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Diese Analyse des Osloer Prozesses postuliert eine friedensstrategisch bedeutsame Unterscheidung zwischen Abkommen als Basis einer politischen Partnerschaft zwischen Segmenten der beteiligten Gemeinwesen (im konkreten Fall zwischen moderaten politischen Parteien in Israel und dem Arafat-Flügel der PLO) und Abkommen als rechtlich verbindlichen Arrangements zwischen den Gemeinwesen. Die Erfahrungen mit dem Oslo-Prozess legen die Hypothese nahe, daß der Übergang von der politischen Partnerschaft zur rechtlichen Vereinbarung weder zu früh erfolgen noch zu lange hinausgezögert werden darf. Die sorgfältige Analyse des fruchtbaren, aber fragilen Verhältnisses zwischen der politischen und der rechtlichen Dimension von Friedensabkommen kann entscheidend zum Erfolg der Bemühungen um die Beendigung andauernder Konflikte beitragen. (DÜI-Hns)

The Sub-committee on Personnel of the Committee on Policy of the American Political Science Association has the function of considering and reporting on problems relating to the selection, training, and employment of men and women whose training is primarily in the field of political science, and the study of political science in the education of those to whom it should be an essential part of a training program. The fields of possible employment would seem to be the following:1. Teaching political science in (a) universities, (b) four-year colleges, (c) junior colleges, (d) normal schools and teachers colleges separate from universities, (e) secondary schools, and (f) other institutions.2. Research work in connection with (a) universities and other institutions of learning, (b) government departments, (c) institutes and bureaus of government research outside universities, (d) political parties, farmers organizations, trade unions, chambers of commerce, taxpayers' associations, and similar interest groups.3. Public service such as (a) general public administration, (b) technical staff services (personnel, finance, etc.), (c) professional line services (foreign service, engineering, etc.), (d) legislative drafting and reference service.

"What can the disciplines of political science and economics learn from one another? Political scientists have recently begun to adapt economic theories of exchange, trade, and competition to the study of legislatures, parties, and voting. At the same time, some of the most innovative and influential thinkers in economics have crossed the boundaries of their discipline to explore the classic questions of political science. Competition and Cooperation features six of these path-breaking scholars, all winners of the Nobel Prize for Economics, in a series of conversations with more that a dozen distinguished political scientists

Testimonial reports of mystics highlight an experience of peace in the midst of their mystical encounters, despite claiming that these encounters resist description. What I intend to do is to explore ways in which mystical peace, in combination with several principal features of the mystical life, is able to afford some special means in the initiation and building of peace in the world. These special or unique means rest on the distinctive traits of what mysticism harbors; traits such as infinity, all-encompassingness, ultimacy, and paradox.

AbstractPolitical scientists rely heavily on survey research to gain insights into public attitudes and behaviors. Over the past decade, survey data collection has moved away from personal face-to-face and telephone interviewing towards a model of computer-assisted self-interviewing. A hallmark of many online surveys is the prominent display of the survey's sponsor, most often an academic institution, in the initial consent form and/or on the survey website itself. It is an open question whether these displays of academic survey sponsorship could increase total survey error. We measure the extent to which sponsorship (by a university or marketing firm) affects data quality, including satisficing behavior, demand characteristics, and socially desirable responding. In addition, we examine whether sponsor effects vary depending on the participant's experience with online surveys. Overall, we find no evidence that response quality is affected by survey sponsor or by past survey experience.

This article examines the migration of reactionary antimodern thought from Europe to the United States of America. It assesses the impact that the work of two antimodern thinkers, Leo Strauss and Eric Voegelin, had on two distinct domains of American thought, namely, conservative political ideology and academic political science. The paper argues that the antimodern perspective, eagerly absorbed by many intellectuals, has pushed American conservatism not only in an anti-liberal, but also in an antidemocratic direction. On the other hand, in academic political science, Strauss's and Voegelin's critiques of modernity, though certainly audible and noted, were neither taken seriously nor confronted in depth by the mainstream of the discipline. This neglect should be corrected, I contend, for contemporary political science is in need of a mature and nuanced theory of modernity that is capable of rising up to the radical challenge of the antimoderns.

Reflecting on his academic exile in the United States, the Germanpolitical scientist Franz L. Neumann emphasized the cross-fertilizationof ideas as a result of the confrontation of different scientific andpolitical cultures.1 According to Neumann, the migration of hundredsof European academics to the United States led to a growinginternationalization of the social sciences and a two-way learningprocess. The Europeans became accustomed to the practice of theAmerican liberal democracy and learned to value its political culture;émigré scholars, on the other hand, brought with them a differentacademic Denkstil and contributed to a more critical self-understandingof American democratic theory.