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It is well established that the race and gender of elected representatives influence the ways in which they legislate, but surprisingly little research exists on how race and gender interact to affect who is elected and how they behave once in office. This text takes up the call to think about representation in the United States as intersectional, and it measures the extent to which political representation is simultaneously gendered and raced. Drawing on original data on the presence, policy leadership, and policy impact of Black women and men, Latinas and Latinos, and White women and men in state legislative office in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, this work demonstrates what an intersectional approach to identity politics can reveal.

Lawyers probably hold public office & engage in political activity more than members of any other single occupational group. Examined is the hypothesis that, in Ur areas, individual practitioners are more active politically than lawyers in large law firms. The purpose is to employ explicitly political variables, notably political party identification, to determine the influence of structural legal variables on lawyers' political activity. The data were collected in a mail survey of lawyers in Wichita, Kan during the spring of 1974. Of 708 lawyers surveyed, 351 (49.6%) returned usable questionnaires. A political activity index was constructed from seven items drawn from L. Milbrath, Political Participation (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1965). Lawyers with firms of fewer than five members were classified with solo lawyers; those with firms of eleven or more members, as large firm lawyers. Analysis of the data reveals that political activity and type of practice are related, but political party identification qualifies the relationship. Only for Republicans are type of practice & political activity related at an acceptable level of statistical significance. Political independents are not very politically active, regardless of practice situation. Democratic attorneys in all practice situations exhibit a relatively high propensity to engage in political activity. Democratic lawyers have greater opportunities for participation &/or are more likely to be co-opted into politics than are Republican attorneys. The type of practice, however, seems to affect lawyers' propensities to engage in specific types of political activity, even when party is held constant. Attorneys in small firms or solo practice exhibit a strong tendency to seek & hold office; large firm lawyers tend to restrict their political activities to such other forms of participation as making campaign contributions. The type of legal practice may also help explain the amount of interest lawyers have in politics. Republican solo & small firm lawyers express as much interest in politics as do their Democratic counterparts, but Democrats in small firms are much more likely to be highly active in politics. Legal practice may help inspire political interest or ambition, but the pool of potential leaders available to the parties may influence political participation. 2 Tables. Modified AA.

The advent of social media and increased digitization of social processes have had a dramatic impact on politics and, particularly, on political mobilization and communication. The political science methodology and toolkit have also adapted to these changes and absorbed a variety of new approaches and methods from the burgeoning field of data science. This paper provides an overview of some of the key methodological innovations to the political science toolkit drawn from data science and discusses the advantages and limitations of these new methods for studying protest activity and political mobilization in social media. We focus on supervised and unsupervised learning as two major groups of methods that can be applied to either facilitate data collection in almost real time or the analysis of big data on protest activity. We discuss overfitting, regularization, and hyperparameter selection via cross-validation in the context of supervised methods, and present topic modeling and social network analysis techniques within unsupervised methods. The strengths and weaknesses of these methods are illustrated with references to recent articles published in peerreviewed journals. We conclude the paper with a discussion of the emerging methods that have not been used in political mobilization research yet and are open for further exploration by political scientists.

published_or_final_version ; Social Work ; Master ; Master of Social Sciences

In this article some aspects of the competition between different political parties and political groups and fractions in the process of the construction of democratic state and civil society in the Republic of Uzbekistan are considered.

"In this powerful new history, New York Times bestselling author Max Wallace draws on groundbreaking research to reframe Helen Keller's journey after the miracle, vividly bringing to light her rarely discussed, lifelong fight for social justice across gender, class, race, and ability. Raised in Alabama, she sent shockwaves through the South when she launched a public broadside against Jim Crow and donated to the NAACP. She used her fame to oppose American intervention in WWI. She spoke out against Hitler the month he took power in 1933 and embraced the anti-fascist cause during the Spanish Civil War. She was one of the first public figures to alert the world to the evils of Apartheid, raising money to defend Nelson Mandela when he faced the death penalty for High Treason. She lambasted Joseph McCarthy at the height of the Cold War, even as her contemporaries shied away from his notorious witch hunt. But who was this revolutionary figure? She was Helen Keller. From books to movies to Barbie dolls, most mainstream portrayals of Keller focus heavily on her struggles as a deafblind child-portraying her Teacher, Annie Sullivan, as a miracle worker. This narrative-which has often made Keller a secondary character in her own story-has resulted in few people knowing that Keller's greatest accomplishment was not learning to speak, but what she did with her voice when she found it. After the Miracle is a much-needed corrective to this antiquated narrative. In this first major biography of Keller in decades, Max Wallace reveals that the lionization of Sullivan at the expense of her famous pupil was no accident, and calls attention to Keller's efforts as a card-carrying socialist, fierce anti-racist, and progressive disability advocate. Despite being raised in an era when eugenics and discrimination were commonplace, Keller consistently challenged the media for its ableist coverage and was one of the first activists to highlight the links between disability and capitalism, even as she struggled against the expectations and prejudices of those closest to her. Peeling back the curtain that obscured Keller's political crusades in favor of her "inspirational" childhood, After the Miracle chronicles the complete legacy of one of the 20th century's most extraordinary figures"--

How minority legislators influence policy development in Congress remains a relevant question for those interested in race and political representation. This article addresses this question using evidence from participation in committee work—a vantage point that has received minimal attention in scholarship on black political representation. I interpret racial differences in participation in House committees across a range of policy areas, demonstrating that black members participate at higher rates within committees than whites on both black interest and nonracial bills. The results suggest that race has a substantive effect on members' policy priorities and their legislative activity within committees.

The purpose of this research is to determine the relationship, in Russia, between participation in voluntary associations during education and political participation during adulthood