drawn from this study, and indicates some directions for future research.

How did the state protect and then subvert men's household authority when the state was exclusively staffed by men? I answer the above question by critically fusing neo-Weberian scholarship on modern state development with feminist political sociology on gender and the state, and by examining establishment of the French conscription system. When first creating a mass army in the nineteenth century, the French state offered family-based exemptions, balancing between expanding state power and maintenance of men's household authority. However, intensification of twentieth-century total war led to a decrease in family-based exemptions, and the state's diminished support of men's household authority. I thereby identify how the fiscal-military state first supported then diminished men's household authority through one of the state's most masculine arms.

This essay aims to weave together salient moments in the development of the Mexican labor movement, the reorganization of the economy and production starting in the 1980s, the development of Sociology of Work in Mexico, and snapshots from my own autobiography. The biographical perspective helps to illustrate a few parallel lives that formed part of a collective intellectual and political movement in the period under analysis. Our perspective is that the macro shifts are not reducible to the individual events of which they are composed; they may affect individuals' actions, but they do not determine them. Peoples' actions are located within structures, but they require subjectivity to acquire meaning and orient said actions. At least that is how we have believed ourselves to be living all these years.The period of our study begins in the 1970s with the end of the import-substitution period in the Third World, the emergence of a powerful workers' movement in Mexico that questioned corporatist unions and political structures and lasted until the early 1980s when the reorganization of the economy and model of production in large companies happened. This moment also marked the beginnings of today's Sociology of Work in Mexico, which broke with previous conceptions focused on the study of workers' movements and with Dependency theories predominant in Latin American social theory. We found ourselves immersed in these processes, suffering the changes while at the same time, as a new generation of scholars emerged, attempting to exercise influence on union conceptions of labor. This history is the subject of the current essay.

The notion of "political accommodation" applied to the theory and practice of managing cultural diversity could enrich the Russian academic dictionary. Liberal democratic states invented specific mechanisms for political accommodation of cultural differences. Thanks to these mechanisms, the part of the population of a democratic state that is not ready to dissolve into the ethnocultural majority is more or less protected. The law not only prohibits forced assimilation, but also contains a number of norms that allow ethnocultural minorities to maintain their distinctiveness by passing it on from generation to generation. However, this is the case in liberal democracies with a long history. In states that emerged as a result of the collapse of two multinational policies - Yugoslavia and the USSR - the situation sometimes looks quite specific. They take more active measures for cultural homogenization than in previous years. As for Russia, in recent years there have been symptomatic changes in the sphere of ethno-cultural policy, which, although with a number of reservations, can be described in terms of "nationalization".

Food democracy calls for a democratization of the production, distribution, and consumption of food. Researchers and lay citizens are showing a growing interest for initiatives associated with food democracy, yet the specific democratic ideals and involvements that make up food democracy have gained limited attention. Many forms of participation associated with food democracy are market-based, such as buying organic food or joining community-supported agricultural projects. Research shows that market-based logics influence multiple spheres of life and threaten democratic ideals. However, scholars working on political participation have not yet analyzed the influence of market-based logics across forms of participation. This article analyses the action repertoire of food democracy to assess the influence of market-based logics on different forms of food activism. It builds on four critiques of market-based politics to question the relationship between different forms of participation and the market. It addresses three research questions: Which forms of political participation do citizens use to democratize the food regime? Which conceptions of democracy relate to these different forms of food activism? Which critiques of market-based politics apply to different forms of food activism? The article highlights the widespread risk of unequal participation, crowding out, commodification, and state retreat across forms of participation used to democratize food regimes. This study provides insights into the types of democratic renewal being experimented with in the framework of food democracy as well as their limits.

The book is a successful research experiment that has also been successful as a teaching resource. It proposes a critical evaluation of the conceptual tools developed to read and understand a society. Ten sociological concepts are addressed (Community, Citisenship, Social Class, Social Capital, Gender, Executive Class, Political Party, Political Culture, Subculture, Antipolitics) each examined by a young researcher active in the Florentine doctorate of Sociology and Political sociology. An involvement of young people that has allowed a reinterpretation of "old" concepts and the identification of the heuristic effectiveness of "new" concepts.

While the global economic crisis brought no decrease in support of democracy in Poland, its effects turned out to be delayed and indirect. In the pre-crisis survey, a great difference in normative visions of democracy between citizens and MPs, especially concerning economic welfare, has been recorded. Citizens expressed a preference for more redistributive and protective policies while parliamentarians focused mostly on procedural aspects of democracy. Seven years later, we observed a partial convergence of attitudes of these two groups: citizens had lowered their economic expectations, while for MPs economic and redistributive issues became more salient as essential normative characteristics of democracy. However, the extent of this convergence between citizens and political elites differed by political divisions. We argue that differences in post-crisis responsiveness of political elites formed the basis of a major change in Polish politics after 2015