Suchergebnisse

¿Existe una cultura política católica? A lo largo del siglo XX los laicos y la jerarquía eclesiástica se asociaron a distintas ideologías. Podemos encontrar reformistas católicos en el gobierno de Roque Sáenz Peña (1910-1914), nacionalistas de distintas vertientes en los años treinta, antifascistas durante la Segunda Guerra mundial, católicos peronistas y antiperonistas, y liberacionistas en los convulsionados sesentas y setentas. A este enmarañado cuadro debemos sumarle las relaciones que se establecieron entre religión y cultura, es decir, las formas en las que ambas esferas se rechazaron y se atrajeron, se adaptaron y se combatieron. Si bien se han postulado hipótesis que enfatizan la continuidad de matrices de comportamiento -el integralismo, el mito de la nación católica-, el concepto de cultura política resulta más pertinente para sobrevolar las fronteras estrictamente ideológicas, y analizar qué apropiaciones, vínculos y formas de ser en el mundo permitieron la convivencia de tan diversos grupos en un mismo espacio, su reproducción a lo largo del tiempo y sus conflictos internos. Este artículo pretende explorar los distintos rostros de la cultura política católica en el período de entreguerras, para rastrear aquellos aspectos que permiten hablar de identidades y disidencias. ; Is there a Catholic political culture? Throughout the twentieth century the laity and the hierarchy were associated with different ideologies. We can find Catholic reformers in the government of Roque Saenz Pena (1910-1914), different kinds of nationalists in the thirties, anti-fascists during the Second World War, Catholic Peronists and anti-Peronists, and liberationist in the convulsed sixties and seventies. We must add to this conflictive picture, the relations established between religion and culture, i.e., the ways in which both areas were rejected and were attracted, adapted and fought. While hypotheses that have been postulated emphasizes the continuity of matrices of behavior -the integralism, the myth of the Catholic nation-, the concept of political culture is more relevant to overfly the strictly ideological boundaries, and analyze what appropriations, links and ways of being in the world allowed the coexistence of diverse groups in the same space, reproduction over time and internal conflicts. This article aims to explore the different faces of Catholic political culture in the interwar period, to track those aspects that allow to speak of identities and dissidence.

¿Existe una cultura política católica? A lo largo del siglo XX los laicos y la jerarquía eclesiástica se asociaron a distintas ideologías. Podemos encontrar reformistas católicos en el gobierno de Roque Sáenz Peña (1910-1914), nacionalistas de distintas vertientes en los años treinta, antifascistas durante la Segunda Guerra mundial, católicos peronistas y antiperonistas, y liberacionistas en los convulsionados sesentas y setentas. A este enmarañado cuadro debemos sumarle las relaciones que se establecieron entre religión y cultura, es decir, las formas en las que ambas esferas se rechazaron y se atrajeron, se adaptaron y se combatieron. Si bien se han postulado hipótesis que enfatizan la continuidad de matrices de comportamiento -el integralismo, el mito de la nación católica-, el concepto de cultura política resulta más pertinente para sobrevolar las fronteras estrictamente ideológicas, y analizar qué apropiaciones, vínculos y formas de ser en el mundo permitieron la convivencia de tan diversos grupos en un mismo espacio, su reproducción a lo largo del tiempo y sus conflictos internos. Este artículo pretende explorar los distintos rostros de la cultura política católica en el período de entreguerras, para rastrear aquellos aspectos que permiten hablar de identidades y disidencias. ; Is there a Catholic political culture? Throughout the twentieth century the laity and the hierarchy were associated with different ideologies. We can find Catholic reformers in the government of Roque Saenz Pena (1910-1914), different kinds of nationalists in the thirties, anti-fascists during the Second World War, Catholic Peronists and anti-Peronists, and liberationist in the convulsed sixties and seventies. We must add to this conflictive picture, the relations established between religion and culture, i.e., the ways in which both areas were rejected and were attracted, adapted and fought. While hypotheses that have been postulated emphasizes the continuity of matrices of behavior -the integralism, the myth of the Catholic nation-, the concept of political culture is more relevant to overfly the strictly ideological boundaries, and analyze what appropriations, links and ways of being in the world allowed the coexistence of diverse groups in the same space, reproduction over time and internal conflicts. This article aims to explore the different faces of Catholic political culture in the interwar period, to track those aspects that allow to speak of identities and dissidence.

