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Canada had always been considered as an Atlantic nation because of its strong traditional ties with the Europe. The paper is an attempt to analyse this conception of Canada and it tries to establish Canada as a Pacific nation. It primarily focuses on Canada's economic and trade ties with the Asian and Pacific countries. The paper investigates the earlier Asia Pacific constructs and attempts to explain the gradual shift towards the construct of Indo Pacific. It also underlies the subtle difference between the two constructs. In an attempt to establish this the paper focuses on Canada's potential to develop an Indo Pacific construct which is based on its position of rule of law and liberal internationalism and cooperation with like minded countries. The paper analyses Canada's position in the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans Pacific Partnership and how this could help Canada to justify and develop its Indo Pacific narrative.

Abstract
This article investigates how the Populist Radical Right (PRR) in the United States has, under the leadership of Donald Trump, reshaped the Republican party and American Politics more broadly. With a platform built on anti-immigrant nativism ("Build the wall"), anti-elite populism ("Drain the swamp") and authoritarian rhetoric ("The election was stolen"), "Trumpism" neatly matches the definition of the PRR, observed in Europe. Based on evidence gathered from survey data and over a dozen elite interviews with American political and civil society leaders, this article explores common features between Trumpism and Europe's PRR as well as breaks and continuities with America's own traditions of populism, nativism, and authoritarianism. Overall, rather than an Americanisation of global politics, this article finds evidence for a Europeanisation of American politics as faith-based culture wars are replaced by a new brand of nativist right-wing identity politics.

Weber's very important theory on the influence of religion on economic behaviour was tested in the societies which belong to different cultural and religious circles. However, due to various socio-political circumstances, the testing of Weber's theoretical-methodological framework has been largely neglected in the countries where Orthodox Christianity is dominant. However, the difficulties that arose in Orthodox societies during the post-socialist transformation, as well as the shift from the economic research paradigm to the cultural one on the global level, along with the revival of religion in Eastern Europe as one of the most important institutions of ideological and social life, contributed to the focus of our scientific interest be directed in this direction. The central questions that we tried to answer on this occasion were primarily related to the specifics of the concept of work in Orthodox Christianity and the relationship to the accumulation of capital.

The e-democracy system that continues to change and develop every year is an exciting topic to continue to be studied. Since the massive development of information and communication technology, research related to e-democracy is now a trend carried out by scholars. The article aims to evaluate the e-democracy research trend through bibliometric analysis techniques in two decades (2001-2020). This article uses a bibliometric analysis with applied VOSviewer to provide researchers with describing data and Gephy software to map network classification. Countries in Europe and the Americas dominate the research and implementation of the e-democracy system through a smaller approach, namely, e-government. This article found nine main clusters of 306 articles that have been coming from different countries, affiliates, and authors. This clusterization mapping was helpful for future researchers in developing and discussing their research on the study of e-democracy.

AbstractThe world is witnessing a dramatic increase in displaced persons in Africa, Asia, South America, and, most recently, Europe. Within this population of violence‐induced displacement are older women, a group that is mostly unseen because research and relief initiatives primarily target younger women and children. This study aimed to explore the changes in the convoys and support for older women in displacement (OWD). Qualitative data were collected from nine OWD using art‐based convoys of concentric circles and interviews. The collected data were analysed in themes, and findings revealed that while there has been intervention from formal organisations to fill the displacement‐induced support gap, supports are still limited, sporadic, not focused on the peculiar needs of OWD, not guided by any framework, and mainly material in design. The study concluded by recommending sustainable support to help OWD become empowered to cope effectively without aid.

This article presents an original and critical interrogation of how disabled activists establish claims and coordinate activities to progress the independent living agenda. The article achieves this by employing Beckett and Campbell's (2015) concept of 'oppositional device', which is used to understand resistance practices and the technologies of power that coalesce around disabled people's collective action. The article argues that the independent living concept could, similarly, be understood as an oppositional device and this holds potential for furthering the emancipatory claims of disabled people's social movements. This allows for an understanding of Independent Living Movements as assemblages of technologies that open heterotopias, which engage in the experimentation of what disabled people can be and do through the ideas of independent living. The article draws on empirical data from a study exploring young disabled people's views and experiences of disability activism across Europe to evidence the claims made.

The starting point for many analyses of European state development is the historical fragmentation of territorial authority. The dominant bellicist explanation for state formation argues that this fragmentation was an unintended consequence of imperial collapse, and that warfare in the early modern era overcame fragmentation by winnowing out small polities and consolidating strong states. Using new data on papal conflict and religious institutions, I show instead that political fragmentation was the outcome of deliberate choices, that it is closely associated with papal conflict, and that political fragmentation persisted for longer than the bellicist explanations would predict. The medieval Catholic Church deliberately and effectively splintered political power in Europe by forming temporal alliances, funding proxy wars, launching crusades, and advancing ideology to ensure its autonomy and power. The roots of European state formation are thus more religious, older, and intentional than often assumed.

Bourges est candidate pour être Capitale européenne de la Culture en 2028. La Ville de Bourges souhaite avec cette candidature défendre les villes petites et moyennes dites "à taille humaine", alors qu'elles subissent depuis de nombreuses années un récit majoritairement péjoratif. Ce changement de paradigme passe avant tout par un narratif positif autour des territoires d'avenir qui rassemblent les villes moyennes et la ruralité environnante et qui proposent un rapport différencié à la vie et au temps. Les territoires de proximité comme Bourges sont la colonne vertébrale de l'Union européenne. Bourges 2028 a construit un projet authentique qui répond aux défis de mobilités, de l'impact carbone de la construction de nouvelles infrastructures, des droits sociaux des artistes et des auteurs en Europe, de la participation des citoyens dans la programmation artistique de la ville. Ce sont autant de réflexions qui permettront de prototyper la ville de demain.

