Suchergebnisse

AbstractThe British South Africa Company's conquest of Zimbabwe in the 1890s opened the country to settlement by immigrants from Europe, South Africa, India and other regions. Using their position as benefactors of the emerging colony, the British-born settlers deployed various notions of foreignness to marginalize the indigenous populations and other groups. Focusing on thirty-three years of company rule in Zimbabwe, this article examines how Indian immigrants contested the British attempts toforeignizethem in the emerging colony. Rather than presenting Indian migrants as passive victims of discrimination and marginalization, the study emphasizes their creativity and determination to establish their own destiny, against all odds. It also shows that foreignness in colonial Zimbabwe was a key factor in the politics of power, identity formation and nation-state building. In that respect, the article explores the constructed-ness as well as the malleability of foreignness in processes of nation-state formation in Africa.

In response to the global financial crisis, social policies in Europe and elsewhere incorporated a logic of social investment to reduce (child) poverty and social inequality. Several critiques, however, have been raised against the narrowness of this discourse. In order to introduce another way of seeing, an interview study was conducted inspired by the interpretative paradigm of lifeworld orientation. This has allowed us to acquire a critical, in‐depth understanding of the consequences of economic downturn and unemployment for families with young children (0–3 years old), from their point of view. Findings highlight the importance of listening to parents here and now, in order to be able to take account of their concrete, lived realities within the context of the broader society and critically assess these realities according to principles of human dignity and social justice. Implications for social work practice are discussed.

What are the long-term effects of colonial institutions on insurgency? My article shows the historical origins of insurgency by addressing the puzzle of why the persistent Maoist insurgency, considered to be India's biggest internal security threat, affects some districts along the central eastern corridor of India but not others. Combining archival and interview data from fieldwork in Maoist zones with an original district-level quantitative data set, I demonstrate that different types of British colonial indirect rule set up the structural conditions of ethnic inequality and state weakness that facilitate emergence of Maoist control. I address the issue of selection bias, by developing a new instrument for the British choice of indirect rule through princely states, based on the exogenous effect of wars in Europe on British decisions in India. This article reconceptualizes colonial indirect rule and also presents new data on rebel control and precolonial rebellions.

China's "One Belt One Road" (OBOR) Initiative forms the centerpiece of China's leadership's new foreign policy. The initiative aspires to put the nations of Asia, Oceania, Europe, and Africa on a new trajectory of higher growth and human development through infrastructural connectivity, augmented trade, and investment. The initiative offers tremendous opportunities for international economic cooperation, especially for African nations. This article examines China-Africa relations, centering on the possibility of expanding the OBOR initiative to cover more African nations. Africa has been the focus of China's foreign policy since 2013. A study on the implementation of OBOR in Africa will allow for a better understanding of contemporary China-Africa relations, while hopefully providing answers to some of the questions surrounding the issue. In this article, we carefully examine the economic drivers, challenges – with suggestions on ways to navigate those challenges – and opportunities of the OBOR initiative.

Abstract
The dramatic period of change surrounding the late 1960s saw the emergence and development of Marxist-informed revolutionary challenges to Arab political thought as well as the region's relationship with the global Cold War. Into such debates stepped a renewed Iraqi exile community then living in Western Europe. Initially identifying themselves as the Iraqi Revolutionary Grouping (IRG) they would challenge past Iraqi Marxist and Communist commitments, the emerging authoritarian state and global imperialism through a renewed commitment to Marxist-informed social action, support for the Palestinian cause and direct opposition to increasing U.S. intervention into Iraq and the wider Arab world. Their position shifted the Iraq communist movement discourse from its long-standing subservience to Soviet designs, broadened connections and solidarity with progressive regional actors in an effort to reach beyond the state system and privileged the Palestinian cause.

This study uses data from various sources to examine the determinants of trends in international student migration to the United States. Our results highlight the differential contributions to these trends made by various entry pathways. For example, we find that the overall growth was driven by students using visas that offered the least possibility of US employment following the completion of their studies. We also find that overall student migration trends were significantly affected by global demographic changes. For example, student emigration from Europe was negatively affected by declining fertility trends, percentage of youths, and youth population size. In Asia and Africa, contrasting demographic trends explained the substantial student migration increases observed from these regions. Increases in youth population size had a particularly positive effect on student migration in contexts of economic growth. Finally, the analysis finds a declining significance of English language contexts for fueling overall student migration trends.

Observers across Europe and the world were shocked when British
voters decided in June 2016 to leave the European Union. Since the Brexit
decision, British politics have been in disarray and the government's incoherent
negotiation positions have created much economic and political uncertainty.
Germans and others have had to formulate policy based on assumptions
and predictions. Despite slightly different emphases, all mainstream German
parties have endorsed a harder line rejecting British efforts to cherry pick the
most desirable aspects of a relationship with the EU. This stance accords with
the preferences of European Union actors and the vast majority of member
states. Moreover, the likely effects on the German economy will not be catastrophic.
Thus, as much as Germans prefer that the UK remain in the EU, there
is also little desire to accommodate British demands—and there may even be a
sense of relief.