¿Existe una cultura política católica? A lo largo del siglo XX los laicos y la jerarquía eclesiástica se asociaron a distintas ideologías. Podemos encontrar reformistas católicos en el gobierno de Roque Sáenz Peña (1910-1914), nacionalistas de distintas vertientes en los años treinta, antifascistas durante la Segunda Guerra mundial, católicos peronistas y antiperonistas, y liberacionistas en los convulsionados sesentas y setentas. A este enmarañado cuadro debemos sumarle las relaciones que se establecieron entre religión y cultura, es decir, las formas en las que ambas esferas se rechazaron y se atrajeron, se adaptaron y se combatieron. Si bien se han postulado hipótesis que enfatizan la continuidad de matrices de comportamiento -el integralismo, el mito de la nación católica-, el concepto de cultura política resulta más pertinente para sobrevolar las fronteras estrictamente ideológicas, y analizar qué apropiaciones, vínculos y formas de ser en el mundo permitieron la convivencia de tan diversos grupos en un mismo espacio, su reproducción a lo largo del tiempo y sus conflictos internos. Este artículo pretende explorar los distintos rostros de la cultura política católica en el período de entreguerras, para rastrear aquellos aspectos que permiten hablar de identidades y disidencias. ; Is there a Catholic political culture? Throughout the twentieth century the laity and the hierarchy were associated with different ideologies. We can find Catholic reformers in the government of Roque Saenz Pena (1910-1914), different kinds of nationalists in the thirties, anti-fascists during the Second World War, Catholic Peronists and anti-Peronists, and liberationist in the convulsed sixties and seventies. We must add to this conflictive picture, the relations established between religion and culture, i.e., the ways in which both areas were rejected and were attracted, adapted and fought. While hypotheses that have been postulated emphasizes the continuity of matrices of behavior -the integralism, the myth of the Catholic nation-, the concept of political culture is more relevant to overfly the strictly ideological boundaries, and analyze what appropriations, links and ways of being in the world allowed the coexistence of diverse groups in the same space, reproduction over time and internal conflicts. This article aims to explore the different faces of Catholic political culture in the interwar period, to track those aspects that allow to speak of identities and dissidence.

University values have lately been manifesting themselves through the culture of quality. Current society, which has progressed to post-modernity, presupposes the formation of a new culture in organisations. The given research investigates the contexts for the (self-)formation of the culture of dialogue, which are receptive to the current development of modern society. So far, the essence and manifestation of this dialogue have been more emphasised through global cultural characteristics. The article seeks to highlight multicultural characteristics and to individualise the manifestation of the culture of dialogue when managing a higher education institution. Analysing the importance of higher education quality in postmodern society and grand political narratives in maintaining the culture of dialogue, the article highlights socio-cultural contexts of managing the quality of science and studies, grounded on the dialogue of culture.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ss.79.1.4073 ; Šiandienos visuomenė, perėjusi prie postmodernaus būvio, suponuoja naujos kultūros formavimą organizacijose. Šiame straipsnyje diskutuojami dialogo kultūros formavimo(si) kontekstai. Iki šiol dialogo esmė ir raiška buvo akcentuojama per globalias kultūrines charakteristikas. Šiame straipsnyje bus siekiama išryškinti multikultūrines charakteristikas, labiau individualizuoti dialogo kultūros raišką aukštosios mokyklos valdymo kontekstuose. Analizuojant aukštojo mokslo kokybės reikšmę postmodernioje visuomenėje bei dialogo kultūrą palaikančius didžiuosius politinius naratyvus, išryškinami dialogo kultūros grindžiami mokslo ir studijų kokybės valdymo kontekstai. Šiame straipsnyje remiamasi Lyotard (1993), Baudrillard (2002) postmoderniojo būvio interpretacijomis. Šių autorių teorijas vienija pastangos atskleisti, kaip konstruojami socialiniai kultūriniai kontekstai. Kultūra suvokiama kaip procesas, kaip tobulinimas, išgryninimas (Kavolis, 1996). Straipsnyje laikomasi pozicijos, kad dialogas nekuria pasaulio bendrumo, bet jį išskleidžia. Tai ...