This article analyzes the individual factors that help explain the electoral support for Jair Bolsonaro in the 2018 Presidential elections in Brazil in light of the findings for the Populist Radical Right (PRR) in Western Europe. The present article contributes to the comparative literature on the determinants of the vote for the PRR in a non-European country. Analyzing the rise of the PRR in Latin America is particularly relevant since structural constraints limit its chances. To carry out our analysis, we rely on survey data from the Brazilian Electoral Study (BES). Beyond some specificities due to differences in the articulation of the PRR's main ideologies, we found that while certain determinants of the vote for the PRR in Brazil are in line with the hypothesis based on the European experience, others respond to country and region-level indicators like negative identity toward the PT.

The four research interviews with Mircea Eliade (1907–1986) were taken by Mac Linscott Ricketts (1930–2022), who embarked on the project of writing a massive monograph on the Romanian period (1907–1945) of his former professor's life and work. For this purpose, he conducted research in Eliade's own archive in Chicago and travelled to Bucharest to consult the pre-World War II publications. Taken between 1981 and 1984, the interviews aim to clarify less known or contentious aspects of Eliade's biography and intellectual formation. A fifth interview, planned for 1986, was outrun by the sudden death of the great historian of religions. Ricketts replaced it with a short conversation with his wife, Chistinel. The manuscript of the interviews preserved in Ricketts's personal archive, now in the library of the New Europe College in Bucharest, was retrieved by Liviu Bordaș, who edited and enriched it with explanatory notes.

Au tournant des années 1990, David Card est l'un des principaux initiateurs d'une évolution majeure de la recherche en sciences économiques. Dès lors, la qualité d'une recherche empirique ne se juge plus seulement à ses liens avec un modèle théorique formel, mais avant tout à la pertinence des hypothèses sous lesquelles sont identifiées les relations de cause à effet entre grandeurs économiques. S'appuyant sur une palette de méthodes quasi-expérimentales, David Card contribue de manière décisive à nombre de débats majeurs, dont ceux sur le salaire minimum, l'immigration, la ségrégation raciale ou l'éducation. La recherche empirique en économie gagne en autonomie, en prestige et en audience, notamment auprès des autres sciences sociales. A partir d'une analyse inédite des publications de certaines revues emblématiques, nous retraçons la façon dont les approches quasi expérimentales promues par David Card ont fini par se diffuser en Europe et en France. Classification JEL. B31, A14, B41

AbstractSince childbearing desires, and trends in these desires, differ across populations, the inclusion of women who want to become pregnant in the denominator for unintended pregnancy rates complicates interpretation of intercountry differences and trends over time. To address this limitation, we propose a rate that is the ratio of the number of unintended pregnancies to the number of women wanting to avoid pregnancy; we term these conditional rates. We computed conditional unintended pregnancy rates for five‐year periods from 1990 to 2019. In 2015–2019, these conditional rates per 1,000 women per year wanting to avoid pregnancy ranged from 35 in Western Europe to 258 in Middle Africa. Rates with all women of reproductive age in the denominator have concealed stark global disparities in the ability of women to avoid unintended pregnancies, and they have understated progress in regions where the fraction of women wanting to avoid pregnancy has increased.

This thematic section seeks to contribute to emerging research on gender and policy that combines post-adoption and ideational approaches to address how and why ideas matter in gender equality policy implementation. In this article, the two research streams are first discussed. Next, the potential ingredients for gender transformation from current research are presented and then examined in the cases of post-adoption in Spain, the UK, the Netherlands, France and the Council of Europe in the four contributions to the thematic section. The concluding comparative assessment confirms what research has already found: the interplay between actors, ideas and institutions is crucial. Who comes forward and the ideas and political meanings those actors advance are what ultimately matter, dictated in certain policy sectors by the institutional micro-foundations of that domain. The article ends with the lessons learned from, and next steps that come out of, this thematic section.

AbstractSpecialized indices of immigration, immigrant integration policies, and citizenship policies are expanding the confines of our knowledge in the field of comparative migration policies. Emigration policies, however, have garnered less attention. We address this gap in the literature, by using a new data set to create an index that measures contemporary emigration regulations of 32 polities across three regions in the world (Asia, Europe and Latin America and the Caribbean). Based on this exploratory exercise, we examine the assumptions about emigration controls and policies being a matter of the past or belonging to non‐democratic regimes. We find that emigration policies go beyond the mere regulation of the right to exit. Different components across a continuum from restriction to encouragement of emigration suggest different rationales and purposes of states, even if the hardest forms of emigration control, such as exit bans are absent in the studied sample.

Since Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the Belt and Road Initiative in 2013, China has increasingly engaged in UNESCO's Silk Roads project. China's emphasis on its western routes signals its strategic interest in the reconstruction of its historical connections that matches China's global networking in Eurasia, the Middle East, and Europe. However, whether China will successfully reformulate the international visions of the past, present, and future for its benefit remains an open question. This article focuses on the responses from Japan and South Korea, both of which hold critical positions as the owners of eastern Silk Roads heritage and the funders of UNESCO's Silk Roads heritage studies and World Heritage nomination assistance. Extending the conceptual framework of memory infrastructure to the study of heritage politics and diplomacy highlights the competitive aspect of a transnational heritage project in shaping and reshaping historical and contemporary geographical landscapes. (JCCA/GIGA)