Suchergebnisse

Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth has moderated from 6.7 percent in FY11 to 6.3 percent in FY12 due to unfavorable external economics and internal supply constraints. Monetary policy remained accommodative for most of 2011 but gradual tightening is occurring. With the high fiscal deficit and domestic borrowing by Government, monetary policy is now bearing the brunt of macroeconomic policy adjustment. The balance of payments (BoP) is on a deteriorating track, with reserves falling to below three months of imports and export growth turning negative in March 2012. A coordinated policy response is required to ease macroeconomic pressures and improve growth prospects. Key actions include the need to create fiscal space, contain government borrowing to mitigate the risk of crowding out of credit to the private sector, better regulate the capital market, and stimulate investment and job growth in the export sector. Unlike in 2008, Bangladesh has insufficient policy space to avert the negative impact of a global slowdown through fiscal stimulus packages and monetary easing.

This paper discusses Senegalâ??s Seventh Review Under the Policy Support Instrument (PSI) and Request for Modification of Assessment Criteria. GDP growth was lower than expected in 2013 but would increase to 4.9 percent in 2014 with a rebound in agriculture, mining, and industry. All quantitative assessment criteria and indicative targets for end-2013 were met, including on the budget deficit despite a significant revenue shortfall. Structural reform implementation has been slow, with many benchmarks met after their respective deadlines. Despite challenging prospects for 2014, the authorities

[This book] describes the emergence and nature of the prevailing African political and economic institutions in two periods. In the first, most African countries adopted political and economic institutions that funneled significant levels of political and economic power to the political elites, usually through one- or no-party (military) political systems, inward-oriented development policies, and/or state-led--and often state-owned--industrialization. In the second period, most countries adopted institutions that diluted the averarching political and economic power of ruling elites through the adoption of de jure multiparty electoral systems, more outward-oriented trade policies, and the privatization of many state-owned or -controlled sectors, though significant political and economic power remains in their hands. The choices made in each period were consistent with prevailing ideas on governance and development, the self-interests of political elites, and the perceived availability of support or autonomy vis-à-vis domestic, regional, and international sources of power at the time. This book illustrates how these two region-wide shifts in prevailing political and economic institutions and practices of Africa can be linked to two prior global geopolitical realignments: World War II and the ensuing American- and Soviet-led bipolar system and the end of the Cold War with American primacy. Each period featured changed or newly empowered international and regional leaders with competing national priorities within new intellectual and geopolitical climates, altering the opportunities and constraints for African leaders in instituting or maintaining particular political and economic institutions or practices. The economic and political institutions of Africa that emerged did so as a result of a complex mix of contending domestic, regional, and international forces (material and intellectual)--all which were themselves greatly transformed in the wake of these two global geopolitical realignments. -- Back cover

Bei dem vorliegenden Beitrag handelt es sich um den Abdruck eines Kapitels aus dem viel beachteten Buch der Autorin "Gender in International Relations" (1992). Die Autorin versucht hier zu zeigen, dass zentrale Grundbegriffe der internationalen Politik, wie Macht, Souveränität von Staaten und Sicherheit, männliche Konstrukte darstellen, die historisch überlieferte Machtverhältnisse reproduzieren. In ihrer Kritik am neo-realistischen Machtbegriff weist sie darauf hin, dass dieser Begriff traditionelle männliche Attribute des rationalen, strategischen Kalküls, des Machtstrebens und der Konkurrenz, wie sie vor allem von Hobbes und Locke begründet wurden, auf Staaten projiziert. Die verbreitete Annahme, dass Staaten in einer anarchischen Welt Sicherheit erhöhen, ist insofern irreführend, als sie zum einen die innere Gewalt, die in einem Staate stattfindet, wie häusliche Gewalt gegen Frauen oder Vergewaltigung, ignoriert. Zum anderen folgt aus diesem Machtbegriff für die Analyse der Außenbeziehungen von Staaten ein zu eng gefasster Sicherheitsbegriff: Realisten und Neorealisten beschäftigen sich ausschließlich mit militärischen und wirtschaftlichen Problemen, während andere wichtige Bereiche, wie Umweltprobleme, soziale Marginalisierung und Weltarmut, ausgeklammert bleiben. Weltpolitisch bedrohliche Konflikte können nach Meinung der Autorin jedoch nicht bewältigt werden, solange soziale Hierarchien bestehen bleiben, die auf der herkömmlichen Geschlechterordnung basieren. Auf der Grundlage eines kritisch-feministischen Machtbegriffs, der Macht als Ausdruck sozialer Beziehungen fasst und weibliche Erfahrungen und Denkmodelle aufnimmt, entwickelt sie einen erweiterten Sicherheitsbegriff, der den Schutz vor äußerer Bedrohung mit innerer Sicherheit zusammenführt. (ICI2)