Twitter has become a broad network of news and information. Journalists exploit the possibilities of this network to access information sources, to disseminate messages or participate in debates about current news. The objective of this investigation is to discover what Spanish journalists talk about on Twitter through a comparative study between journalists working in traditional media and in cyber media and determine if there is a difference between their platform usage. This research analyzes 3,500 tweets taken from two samples of Spanish journalists (conventional media professionals and digital media professionals). This comparative study is based on six major thematic categories: politics, international affairs, society, communication and culture, according to a system of classification of registration units consisting of 6 thematic groups covering 35 categories and 1,226 subcategories. The research identifies, among other aspects, a predominance of content focused on political issues compared to other thematic areas. In addition, there are very homogeneous network utilization dynamics among general media journalists and digital journalists, while there is a growing interest in society and culture issues and a shortage of content about the network and the journalistic profession itself. ; Twitter s'ha convertit en una àmplia xarxa de notícies i informació. Els periodistes aprofiten les possibilitats d'aquesta xarxa per accedir a fonts d'informació, difondre missatges o participar en debats sobre actualitat. L'objectiu d'aquesta investigació és saber de què parlen els periodistes espanyols a Twitter a través d'un estudi comparatiu entre periodistes que treballen en mitjans tradicionals i en cibermitjans per establir si existeixen diferències entre ells i quines són les tendències d'ús de la plataforma en cadascun dels grups. Aquesta investigació analitza 3.500 tuits extrets de dues mostres de periodistes espanyols (professionals dels mitjans convencionals i professionals dels mitjans digitals). El treball fa ...

Citizen participation has been discussed as an essential feature for sustainability and democracy. Normative participatory approaches, like participatory planning, developed in the North, spread across the globe as 'placeless' generalizations. Embedded in the context of northern cities, normative participatory planning theories resulted in serious failures in the Global South. Planning scholars engaged with the Global South argue that the usefulness of these northern approaches is conditioned by contexts that do not fit southern cities. In critique of the eurocentrism, planning scholars discuss the need for more appropriate participatory planning theory, building on southern perspectives, absent from scientific traditions. This thesis contributes to the debate for more appropriate participatory planning by investigating Bolivia's efforts to decolonize participatory planning through an indigenous-based participatory planning legislation. Findings from a case study of Sacaba municipality show that over time different participatory ideas were adapted and combined to create a particular form of participatory planning. Conflicting rationalities between local authorities, planners and citizens regarding the purpose and scope of participation shaped both invited and invented forms of participation. I argue for the need to consider 'hybrid cultures of participation' tailored to the specific contexts. I further propose three lessons from Sacaba's implementation of the indigenous-based planning legislation: 1) the need to continuously update the understanding of the local context; 2) the risk of sustaining power imbalances within institutional frameworks; and 3) the importance of promoting continuous critical reflection between authorities, planners and population.

This paper analyzes social and cultural practices by workers (mostly skilled workers) through worker centers, unions and mutualities that formed in Tucumán between 1897 and 1916) from the perspective of a Social History which is permeable to cultural and political phenomena. In particular, the research explores the literary and musical events intended to raise funds and to celebrate significant national holidays and unions' events. Meanwhile, is examines the May Day rallies, which are believed to be the most important workers' celebration. It is argued that societies' boundaries were porous, and in associative practice, the general role of mutualities, unions and resistance societies could be combined for purposes intended to encourage workers' education, sociability, recreation and culture. ; Desde una perspectiva de historia social, abierta a su vez a los fenómenos culturales y políticos, esta contribución analiza las prácticas de sociabilidad y de cultura desarrolladas por los trabajadores, mayoritariamente de oficio, a través de centros obreros, gremios y mutuales que se formaron en Tucumán entre 1897 y 1916. En particular, la investigación explora las veladas literario-musicales destinadas a recaudar fondos y conmemorar efemérides destacadas del calendario patrio y asociativo. Paralelamente, examina las manifestaciones del Primero de Mayo, entendidas como la principal conmemoración obrera. Se argumenta que las fronteras de las sociedades fueron porosas y, en la práctica asociacionista, las funciones genéricas de las mutuales, gremios y sociedades de resistencia podían combinarse con propósitos orientados a estimular la educación, la sociabilidad, el recreo y la cultura de los trabajadores.

This research article examines cultural policies designed by local government authorities and their impact on social and regional development in the municipality of Xanthi, Thrace. It also analyzes and examines the cultural activities implemented by the Greek municipalities. In particular, it reflects upon events, changes, and concerns that involve cultural affairs, and evaluates their socioeconomic, political, spatial, and regional dimensions. Considering that the locality is part of the totality, the process of achieving cultural development in Xanthi is particularly interesting, as it is fundamental to the entire Greek cultural image. The regional element of the area can be also identified as national. Consequently, local cultural development becomes an essential part of national development. This study could trigger a fertile and constructive process of reflection on the role of local cultural policy in further achieving social and economic development. The issues raised by the research contribute to scientific research and dialogue and highlight the role of municipalities as active cultural assets with distinct cultural identities in the context of a Europe of Regions.

