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The paper explains the process of transition to democracy of a Zapotec community in the deep highlands of Oaxaca, in Southern México. That transition go hand to hand with profound religious changes. The paper shows how that political transition took place because a strong process of secularization and religious pluralism that modified all the socioeconomics structures of the Zapotec people. The paper shows the transition from a political regimen ruled by Shamans, a theocracy, to a gerontocracy, a regimen ruled by an Elder's Council. And more lately, the transition from gerontocracy to the formation of a direct democracy, a regimen ruled by a People's Assembly, integrated by all the citizens of the Zapotec community.

The confluence of social media with political action is a complex field raising important questions. Is social media a realm for democratic deliberation? Can we ascertain public opinion from social media outlets? How are people using social media for political participation? Can social media boost democracy in authoritarian regimes? Here, the author considers these questions and contemplates the future of social media and politics.

Many countries recently have adopted formal democratic institutions and processes, such as the use of regular elections for national political offices. Many citizens, suffering from poverty and extreme social inequality, nonetheless feel politically excluded and dissatisfied. They sometimes turn to collective action and protest to help correct perceived injustices, yet protest often is rendered ineffective by the long-standing authoritarian habits of politicians, by clientalistic arrangements, and by citizens' inexperience with collective action. This article draws on Jane Mansbridge and Aldon Morris's differentiation of oppositional anger and oppositional consciousness to understand the limits to protest in new democracies. Anger, which is necessary for triggering collective action, by itself does not foster effective popular action. Often a full-fledged oppositional consciousness also is needed. This article examines three cases of protest in Argentina to illustrate the roles of oppositional anger, minimal oppositional consciousness, and full-fledged oppositional consciousness in popular politics. The study concludes that, thus far, most groups in Argentina that engage in collective action have not manifested a full-fledged oppositional consciousness. Protesters, to be effective, need to develop a more coherent understanding of the systematic oppression that they face, including the persistence of Peronism. . Adapted from the source document.