Suchergebnisse

Die Autoren beschäftigen sich mit den spezifisch organisatorischen Bedingungen des heutigen "Netzwerkkapitalismus" unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Aufkommens neuer "Governances", Produktionslogiken und damit zusammenhängender gesellschaftlicher Semantiken. Gezeigt wird, dass unter den heutigen Bedingungen des Übergangs zu einer "Netzwerkökonomie" immer deutlicher wird, dass Management in sehr viel mehr besteht als der Implementation formaler Governance- und Koordinationsstrukturen (wie Markt und Hierarchie) in der Organisation von Produktionen und Dienstleistungen. Der Aufsatz rekurriert dabei auf das Boltanski/Chiapello-Buch "Der neue Geist des Kapitalismus". Was Boltanski/Chiapello soziologisch interpretieren, wird "ökonomisch aufbereitet"; es gibt eine ökonomische Selbstbeschreibung dieser Vorgänge. Die "projektbasierte Polis" von Boltanski/Chiapello ist eine ausformulierte social network theory, die den sozialen oder community-Aspekt der Netzwerke schärfer herausarbeitet. Das für die ökonomische Theorie aufzunehmen, ist für die Autoren eine Herausforderung. (ICA2)

The United States entered the 21st century actively pursuing a "go-it-alone" approach to international relations. This is especially the case in global environmental affairs, where the United States is now widely perceived as a laggard & even an obstacle to collective action. Yet, the United States was the prime proponent & creator of international environmental organizations in the 1970s. In this article, we analyze the U.S. role in global environmental governance from a historical perspective & present a platform for U.S. re-engagement. We contend that the new U.S. Administration should re-examine its strategy towards global environmental concerns & reinstate a commitment to multilateralism as well as to playing a leadership role. Tables. Adapted from the source document.

E-Governance is a powerful tool for bringing about change to government processes in the developing world. E-governance operates at the cross roads between Information and Communication Technology and government processes, and can be divided into three overlapping domains: e-administration, e-services and e-society. In order to be successful, e-governance must be firmly embedded in the existing government processes, must be supported, both politically and technically, by the governments, and must provide users with reasons to use these on-line domains. In order to maximize the impact, process change needs to be considered part and parcel of e-governance. In this report, we present and evaluate an e-governance programme in the East African country of Uganda. The programme, DistrictNet, tries to provide transparency at the local government level and to improve the provision of public information through the implementation of ICT. DistrictNet started in 2002 and is on-going. The achievements of the programme are presented and evaluated according to the criteria of the three domains of e-governance and their impact on government processes. On the basis of this evaluation, we elicit lessons that can be used to guide similar programmes at the local government levels in the developing world.

While the emerging democracies of Southeast Asia still are characterised by legitimacy crises or have already collapsed, a higher level of political stability persists in most of the region's autocracies. In most countries of South-East Asia, however, the state's monopoly on the legitimate use of force is only partially enforced. In most of the region's countries the potential for further socioeconomic development is seriously constrained by the tight, uncontrolled and opaque nexus of political and economic elites. Yet, given the strategic importance of South-East Asia and the heterogeneity of foreign policy interests of significant third countries, it seems unrealistic in the short to medium term, to expect that development policy could make a structural contribution to the establishment or consolidation of liberal democracy in the region.

In contrast to some other regions, the long-term trend in South Asia – comprising Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka – since 1991 has not been towards more democracy. The significant exception is India, where democratic structures are holding their ground. Political instability and violent conflicts are frequent; achieving a complete monopoly of power poses problems for almost every country. Democratic legitimation is demanded by many people, but in fact democratic, religious and ideological forms of legitimacy as well as clientelism exist side by side. While competence for macroeconomic regulation is growing nearly everywhere, there are major deficiencies in the areas of security, the legal system and social welfare in most countries. Economic growth provides scope for policies of social adjustment and sustainable development, but they have yet to be adequately exploited.