The paper is focused on the place of laughter basis in political culture in socio-cultural dynamics, accentuating its current state (in ethical dimension). Laughter in politics is intended to purify morals and customs of a society. But when humor in politics is transforming into ridicule, it destroys everything around. Since Early Modernity politics had been comprehended beyond laughter. Characteristics of Modernity political culture were rather pathos and sublimity, and they were connected with the establishing of the civil state. Political culture of our days has the stamp of populism. On the one hand, populism is the inevitable part of political culture in a democratic society. On the other hand, populism is defined by the mode of civic demands and ability of political elite to give adequate response on them. At the wave of populism, politicians achieve success, articulating unpretentious minimalistic programs and creeds. Laughter in the form of ridicule becomes one of the mighty tools at the time of populism. The author argues that today political culture is reduced to travesty, happening. Its observing leaves the feeling of unreal, futile, inability to change such order of things on the due one. Impossibility of catharsis does not allow hoping on the social tension relieving and the creating of the new world. ; В статье прослеживается место смехового начала в политической культуре в социокультурной динамике с акцентуацией ее нынешнего состояния (в этическом ключе). Доказывается мысль, что сегодня политическая культура превращается в травести, театрализированное действо, созерцание которого оставляет ощущение ненастоящести, несерьезности, невозможности изменить какой порядок вещей на должный. Невозможность катарсиса не дает оснований надеяться на снятие социальной напряженности и создание нового мира. ; У статі досліджується місце сміхового начала у політичній культурі в соціокультурній динаміці з акцентуацією її сучасного стану (в етичному ключі). Доводиться думка, що сьогодні політична культура перетворюється на травестію, театралізоване дійство, споглядання якого залишає відчуття несправжності, несерйозності, неможливості змінити такий порядок речей на належний.

The paper is focused on the place of laughter basis in political culture in socio-cultural dynamics, accentuating its current state (in ethical dimension). Laughter in politics is intended to purify morals and customs of a society. But when humor in politics is transforming into ridicule, it destroys everything around. Since Early Modernity politics had been comprehended beyond laughter. Characteristics of Modernity political culture were rather pathos and sublimity, and they were connected with the establishing of the civil state. Political culture of our days has the stamp of populism. On the one hand, populism is the inevitable part of political culture in a democratic society. On the other hand, populism is defined by the mode of civic demands and ability of political elite to give adequate response on them. At the wave of populism, politicians achieve success, articulating unpretentious minimalistic programs and creeds. Laughter in the form of ridicule becomes one of the mighty tools at the time of populism. The author argues that today political culture is reduced to travesty, happening. Its observing leaves the feeling of unreal, futile, inability to change such order of things on the due one. Impossibility of catharsis does not allow hoping on the social tension relieving and the creating of the new world. ; В статье прослеживается место смехового начала в политической культуре в социокультурной динамике с акцентуацией ее нынешнего состояния (в этическом ключе). Доказывается мысль, что сегодня политическая культура превращается в травести, театрализированное действо, созерцание которого оставляет ощущение ненастоящести, несерьезности, невозможности изменить какой порядок вещей на должный. Невозможность катарсиса не дает оснований надеяться на снятие социальной напряженности и создание нового мира. ; У статі досліджується місце сміхового начала у політичній культурі в соціокультурній динаміці з акцентуацією її сучасного стану (в етичному ключі). Доводиться думка, що сьогодні політична культура перетворюється на травестію, театралізоване дійство, споглядання якого залишає відчуття несправжності, несерйозності, неможливості змінити такий порядок речей на належний.

This volume is the first one in a collection connected to the PRIN project on Ruling in hard times. Patterns of Power and practices of government in the making of Carolingian Italy. Its focus lays on bishops and their networks of relationships in late-8th and 9th-century Italy. The episcopal contribution to the inclusion of the Lombard kingdom in the Carolingian social and political landscape is especially analyzed from the perspective of the cultural exchanges (of ideas, texts, and manuscripts) that bishops created or used to carry out their public and pastoral duties. Each paper focuses on a specific episcopal figure or area, reconstructing the scope and extent of the relationships of which they were the pivot. The aim is to provide as comprehensive a picture as possible of the cultural networks that crossed Carolingian Italy and the ways in which bishops shaped and made use of them.