The Syrian Civil War, now in its sixth year, has displaced an estimated 11 million people (with numbers constantly escalating), nearly half the country's population. Of these, the United Nations estimates 4.8 million Syrians have fled their homeland. News reports have tended to focus on the struggles of those crossing the Mediterranean and seeking asylum in Europe, but most refugees have sought safety in the neighboring countries of Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan, where they have dispersed and "settled" in towns and cities. A comparative few have settled in host government and/or UNHCR sponsored camps. Jordan's Za'atari Camp, just seven miles from the border, is the largest Syrian refugee camp. Its population peaked at more than 120,000 residents and currently has between 75,000 – 80,000 residents most of whom are from the Dara'a area. The camp is numerically equivalent to Jordan's fourth largest city.

The development of political parties in Ukraine is characterized by institutional features that are not typical for political parties of the countries that form the basis for the development of Western European theories. One of the defining characteristics of the political parties of Ukraine is the level of public endorsement, which is one of the lowest in Europe. The growing number of registered political parties clearly stands out against the background of low public endorsement of the institution of political parties. Such parties are not always able to compete in the political battle. Yet the conducted analysis showed that in recent years there's been a growing number of non-party deputies elected on the lists of political parties. This, in its turn, proved to be a negative factor not only for the functioning of political parties, but it also threatens the effective functioning of the parliament.

Two decades after the end of the Soviet Union, the global capitalist economy narrowly escaped total collapse in the 'Great Recession' of 2008–2009. The world in the twenty-first century has entered into a new era of crisis, which is economic, political and environmental. What will happen between now and the mid-twenty-first century that may shape and largely determine the future of humanity for centuries to come. On the occasion of the centennial anniversary of the October Revolution, this article re-evaluates the trajectory of the twentieth century socialism and identifies its legacies. It also considers the unique character of contemporary contradictions and argues that the formation of new industrial working classes may fatally undermine the system's political legitimacy and raise again the 'spectre of communism' that Marx and Engels predicted, this time not only in Europe but also in the entire globe.

AbstractThe role of smuggling in forced migration has been a leading policy challenge of the Syrian refugee crisis in Europe and the Middle East. This study investigates how anti‐smuggling government policies have shaped migratory risks for Syrian refugees in five countries: Jordan, Turkey, Greece, Serbia and Germany. Original evidence from in‐depth interviews (n=123), surveys (n=100), expert interviews (n=75) and ethnography reveal that government anti‐smuggler policies have: (a) endangered Syrian refugees by shifting risk from smugglers to their clients; (b) distorted refugees' perceptions of risk, and; (c) decreased refugees' confidence in government representatives while increasing dependence on smugglers. These data are unique in scope and topic, expanding the existing literature with an emphasis on understudied experiences during migration. The paper concludes with a policy recommendation that acknowledges the reality of smugglers' role in forced migrants' decisions, offering a pragmatic alternative of strategic pre‐emption of smugglers.

This article deals with public, political discourse over One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative in Poland. OBOR has recently become very popular in Poland as it encapsulates the noticeable fascination on China and on geopolitics among parts of Polish society. This article describes this phenomenon and delaminates the mainstream political discourse over OBOR into two main strands: great geopolitical and/or geoeconomic chance (pro-OBOR discourse) and security threat (anti-OBOR). The advocates of the former see the project as a great geopolitical and economic opportunity for Poland; the supporters of the latter find it a threat to Polish security and/or economic interests. This discourse echoes internal divisions within current Polish government on its China policy and can be observed against the background of China's dynamic enter to Central and Eastern Europe, particularly to Czech Republic, Hungary and Serbia.

The social movement literature in Western Europe and North America has oriented much of its theoretical work towards micro-, meso-, and macro-level examinations of its subject of study but has rarely integrated these levels of analysis. This review article broadly documents the leading theoretical perspectives on social movements, while highlighting the contributions made in recent years with regard to the wave of protests across the globe – typified by the Occupy Movement and the 'Arab Spring' – and grievances that are relatively novel in qualitative or quantitative form such as austerity, precarity, and a sense of democratic deficiency. While these novel social processes have invigorated the specialized arena of 'social movement studies' and generated a resurgence of work on social movements beyond the field, this article argues for the need to interconnect levels of analysis in order to develop a more insightful account of contemporary contentious politics.

What determines partisan portfolio allocation in African democracies? Despite the vast literature on government formation in Europe and Latin America, there have been no studies of partisan portfolio allocation in Africa. Although coalition governments are increasingly common in Africa, most studies focus on national leaders, and, thus, we know little about how ministerial posts are divided among cabinet parties. Using an original dataset of coalition governments in Africa from 1990 to 2014, we show that existing theories of partisan portfolio allocation can be successfully applied to African democracies. We find that African parties receive ministerial portfolios in rough proportion to their size, that formateur parties in Africa receive more ministerial portfolios than their European counterparts, and that the "formateur bonus" is greater in Africa's presidential democracies than in its parliamentary ones. Our analyses suggest that scholars can benefit from paying more attention to both coalition governments and legislatures in their analyses of African politics.

Extensive research in a number of disciplines, including economics, social policy, sociology, geography and management have been undertaken relating to migrant participation in the labour market. Given the highly topical nature of migrant employment in Western Europe and the US, the aim of this brief review is to draw together some of the more recent attempts to theorise on the presence of migrants in the labour market, discuss some of the recurrent themes that have emerged from empirical research in this area, consider some of the main implications for policy-making in what now seems likely to be known as the post-Brexit era and outline areas for future research. In doing so, the intention is to contribute to further inter-disciplinary theory-building and to a more nuanced understanding of the complexity of this highly politicised area and the implications of migrant employment for policy and future research.